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HISTORY 


OF  THE 

SIEGE  OF  BOSTON, 

* AND  OF  THE 

BATTLES  OF  LEXINGTON,  CONCORD, 

AND 

BUNKER  HILL. 

ALSO,  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE 

BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


WITH  ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS. 


BY 

RICHARD  FROTHINGHAM. 


THIRD  EDITION. 


BOSTON: 

LITTLE,  BROWN,  AND  COMPANY. 
1872. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1849,  by 
RICHARD  FROTHINGH  AM,  Je. 

In  the  Clerk’s  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  Massachusetts. 


f 7 3.331 
F 7^7 


PEEFACE. 


The  preparation  of  a History  of  Charlestown  led  to 
large  collections  relative  to  the  military  transactions 
that  occurred,  in  1775  and  1776,  in  the  vicinity  of 
Boston.  The  greater  part  of  them,  however,  could 
not  be  properly  used  in  a publication  of  so  local  a 
character  ; and  as  no  work  had  been  issued  containing 
a full  narrative  of  these  interesting  events,  it  was  con- 
cluded to  prepare  the  present  volume.  It  will  be 
found  to  contain  little  of  general  history,  and  no  more 
of  the  civil  history  of  Boston  than  appeared  to  be 
necessary  to  show  its  relation  to  the  patriot  party  at 
the  commencement  of  hostilities. 

Time  and  labor  have  been  freely  spent  in  searching 
for  original  documents  for  this  work.  Hence,  much  of 
the  narrative  has  been  drawn  from  contemporary 
manuscripts,  and  nearly  all  of  it  from  contemporary 
authorities.  Less  scepticism  as  to  tradition,  and  the 
admission  of  a larger  portion  of  personal  anecdote, 
might  have  made  it  more  amusing,  but  it  would  have 
been  less  reliable.  No  statement  has  been  made 
without  being  warranted  by  authority  believed  to  be 
good,  and  no  opinion  has  been  expressed  which  a 


IV 


PREFACE. 


careful  scrutiny  of  evidence  did  not  seem  to  authorize. 
Ample  time,  also,  has  been  taken  in  the  labor  of 
arrangement,  and  hence  haste  will  not  be  pleaded  in 
extenuation  of  error.  It  will  only  be  remarked,  that 
while  there  has  been  diligent  search  for  facts,  a careful 
endeavor  has  been  made  to  state  them  fairly  and 
exactly. 

The  author  takes  pleasure  in  expressing  grateful 
acknowledgments  to  the  many  friends  who  have  aided 
or  encouraged  his  humble  labors.  He  will  always 
remember  their  courtesy  and  kindness.  He  is  specially 
indebted  to  President  Jared  Sparks,  Hon.  James  Sav- 
age, and  George  Ticknor,  Esquire,  for  valuable  assist- 
ance. The  librarians  of  various  public  institutions 
have  rendered  every  facility  in  making  researches. 
Such  attention  is  alike  cheering  and  gratifying  to  the 
inquirer. 

This  volume  has  been  written  under  sentiments  of 
grateful  veneration  for  the  memory  of  the  men  who 
sacrificed  so  much,  and  who  struggled  so  nobly,  in  be- 
half of  American  Liberty.  May  it  contribute  something 
to  perpetuate  the  story  of  their  heroism  and  suffer- 
ing, and  to  foster  a desire  to  emulate  their  virtues  and 
patriotism. 

December,  1849. 

The  volume  has  been  revised  for  this  new  edition,  and  a few  correc- 
tions, mostly  verbal,  have  been  made. 

Charlestown,  February,  1851. 

In  this  third  edition  a few  errors  have  been  corrected,  and  a few 
facts  and  authorities  added,  — one,  in  the  Appendix,  being  a Letter 
relative  to  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 

Charlestoivn.  December  2,  1872. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I.  — COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


Date. 

Page 

Date. 

Page 

1774. 

1774. 

Progress  of  New  England,  . . 

. i 

Sept. 

Boston  in  1774,  . . . 

...  17 

Jealousy  of  Great  Britain,  . . 

. 2 

Topography,  . 

...  18 

Taxation  of  the  Colonies,  . . . 

. 3 

Government,  . 

...  18 

Massachusetts  Politics,  . . . 

. 4 

Population,  . . . 

Mar.  31. 

Passage  of  the  Port  Bill,  . . . 

. 5 

Commerce,  . . . . 

...  20 

May  13. 

Arrival  of  General  Gage,  . . . 

. 5 

-r—  Patriots,  .... 

17. 

Lands  in  Boston, 

. 6 

Divines, 

. . .21 

June. 

Orders  Troops  to  Boston,  . . . 

. 7 

Mechanics,  . . . 

...  25 

The  Regulating  Acts,  .... 

. S 

Public  Meetings, 

...  26 

Aug.  6. 

Received  by  Gage, 

. 9 

Committees,  . . . 

. . .27 

Committees  of  Correspondence, 

. 10 

Clubs, 

26. 

Council  at  Faneuil  Hall,  . . . 

. 11 

Newspapers,  . . . 

...  31 

30. 

Middlesex  County  Convention, 

. 12 

— rjr-  Tories, 

Sept.  1. 

Removal  of  Powder, 

. 13 

— — Daily  News,  . . . 

Popular  Excitement, 

. 14 

Suffering,  . . . . 

...  37 

4. 

Fortification  of  Boston  Neck, 

. 15 

26. 

Militia  Organized,  .... 

...  41 

Remonstrances, 

. 16 

Nov. 

British  Troops  in  Boston, 

. . .43 

/ ) , 

— 

— '/ 

CHAPTER  n.  — LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 
1775.  1775. 


January. 

Policy  of  the  Patriots,  .... 

45 

April  19.  Gathering  of  the  Minute-men, 

71 

of  General  Gage,  . . . 

46 

The  British  leave  Concord,  . . 

72 

23. 

Expedition  to  Marshfield,  . . 

46 

Skirmish  at  Merriam’s  Corner, 

72 

Feb.  26. 

Expedition  to  Salem,  .... 

47 

in  Lincoln,  .... 

Insults  of  the  British  Troops,  . 

49 

in  Lexington,  . . . 

74 

Mar.  30. 

Excursion  into  the  Country,  . 

51 

Disorder  of  the  British,  . . . 

74 

Hostile  News  from  England,  . 

52 

Lord  Percy’s  March,  .... 

76 

Spirit  of  the  Patriots,  .... 

53 

Doctor  Warren  and  Gen.  Heath, 

76 

April. 

Gage  resolves  to  destroy  theStores.55 

Events  in  West  Cambridge,  . 

77 

15. 

Suspicious  Movements  in  Boston,  56 

Fire  at  Prospect  Hill,  .... 

18. 

Proceedings  of  British  Officers, 

56 

Events  in  Charlestown,  . . . 

79 

Embarkation  of  Troops,  . . . 

58 

Killed  and  Wounded,  .... 

80 

The  Town  of  Lexington,  . . . 

59 

Monuments,  

March  of  Colonel  Smith,  . . . 

60 

Character  of  the  Battle,  . . . 

S3 

19. 

Skirmish  at  Lexington,  . . . 

62 

Effect  in  the  Colonies,  .... 

84 

Concord  in  1775, 

64 

Narrative  sent  to  England,  . . 

S5 

Retreat  of  the  Militia,  .... 

66 

Effect  in  England,  ...... 

86 

The  British  in  Concord,  . . . 

67 

Ministerial  Card 

87 

The  Militia  and  Minute-men, 

67 

British  Comments, 

Skirmish  at  the  North  Bridge, 

69 

Greatness  of  the  Day,  .... 

90 

A* 


276200 


VI 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  HI.— 

THE 

SIEGE 

OF  BOSTON. 

Date, 

Page 

Date. 

P«g* 

1775. 

1775. 

April  20. 

Circulars  of  the  Committee  of 

May  3. 

Letter  to  the  Continental  Con- 

Safety, 

gress, 

106 

Assembling  of  a.t  Army,  . . 

. 92 

4. 

Letter  to  Connecticut,  . . . . 

106 

The  People  of  Boston,  . . . 

. 93 

5. 

Vote  against  Governor  Gage,  . 

107 

23. 

Agreement  with  Gage,  . . . 

. 94 

9. 

Alarm  in  the  Camp, 

107 

27. 

Delivery  of  Arms, 

13. 

March  to  Charlestown,  . . . . 

107 

Violation  of  the  Agreement,  . 

. 96 

17. 

A British  Barge  fired  upon,  . . 

108 

The  People  of  Charlestown,  . 

. 97 

21. 

Fight  at  Grape  Island,  . . . . 

108 

Action  of  Massachusetts,  . . 

. 98 

27. 

at  Noddle’s  Island,  . . . 

109 

of  New  Hampshire,  . 

. 99 

June. 

Debates  on  Armed  Vessels,  . . . 

110 

of  Connecticut,  . . . 

. 100 

6. 

Exchange  of  Prisoners,  . . . . 

111 

of  Rhode  Island,  . . . 

. 100 

12. 

/Proclamation  of  Gage,  . . . . 

113 

Organization  of  the  Army,  . 

. 101 

/ The  British  Army, 

114 

Its  Character, 

Report  on  Fortifications,  . . . 

115 

Its  Officers,  /. 

. 103 

15. 

Resolve  to  occupy  Bunker  Hill, 

116 

May  1. 

Embassy  of  Connecticut,  . . 

. 104 

16, 

^JJosition  of  the  Americans,  . . 

117 

Fortifications  at  Cambridge,  . 

. 106 

'.  -Description  of  Charlestown, . 

119 

CHAPTER  IV.  — BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


June  16. 

Detachment  ordered  to  Bunker 

June  17.  Sufferings  of  the  Men,  . . 

126 

Hill, 

121 

British  Council  of  War,  J/<.  . 

127 

Prescott’s  Orders, 

122 

Prescott  and  Reinforcements,  . 

128 

March  to  Charlestown,  . . . . 

122 

Putnam  and  the  Intrenching 

Consultation  of  Officers,  . . . 

123 

Tools, 

129 

Proceedings  during  the  Night,  . 

124 

Preparations  of  the  British,  . . 

130 

17. 

Cannonade  of  the  British,  . . . 

125 

Landing  at  Charlestown,  . . . 

131 

Prescott’s  Coolness, 

126 

Alarm  in  Cambridge, 

132 

June  17. 


Anxiety  at  Breed’s  Hill,  . 133 
Putnam.  Warren.  Pomeroy,  133 
The  Rail-fence  Breastwork,  . . 134 
The  New  Hampshire  Troops,  . 134 
The  American  Defences,  . . . 135 
Positions  of  the  Regiments,  . . 136 
Howe’s  Speech  to  his  Men,  . . 137 
Walker’s  Reconnoitre  Service,  . 13S 
Advance  of  the  British,  . . . .139 
Fire  of  the  Artillery.  Plate.  /.  139 

>*First  Attack, 140 

Putnam  and  Prescott,  ......  142 


Second  Attack, 

Burning  of  Charlestown,  . . . 
Retreat  of  the  British,  . . . . 
The  American  Reinforcements, 
Scenes  on  Bunker  Hill,  . . . . 
Prescott  at  the  Redoubt,  . . . 
Second  British  Reinforcement, 

The  Third  Attack, 

The  Redoubt  Stormed,  . . . . 

Retreat  of  Prescott, 

Putnam  on  Bunker  Hill,  . . . 
Prescott  at  Cambridge,  . . . . 


CHAPTER  V.  — BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 

June  17. 


143 

144 

145 

146 

147 

147 

148 

149 
160 

151 

152 
163 


June  17.  Character  of  the  Battle 
Its  Object, 


CHAPTER  VI.  — BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 

June  17. 


. 154 
. 155 

Its  Consequences, 156 

Its  Confusion, 158 

Question  of  Command,  . . . .159 
Evidence  respecting  Prescott,  159 


Evidence  respecting  Putnam,  . 163 

Conclusion, 166 

William  Prescott, 166 

Israel  Putnam, 168 

Joseph  Warren, 170 

Seth  Pomeroy, 173 


CONTENTS, 


Vll 


CHAPTER  VII.  — BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


Date. 

Page 

Date. 

p.g« 

1775. 

1775. 

June  17. 

The  American  Regiments, 

. 175 

June  17.  Andrew  McClary, 

186 

Prescott’s.  Frye’s, 

. 175 

Reed’s  Regiment, 

187 

Bridge’s.  Moses  Parker,  . . 

. 176 

The  Connecticut  Troops,  . . 

188 

Little’s.  Doolittle’s,  .... 

177 

Webb’s  Letter, 

189 

Willard  Moore.  Gerrish’s,  . 

. 17S 

Thomas  Knowlton, 

190 

Samuel  Gerrish, 

179 

j^Xumbers  engaged, 

190 

Christian  Febiger, 

. 179 

Killed  and  Wounded,  .... 

192 

Gardner’s.  Thomas  Gardner, 

. ISO 

Major  Pitcairn, 

195 

The  Charlestown  Company,  . 

. 181 

Major  Spendlove, 

195 

Brewer’s.  Wm.  Buckminster 

182 

British  Comments, 

196 

Woodbridge’s.  Whitcomb’s, 

. 183 

The  Redoubt, 

197 

Richard  Gridley, 

184 

General  Howe, 

199 

Scarborough  Gridley,  .... 

. 185 

British  Criticism,  . . • ... 

199 

John  Callender, 

185 

Destruction  of  Charlestown,  . 

201 

Stark’s.  John  Stark,  .... 

186 

Characteristics  of  the  Battle, 

204 

CHAPTER  VIII.- 

-THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 

June  18. 

Alarm  in  the  Country,  . . . 

207 

June  15.  Washington  made  Commander,  214 

Distress  in  Boston, 

207 

His  Journey  to  the  Camp,  . . 

214 

\Scenes  in  Charlestown,  . . . 

208 

July 

3.  Assumes  the  Command,  . . . 

214 

General  Ward  reinforced,  . . 

209 

Addresses  to  him  and  his  Replies, 215 

Appeal  of  the  Provincial  Con 

Description  of  the  Lines,  . . 

216 

gress,  

210 

Character  of  the  Army,  . . . 

217 

Prospect  Hill  fortified,  . . . 

210 

9.  Council  of  War, 

218 

Winter  Hill  “ ... 

211 

Organization  of  the  Army, 

219 

Works  at  Roxbury, 

212 

The  Environs  of  Boston,  . . 

220 

Skirmishes  and  Cannonade,  . 

213 

Description  of  the  Camp,  . . 

221 

Congress  adopt  the  Army,  . . 

213 

of  Washington,  . 

222 

CHAPTER  IX.— 

THE 

SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 

J ily. 

Generals  Lee  and  Burgoyne,  . 

223 

Aug. 

26.  FJ^ughed  Hill  fortified,  . . . 

233 

8. 

Skirmishes  on  Boston  Neck,  . 

224 

^^Otate  of  Boston, 

234 

12. 

Expedition  to«Long  Island,  . 

225 

^Distresses  of  the  British  Army, 
^Hardships  of  the  Inhabitants, 

235 

18. 

Declaration  of  Congress,  . . . 

226 

236 

20. 

Expedition  to  Nantasket,  . . 

227 

Destruction  of  Liberty  Tree,  . 

237 

29. 

Skirmish  at  Charlestown  Neck 

228 

♦''"Enlistment  of  Tories,  .... 

239 

30. 

Skirmishes  and  Cannonade,  . 

230 

Treatment  of  Prisoners,  . . . 

240 

31. 

Expedition  to  the  Light-house, 

230 

Sept. 

Cannonade, 

242 

Aug.  3. 

Council  of  War, 

Attack  on  Boston  proposed,  . 

244 

CHAPTER  X.— 

THE 

SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 

Oct.  1. 

Gage  resolves  to  Winter  in  Bos- 

Oct. 

10.  His  Character  and  Policy,  . . 

250 

ton, 

246 

Bunker  Hill  and  Boston  Neck, 

251 

Hi3  Recall, 

247 

28.  Howe’s  Proclamations,  . . . 

252 

6. 

Addresses  to  him, 

248 

Skirmishes  in  Ootober,  . . . 

253 

10. 

General  Howe  assumes  the  Com 

The  Roxbury  Lines,  .... 

254 

mand, 

Views  of  Washington,  . . . 

255- 

VIII 


CONTENTS. 


Dale. 

Page 

Date. 

Pag. 

1775. 

1775. 

October. 

Committee  from  Congress,  . . 

256 

October. 

IJis  Trial  and  Punishment, 

259 

Attack  on  Boston  proposed,  . . 

257 

Armed  Vessels  fitted  out,  . . 

260 

Correspondence  of  Dr.  Church, 

268 

Action  of  Massachusetts,  . . 

261 

His  Arrest 

258 

The  Pine-tree  Flag 

262 

CHAPTER  XI.  — 

THE 

SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 

Nov. 

Independence  advocated  in  the 

Dec. 

Conduct  of  Connecticut  Troops,  273 

Camp, 

263 

Requisition  for  Militia,  . . . 

273 

Success  of  the  Americans,  . . 

264 

Description  of  the  Camp,  . . 

274 

Efforts  of  New  England,  . . . 

264 

Proceedings  in  England,  . . 

276 

of  Massachusetts,  . . 

265 

The  Supplies  sent  to  Boston, 

277 

Jealousy  of  New  England,  . . 

266 

Instructions  to  General  Howe, 

277 

New  Arrangement  of  Officers, 

266 

Howe’s  Apprehensions  of  Scare- 

9. 

Skirmish  at  Lechmere’s  Point, 

267 

>ty, 

278 

22. 

Cobble  Hill  fortified 

26S 

He  enlists  Loyalists,  .... 

279 

Success  of  the  Armed  Cruisers, 

269 

His  Proclamation, 

279 

The  Stores  of  the  Nancy,  . . 

270 

Sufferings  of  the  Army,  . . . 

280 

29. 

Battery  at  Lechmere’s  Point, 

270 

Plundering, 

281 

Dec.  17. 

Lechmere’s  Point  fortified,  . 

271 

Demolition  of  Buildings,  . . 

281 

Manly’s  Captures, 

272 

Description  of  Boston,  . . . 

282 

CHAPTER  XII.— 

THE 

SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 

1776. 

1776. 

Jan.  1. 

The  Union  Flag 

283 

Mar.  5. 

Howe  resolves  upon  an  Attack,  298 

Effect  of  the  King’s  Speech,  . 

284 

Effects  of  a Storm, 

300 

Weakness  of  the  Americans, 

284 

7. 

Howe’s  Critical  Situation,  . 

301 

An  Assault  recommended,  . . 

2S6 

Resolves  to  evacuate  Boston, 

301 

8. 

Enterprise  to  Charlestown,  . 

287 

Astonishment  of  the  Tories,  . 

302 

% Skirmishes,  

289 

Boston  threatened, 

303 

Council  of  War, 

290 

The  Selectmen  and  Washington,  303 

Washington’s  Views,  .... 

292 

9. 

Attempt  to  occupy  Nook’s  Hill 

305 

Expedition  from  Boston,  . . 

292 

10. 

Howe’s  Proclamation,  . . . 

. 306 

Howe’s  Views  of  the  Campaign 

293 

11. 

Plundering  in  Boston,  . . . • 

307 

Arrival  of  Supplies, 

293 

14. 

Streets  barricaded, 

. 308 

Habits  of  the  Troops,  .... 

294 

16. 

Nook’s  Hill  occupied,  .... 

. 309 

Cheerful  Aspect  of  Things,  . 

295 

17. 

The  British  evacuate  Boston, 

. 309 

Washington  receives  Supplies, 

295 

The  Americans  take  Possession,  310 

Prepares  to  occupy  Dorchester, 

297 

They  march  to  New  York,  . 

. 312 

Mar.  2. 

Cannonade  of  Boston,  .... 

297 

Captain  Mugford’s  Engagement,  313 

4. 

Dorchester  Heights  occupied. 

297 

June  14. 

The  British  leave  the  Harbor, 

. 314 

CHAPTER  XIII.- 

-THE  SIEGE 

OF  BOSTON. 

March. 

Joy  in  the  Colonies, 

316 

March. 

Approval  of  the  Ministry,  . . 

. 324 

Address  of  Boston  Selectmen, 

316 

Criticism  on  General  Howe,  . 

. 325 

Reply  of  Washington,  . . . . 

317 

Washington’s  Policy  approved 

326 

Address  of  Massachusetts,  . . 

318 

Description  of  Boston,  . . . 

. 327 

Letter  of  Congress, 

318 

The  Old  South  Church,  . . . 

. 328 

The  Medal  ordered  by  Congress, 319 

Public  Buildings, 

. 328 

Letter  of  Elbridge  Gerry,  . . 

320 

The  Fortifications, 

The  Intelligence  in  England, 

320 

Description  of  Charlestown,  . 

. 330 

Debates  in  House  of  Commons, 

321 

Fort  on  Bunker  Hill,  .... 

. 331 

in  House  of  Lords,  . 

322 

Concluding  Remarks 

. 33ft 

CONTENTS. 


IX 


THE  BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


Page 

Monument  to  Warren  proposed, 337 

The  Celebration  of  Bunker  Hill  Battle,  . 338 

Monument  on  Breed’s  Hill, 338 

Description  of  it, 339 

Early  Celebrations, 339 

Origin  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument,  . . 340 

Act  of  Incorporation, 341 

Subscriptions  solicited, 342 

Celebration  of  the  Fiftieth  Anniversary,  . 342 

. The  Form  of  the  Monument, 343 

Description  of  the  Celebration, 344 

Solomon  Willard, 346 

Commencement  of  the  Work, 346 

The  Mechanic  Association, 347 


Pago 

Meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall, 348 

Debt  of  the  Monument  Association,  . . . 348 

Recommencement  of  the  Work, 348 

Its  Suspension,  ...  • 349 

Amos  Lawrence  and  Judah  Truro,  ....  349 

The  Ladies’  Fair, 350 

Contract  with  James  S.  Savage, 351 

Completion  of  the  Monument, 351 

Celebration  of  1843, 35/ 

Receipts, 352 

Expenditures.  Services  of  Individuals,  .353 

Officers  of  the  Association, 354 

Economy  of  the  Work, 355 

Description  of  the  Monument, 355 


APPENDIX. 


Colonial  Politics. 

1.  Call  of  a Meeting,  Aug.  26,  1774,  . . .361 

2.  Proceedings  of  the  Meeting, 361 


3.  Extracts  from  the  Diary  of  T.  Newell,  363 

Lexington  and  Concord. 

1.  Publications  on  the  Events  of  the  19th 


of  April, ....  365 

2.  Deposition  relative  to  Events  in  Lex- 

ington, ....  367 

3.  Deposition  relative  to  Events  in  Con- 

cord,   367 

4.  Petition  of  William  Tay, 368 

5.  of  Martha  Moulton, 369 

C.  of  Jacob  Rogers, 371 


Bunker  Hill  Battle. 

1.  Review  of  the  Authorities  on  the  Battle,  372 

2.  Narrative  prepared  by  Order  of  the 

Committee  of  Safety, 381 


3.  General  Gage’s  Official  Account,  . . 386 

4.  Letter  of  John  Chester, 389 

5.  Letter  of  Peter  Brown, 392 

6.  Letter  of  Samuel  Gray, 393 

7.  Letter  of  William  Prescott,  and  Ex- 

tracts from  Letters  of  Wm.  Tudor, 
Wm.  Heath,  and  Artemas  Ward,  . 395 

8.  Account  in  Rivington’s  Gazette,  . . . 397 

9.  Criticism  printed  in  the  London 

Chronicle, 398 

10.  List  of  the  Regiments, 401 


Siege  of  Boston. 

1.  Return  of  the  Army,  March  2,  1776,  . 404 

2.  Returns  of  the  Army  during  the 


Siege, 406 

3.  Account  of  Stores,  Ordnance  and  Ves- 

sels, left  in  Boston, 406 

4.  Account  of  the  Forts  around  Boston, 

erected  during  the  Siege, 409 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Plan  of  Boston,  to  face  Title-page,  ...  3 

An  Attempt  to  land  a Bishop  in  America,  24 

Plan  of  Concord, 70 

Monument  at  Lexington, 90 

Boston  and  its  Environs, 91 

The  Resolve  of  Committee  of  Safety,  . . .116 

Monument  at  Concord, 120 

View  of  Charlestown, 121 

Plan  of  Bunker  Hill  Battle,  . • 133 


Cannonade  in  Bunker  Hill  Battle,  ....  139 

Prescott’s  Letter, 166 

British  Plan  of  the  Redoubt, 198 

Pine-tree  Flag, 262 

Lines  on  Boston  Neck, 315 

Fort  on  Bunker  Hill, 331 

View  of  Bunker  Hill  Monument,  . . . .337 

Section  of  the  Monument, 357 

First  Monument  on  Breed’s  Hill,  ....  359. 


MAPS  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


The  Plan  of  Boston,  by  Lieut.  Page,  was  published  in  England,  in  1777.  It  is  the  only 
plan  of  Boston,  of  much  value,  of  the  publications  of  1775.  It  contains  many  names  not  on 
the  last  edition  of  Price’s  plan,  which  is  entitled,  “A  New  Plan  of  the  Great  Town  of  Boa 
ton,  in  New  England,  in  America;  with  the  many  Additional  Buildings  and  New  Streets,  to 
the  year  1769.”  Page’s  plan  is  curious,  as  it  shows  the  streets  and  principal  places  in  the 
last  year  Boston  was  under  British  authority,  and  the  intrcnchments  erected  by  the  British 
troops.  This  is  the  first  American  engraving  of  this  plan.  It  is  of  the  same  size  as  the 
engraving  of  1777,  and  as  nearly  as  possible  a fac*simile  of  it. 

The  Plan  of  Bunker  Hill  Battle  is  by  the  same  person  — the  groundwork  being  from 
an  actual  survey  by  the  celebrated  British  engineer,  Capt.  Montresor.  It  is  the  only  plan  of 
Charlestown  of  so  early  a date.  It  is  on  the  same  scale  as  that  published  by  Felton  and  Par- 
ker. in  1348,  and  the  plans  will  be  found  to  agree  as  to  Main-street,  Bunker  Hill-street  and 
other  streets.  The  engraving  for  this  work  is  the  first  American  engraving.  It  is  of  the  same 
size  as  the  British  engraving,  and  as  to  the  outlines  — streets,  houses,  trees,  fences,  line  of  fire 
and  lettering  — is  an  exact  copy.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  hills  are  not  named  correctly  — 
Bunker  Hill  should  be  Breed’s  Hill.  This  plan  was  first  published  in  1776  or  1777,  and  the 
plate  of  it,  with  a few  alterations  in  the  lettering,  was  used  by  Stedman,  in  1794,  — without, 
however,  any  credit  being  given  either  to  Montresor  or  Page.  A plan  was  also  made  by  Henry 
D’Berniere,  a British  officer.  This  was  first  engraved  in  this  country,  in  ISIS,  for  the  Analec- 
tic  Magazine.  The  ground  plan  is  not  so  correct  as  Page’s.  I have  seen  an  old  MS.  copy  of 
this,  slightly  varying  in  the  streets  from  the  engraving.  This  plan  forms  the  basis  of  Colonel 
Swett’s  plan  of  the  battle. 

The  Plan  of  Boston  and  its  Environs  was  prepared  from  several  plans.  Various  maps 
of  this  vicinity  were  published  during  the  Revolution.  A curious  one  appeared  in  England,  in 
1775,  entitled,  “ The  Seat  of  War  in  New  England,  by  an  American  Volunteer,  with  the  Marches 
of  several  Corps  sent  by  the  Colonies  towards  Boston.”  It  is  on  one  sheet  of  imperial  paper 
and  was  published  by  R.  Sayer  and  J.  Bennett,  Sept.  2,  1775.  This  map  contains  a plan  of 
Boston  and  of  Boston  harbor;  also,  a picture  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  It  represents  the 
town  on  fire,  and  the  British  columns,  with  colors,  inarching  to  the  attack.  The  map  repre- 
sents the  New  Hampshire  troops  coming  by  the  way  of  Andover,  Wilmington  and  Woburn  ; 
the  Connecticut  troops,  by  way  of  Providence;  and  Washington  and  “the  New  York  Grena- 
diers” (!)  by  the  way  of  Worcester.  It  is  more  curious  than  valuable.  The  Philadelphia  Ledger 
(Aug.  19, 1775)  contains  an  advertisement  of  a map  taken  “by  the  most  skilful  draughtsman  in 
all  America.”  This  was  Roman’s  Map  of  the  Seat  of  Civil  War  in  America.  It  is  inscribed  to 
John  Hancock.  It  has  a rude  view  of  the  lines  on  Boston  Neck,  and  a “ Plan  of  Boston  and 
its  Environs.”  A curious  map  of  Boston  and  its  environs  was  published,  in  1776,  at  Paris, 
by  “ Ch.  de  Beaurain,  Geographer  to  his  Majesty.”  It  purports  to  be  copied  from  a 
British  plan,  — probably  from  a plan  drawn  by  an  engineer  in  Boston,  in  October,  1775,  and 
{March,  1776)  published  ‘‘by  a nobleman.”  This  plan  also  is  curipus,  but  not  correct. 
Other  smaller  plans  alsp  appeared,  in  various  publications.  Lieut.  Page  prepared  a map 
of  ‘ Boston,  its  Environs  and  Harbor,  with  the  Rebels’  Works,”  See.,  from  his  own  observations 
and  the  plans  of  Capt.  Montresor.  This  was  published  in  England,  by  William  Faden,  in  1777. 
It  is  valuable  as  to  the  harbor,  but  incorrect  as  to  the  country.  Henry  Pelham  published,  in 
1777,  a large  map  of  Boston  and  its  environs,  dedicated  to  Lord  George  Germaine,  which  is  by 
far  the  most  accurate  of  the  maps  of  the  environs.  The  plan  in  Dr.  Gordon’s  History  was 
evidently  compiled  from  Page’s  for  the  harbor,  and  from  Pelham’s  for  the  country.  This  was 
copied  by  Marshall. 

The  View  of  Charlestown  is  copied  from  an  original  MS.  of  1775,  and  communicated  by 
Henry  Stevens,  Esq. 

The  View  of  the  Lines  on  Boston  Neck  is  taken  from  one  of  the  British  prints  of  1777. 

The  Plan  of  the  Fort  on  Bunker  Hill  is  taken  from  Lieut.  Carter’s  letters,  writter 
mostly  from  Charlestown  Heights,  during  the  siege,  and  published  in  England,  in  1781. 

The1  Representation  of  the  Pine-tree  Flag  is  from  the  French  map  of  Boston  and 
environs. 

The  Stamps  on  the  covers  are  representations  of  the  devices  on  the  gold  medal  (see  p.  319) 
struck,  by  order  of  Congress,  in  honor  of  Washington. 


THE  SIEGE  OE  BOSTON. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Colonial  Politics.  Taxation  of  America.  The  Boston  Port  Bill.  Acts 
altering  the' Massachusetts  Charter.  Resisted  by  the  People.  Hostile 
Preparations.  Boston  in  1774. 

The  New  England  colonists  always  claimed  the  liberties  of 
Englishmen.  They  brought  with  them  the  principles  that  the 
people  are  the  fountain  of  political  power,  and  that  there  can 
be  no  just  taxation  without  representation  ; and  contended 
for  the  right  of  applying  these  principles  according  to  their 
wants.  They  brought  with  them,  also,  that  republican  spirit 
which  animated  the  English  Puritans,  and  their  early  ideal 
was  the  establishment  of  civil  commonwealths  on  the  basis  of 
Christian  principles.  To  their  vision,  this  form  was  a divine 
institution,  the  government  of  angels  in  heaven,  and  which 
ought  to  be  that  of  men  upon  earth.  It  was  instituted  by  God 
himself  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  whereby  any  nation  might 
enjoy  all  the  ends  of  government  in  the  best  manner.1  Hence 
the  New  England  communities  became  republican  in  form, 
while  they  had  for  their  “quickening  spirit,  equal  rights,  free- 
dom of  thought  and  action,  and  personal  independence.”  2 
It  was  this  spirit,  and  the  bold  application  of  these  prin- 
ciples, that  made  the  colonists,  so  far  as  their  internal  policy 
was  concerned,  virtually  independent ; while,  so  far  as  their 
external  politics  were  concerned,  their  allegiance  to  the  crown 
did  not  include  an  admission  of  the  supremacy  of  Parliament. 
In  fact,  they  regarded  themselves  as  capable  of  organizing 

'Eliot’s  Christian  Commonwealth,  Preface,  1650.  "John  Q.  Adams,  in 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  29,  p.  210. 


2 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


local  governments,  contracting  alliances  with  each  other,  coin- 
ing money,  making  war,  and  concluding  peace.  The  institu- 
tions that  grew  up,  shaped  in  a great  measure  as  experience 
dictated,  were  admirably  adapted  to  strengthen  and  develop 
a love  of  liberty  united  to  a respect  for  law.  The  almost  con- 
tinual strugg.es  with  the  aborigines  and  the  French  served 
as  an  invaluable  school  in  which  to  learn  the  discipline,  and 
to  become  inured  to  the  dangers,  of  a military  life ; while 
schools,  and  colleges,  and  churches,  maintained  with  wonder- 
ful perseverance,  nurtured  an  equally  invaluable  intelligence 
and  public  virtue.  Persons  and  property  were  secure,  and 
labor  was  less  burdened  with  restriction,  and  more  free  to  reap 
a fair  reward,  than  it  was  in  any  country  in  the  world.  In  a 
word,  there  grew  up  a system  of  local  administration  well 
suited  to  the  condition  of  a rising  people,  united  to  a general 
organization,  capable,  in  any  emergency,  of  affording  it  pro- 
tection. The  colonists,  in  the  enjoyment  of  so  large  a measure 
of  individual  freedom,  developed  in  a remarkable  degree  the 
resources  of  the  country,  and  increased  surprisingly  its  com- 
mercial and  political  importance. 

This  progress,  which  ought  to  have  been  regarded  in  Great 
Britain  with  pride  and  pleasure,  was  beheld  with  jealousy  and 
apprehension ; — with  jealousy,  lest  the  industrial  enterprise 
of  the  colonists  should  compete  too  successfully  with  that  of 
the  mother  country;  and  with  apprehension,  lest  their  rising 
importance  should  invite  them  to  assert  political  independence. 
These  feelings  were  strengthened  by  the  representations  made 
of  their  condition  by  agents  of  the  ministry  and  by  royal 
governors.  Quarry's  memorial  in  1703  affords  a striking 
illustration  of  these  reports.  “Commonwealth  notions,”  he 
wrote,  “improve  daily  ; and  if  it  be  not  checked,  in  time  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  British  subjects  will  be  thought  by 
them  to  be  too  narrow.”  Various  measures  were  recommend- 
ed to  check  these  ideas.  Sagacious  royalists  saw  the  republi- 
can tendencies  of  the  prevailing  system  of  local  government, — 
the  Congregationalism  in  the  churches,  the  town  organizations, 
the  local  assemblies,  — whose  influence  reached  the  roots  and 
fibres  of  the  social  system ; and  it  is  worthy  of  remark,  that 
their  recommendations  reached  the  foundation  of  this  tendency. 


JEALOUSY  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN. 


3 


Randolph  in  1685,  Quarry  in  1703,  Hutchinson  in  1773, 1 
advised  an  interference  with  the  towns,  and  the  adoption  of 
the  policy  of  centralization.  Other  recommendations  were 
made,  and  commercial  regulations  were  established,  which 
bore  with  monstrous  injustice  on  their  rising  manufactures  and 
trade.  The  colonists,  however,  had  enjoyed  their  social  and 
political  advantages  too  long  to  relinquish  them  without  a 
struggle.  They  determined  to  retain  their  admirable  system 
of  local  government,  and  to  keep  free  from  foreign  taxation. 
They  claimed  the  right  to  go  on  in  the  path  of  freedom  and 
progress  they  with  so  much  toil  and  treasure  had  laid  open. 
Why  should  a country,  clothed  by  the  God  of  nature  with  all 
his  highest  forms  of  magnificence  and  grandeur,  be  governed 
by  an  island  of  the  Old  World?  Why  should  it  be  impeded  in 
its  career  by  manacles  thrown  about  its  giant  limbs  by  the 
selfishness  of  its  parent?2  The  tyrannical  revenue  laws 
were  never  fully  submitted  to ; and  if  they  were  not  openly 
opposed,  it  was  because  they  were  not  rigidly  enforced. 

The  British  ministry,  dissatisfied  with  so  easy  an  allegiance, 
resolved,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  of  Aix  La  Chapelle, 
(1748,)  to  adopt  a more  stringent  policy  with  respect  to  the 
colonies,  by  enforcing  the  revenue  laws,  and  asserting  the  prin- 
ciple of  British  supremacy.  They  introduced  into  Parliament 
a bill  which  proposed  to  sweep  away  the  colonial  charters 
without  the  form  of  legal  judgment,  and  which  authorized  the 
king’s  instructions  to  be  enforced  as  law.  This  bill  excited 
great  alarm,  and  was  successfully  resisted  by  the  agents  of 
the  colonies.3  War  again  broke  out  with  France,  and  William 
Pitt,  who  was  opposed  to  this  policy,  became  prime  minister. 
This  great  statesman  resigned  in  1761,  and  the  Grenville  min- 
istry subsequently  renewed  it.  In  consequence  of  this,  politics 
became  the  chief  concern  of  almost  every  local  community. 

1 Hutchinson,  March  10,  1773,  wrote,  “ Is  there  any  way  of  compelling 

Boston  to  be  a corporation,  by  depriving  them  of  their  present  privileges, 
and  not  suffering  any  acts  of  the  town?  The  charter  of  New  York  city 
might  be  a good  pattern.  Can  no  restraint  be  laid  on  the  other  towns,  from 
acting  in  any  other  affairs  than  such  as  immediately  concern  them  respect- 
ively?” 2 Smyth’s  Lectures,  vol.  n. , p.  357.  3 Minot's  Massachusetts, 

vol.  i.,  p.  147. 


1 


4 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


In  opposition  to  this  policy,  and  in  behalf  of  commercial  free- 
dom, James  Otis  made  (1761)  his  memorable  speech  on  writs 
of  assistance.  The  idea  was  entertained,  at  this  period,  that 
an  American  empire  was  close  at  hand.  It  was  deduced  from 
the  ratio  of  the  increase  of  population  in  the  colonies,  their 
great  natural  resources,  free  spirit,  deliverance  from  danger 
from  the  French,  and  the  adoption  of  the  restrictive  policy  of 
the  ministry.  It  is  not  the  purpose  of  these  pages,  however, 
to  dwell  on  political  events  further  than  as  they  were  the  im- 
mediate occasion  of  the  commencement  of  hostilities.  In  1765 
the  ministry  determined  to  enforce  the  supremacy  of  Parlia- 
ment by  a system  of  internal  taxation.  Hence  the  stamp  act, 
and  the  opposition  to  it;  its  repeal,  and  the  wild  joy  of  the 
colonists.  But  the  claim  was  still  asserted,  that  Parliament 
had  the  right  to  bind  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever;  and, 
to  enforce  it,  other  acts  were  passed,  bearing  upon  all  of  them, 
and  calling  forth  in  all  general  opposition  and  counteracting 
measures. 

In  Massachusetts,  for  nearly  a century  and  a half,  there  had 
been  a steady  and  healthy  development  of  free  principles. 
The  people  manifested  it  in  the  early  struggles  for  their  char- 
ters, in  their  resistance  to  the  greedy  tyranny  of  Andros,  and 
in  the  subsequent  political  controversies  between  the  liberty- 
men  and  the  prerogative-men.  Hence,  during  the  ten  years 
of  strong  reasoning,  and  firm  resolve,  and  eloquent  appeal  — 
from  1764  to  1774  — the  acts  judged  unconstitutional,  and 
contrary  to  natural  and  chartered  rights,  met  in  this  colony 
with  the  most  determined  opposition.  It  was  carried  on  by 
men  of  the  Puritan  stock,  who  had  in  them  the  earnestness, 
singleness  of  heart,  and  ready  devotion,  of  the  olden  time,  and 
who  believed  that  Divine  Providence  had  appointed  them  to 
develop  and  defend  a rational  liberty.  There  was  no  com- 
promise, by  such  men,  with  duty.  Hence,  in  dealing  with 
the  small  tax  on  tea,  when  no  other  course  remained,  they 
did  not  hesitate  to  destroy  the  obnoxious  herb.  Hutchinson 
writes,  t!  This  was  the  boldest  stroke  that  had  been  struck  in 
America.”  It  was  done  after  deliberate  council,  was  the  work 
of  no  common  mob,  was  welcomed  through  the  colonies  by 
the  ringing  of  bells  and  other  signs  of  joy,  and  was  defended 


GENERAL  GAGE. 


5 


as  a measure  of  political  necessity.  Ministerial  wisdom  de- 
vised as  a punishment  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  which  was  signed 
March  31,  1774,  and  went  into  effect  on  the  first  day  of  June. 

The  execution  of  this  measure  devolved  on  Thomas  Gage, 
who  arrived  at  Boston  May  13,  1774,  as  Captain  General  and 
Governor  of  Massachusetts.  He  was  not  a stranger  in  the 
colonies.  He  had  exhibited  gallantry  in  Braddock’s  defeat, 
and  aided  in  carrying  the  ill-fated  general  from  the  field.  He 
had  married  in  one  of  the  most  respectable  families  in  New 
York,  and  had  partaken  of  the  hospitalities  of  the  people  of 
Boston.  His  manners  were  pleasing.  Hence  he  entered  upon 
his  public  duties  with  a large  measure  of  popularity.  But  he 
took  a narrow  view  of  men  and  things  about  him.  He  had 
no  sympathy  with  the  popular  ideas,  and  no  respect  for  those 
who  advocated  them.  In  his  eyes,  the  mass  of  the  people 
were  !<a  despicable  rabble,”  without  the  ability  to  plan  or  the 
courage  to  fight,  and  their  leaders  were  oily  demagogues  gov- 
erned by  a selfish  ambition ; and  it  was  beyond  his  compre- 
hension, how,  in  a time  of  prosperity,  when  trade  was  good, 
when  food  was  cheap  and  taxes  were  light,  such  a community 
could  run  the  chance  of  ruin  out  of  devotion  to  principle. 
His  instructions  required  him  to  compel  “a  full  and  absolute 
submission”  to  the  rigorous  laws  of  Parliament;  and  to  this 
end  he  was,  if  it  should  be  considered  necessary,  authorized  to 
employ  with  effect  the  king’s  troops.1  This  was  a harsh  duty 

1 The  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  in  a letter  to  Governor  Gage,  dated  April  9, 
1774,  after  urging  the  duty  of  “ mild  and  gentle  persuasion,”  says  : “ At  the 
same  time,  the  sovereignty  of  the  king,  in  this  Parliament,  over  the  colonies, 
requires  a full  and  absolute  submission  ; and  his  majesty's  dignity  demands, 
that  until  that  submission  be  made,  the  town  of  Boston,  where  so  much  an- 
archy and  confusion  have  prevailed,  should  cease  to  be  the  place  of  the  resi- 
dence of  his  governor,  or  of  any  other  officer  of  government  who  is  not 
obliged  by  law  to  perform  his  functions  there.”  After  dwelling  on  the 
“ criminality  ” of  those  who  aided  in  the  proceedings  in  Boston  during  the 
months  of  November  and  December,  1773,  the  letter  says  : “ The  king  con- 
siders the  punishment  of  these  offenders  as  a very  necessary  and  essential 
example  to  others  of  the  ill  consequences  that  must  follow  from  such  open 
and  arbitrary  usurpations  as  tend  to  the  subversion  of  all  government,”  &e. 
The  instructions  of  the  Treasury  Board,  dated  March  31,  are  equally  rigorous, 
and  looked  to  a complete  prostration  of  the  commerce  of  Boston. 


6 


COLONIAL  VOLITICS. 


to  perform : but,  making  every  allowance  for  its  character, 
General  Gage  proved  as  a civilian  and  a soldier  unfit  for  his 
position.  He  was  arrogant  in  the  discharge  of  his  office,  and 
to  downright  incapacity  he  added  gross  insincerity  in  his  inter- 
course with  the  people. 

General  Gage,  on  the  seventeenth  of  May,  landed  at  the 
Long  Wharf,  and  was  received  with  much  parade.  Members 
of  the  Council  and  House  of  Representatives,  and  some  of  the 
principal  inhabitants  of  the  town,  with  the  company  of  cadets, 
escorted  him  to  the  Council  Chamber,  amid  salutes  from  the 
batteries  of  the  town  and  of  the  shipping.  In  King-street,  the 
troop  of  horse,  the  artillery  company,  the  grenadiers,  and  sev- 
eral companies  of  militia,  saluted  him  as  he  passed.  About 
noon  his  commission  was  proclaimed  in  form,  and  a procla- 
mation was  read  by  the  high  sheriff,  continuing  all  officers  in 
their  places.  It  was  answered  by  three  huzzas  from  the 
concourse  of  people,  by  three  vollies  of  small  arms,  and  a 
discharge  of  cannon  by  the  artillery.  The  governor  then  re- 
ceived the  compliments  of  his  friends,  reviewed  the  militia, 
and  was  escorted  to  Faneuil  Hall,  where  “ an  elegant  dinner,” 
loyal  toasts,  and  animating  festivity,  closed  the  ceremonies. 
He  then  repaired  to  the  Province  House,  the  place  of  his  resi- 
dence.1 

General  Gage  held  a consultation  with  Governor  Hutchin- 
son, the  admiral,  and  the  commissioners  of  the  customs,  in 
relation  to  putting  the  Port  Bill  in  force.  All  agreed  in  the 
manner  of  doing  it.  The  officials  left  the  town,  the  admiral 
stationed  his  ships,  and  on  the  first  day  of  June  the  act  went 
into  effect.  It  met  with  no  opposition  from  the  people,  and 
hence  there  was  no  difficulty  in  carrying  it  into  rigorous  exe- 
cution. “1  hear  from  many,”  the  governor  writes,  t!  that  the 
act  has  staggered  the  most  presumptuous  ;”  “ the  violent  party 
men  seem  to  break,  and  people  fall  off  from  them.”  Hence 
he  looked  for  submission ; but  Boston  asked  assistance  from 
the  other  colonies,  and  the  General  Court  requested  him  to 
appoint  a day  of  fasting  and  prayer.  The  loyalists  felt  uneasy 
at  the  absence  of  the  army.2  “Many  are  impatient,”  Gen- 

1 Journals  of  the  day.  2 In  1767,  an  addition  was  first  made  to  the  num- 
ber of  men  who  commonly  formed  the  garrison  of  Castle  William.  On  the 


THE  BOSTON  POUT  BILL. 


7 


eral  Gage  writes,  May  31,  ££  for  the  arrival  of  the  troops  ; and 
I am  told  that  people  will  then  speak  and  act  openly,  which 
they  now  dare  not  do.”  Hence  a respectable  force  was  soon 
concentrated  in  Boston.  On  the  14th  June,  the  4th  or  king's 
own  regiment,  and  on  the  loth,  the  43d  regiment,  landed  at 
the  Long  Wharf,  and  encamped  on  the  common.  Additional 
transports  with  troops  soon  arrived  in  the  harbor,  and  on  the 
4th  and  5th  of  July,  the  5th  and  3Sth  regiments  landed  at  the 
Long  Wharf.  Lord  Percy  was  among  the  officers  of  this  ar- 
rival. At  this  time  the  governor  had  a country  seat  at  Dan- 
vers. On  the  6th  of  August  the  59th  regiment  arrived  from 
Halifax,  and  during  the  following  week  landed  at  Salem,  and 
there  encamped.1  Additional  troops  were  ordered  from  New 
York,  the  Jerseys,  and  Quebec.  These  measures,  General 
Gage  writes,  give  spirits  to  one  side,  and  throw  a damp  on 
the  other.  <£  Your  lordship  will  observe,  that  there  is  now  an 
open  opposition  to  the  faction,  carried  on  with  a warmth  and 
spirit  unknown  before,  which  it  is  highly  proper  and  necessary 
to  cherish  and  support  by  every  means  ; and  I hope  it  will  not 
be  very  long  before  it  produces  very  salutary  effects.” 2 

The  Boston  Port  Bill  went  into  operation  amid  the  tolling 
of  bells,  fasting  and  prayer,  the  exhibition  of  mourning  em- 
blems, and  every  expression  of  general  and  deep  sympathy. 
It  bore  severely  upon  two  towns,  Boston  and  Charlestown, 
which  had  been  long  connected  by  a common  patriotism. 
Their  laborers  were  thrown  out  of  employment,  their  poor 
were  deprived  of  bread,  and  gloom  pervaded  their  streets. 
But  they  were  cheered  and  sustained  by  the  large  contribu- 
tions sent  from  every  quarter  for  their  relief,  and  by  the  noble 
words  that  accompanied  them.  The  mission  of  this  law,  how- 

lst  of  October,  1768,  a body  of  seven  hundred,  covered  by  the  fleet,  landed 
in  Boston,  and  with  charged  muskets  marched  to  the  common,  amid  the 
sullen  silence  of  the  people.  In  November  following,  parts  of  the  64th  and 
65th  regiments  joined  them.  Collisions  with  the  inhabitants  followed,  and 
then  the  tragedy  of  the  fifth  of  March,  1770.  This  occasioned  the  removal 
to  the  castle.  .Here  they  remained  until  the  ministry  resolved  to  subdue 
Massachusetts  by  arms. 

1 Newell’s  Diary.  2 The  letters  of  Lord  Dartmouth  and  General  Gage,  or 
rather  extracts  from  them,  were  published  in  the  Parliamentary  Register  oi 
1775. 


1* 


8 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


ever,  was  rather  to  develop  an  intense  fraternal  feeling,  to 
promote  concert  of  action  and  a union  of  the  colonies,  than  to 
create  a state  of  open  war.  The  excitement  of  the  public 
mind  was  intense ; and  the  months  of  June,  July,  and  August, 
were  characterized  by  varied  political  activity.  Multitudes 
signed  a solemn  league  and  covenant  against  the  use  of  British 
goods.  The  breach  between  the  whigs  and  loyalists  daily 
became  wider.  Patriotic  donations  from  every  colony  were  on 
their  way  to  the  suffering  towns.  Supplies  for  the  British 
troops  were  refused ; and  essays  demonstrated  that  the  royal 
authority  had  ceased,  and  that  the  people,  being  in  a state  of 
nature,  were  at  liberty  to  incorporate  themselves  into  an  inde- 
pendent community.  It  was  while  the  public  mind  was  in 
this  state  of  excitement,  that  other  acts  arrived,  which  Gen- 
eral Gage  was  instructed  to  carry  into  effect. 

The  British  Parliament  had  passed  two  acts,1  virtually  re- 
pealing the  charter  of  Massachusetts,  entitled  “ An  Act  for  the 
better  regulating  the  government  of  the  Province  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,”  and  “An  Act  for  the  more  impartial  administra- 
tion of  justice  in  said  Province.”  The  first  law  provided  that 
the  councillors,  which  were  chosen  by  the  representatives 
annually,  should  be  appointed  by  the  king,  and  should  serve 
according  to  his  majesty’s  pleasure ; that  the  judges,  sheriffs, 
and  other  civil  officers,  should  be  appointed  by  the  governor, 
or,  in  his  absence,  the  lieutenant-governor;  that  juries  should 
be  summoned  by  the  sheriffs ; and  that  town-meetings,  except 
the  annual  ones  of  March  and  May,  and  other  public  meet- 
ings, should  not  be  held  without  the  permission  of  the  governor. 
The  other  act  provided  that  offenders  against  the  laws  might 
be  carried  to  other  colonies  or  to  England  for  trial.  These 
arbitrary  acts  went  to  the  root  of  the  political  system  that  had 
grown  with  the  growth  and  had  strengthened  with  the  strength 
of  Massachusetts.  They  undermined  those  fundamental  prin- 
ciples which  formed  its  basis.  They  struck  down  customs, 

1 The  hill  for  regulating  the  government  passed  the  House  of  Commons 
May  2,  1774,  yeas  239,  nays  64  ; the  House  of  Lords, May  11,  yeas  92,  nays 
20.  The  bill  for  the  administration  of  justice  passed  the  House  of  Commons 
May  6,  1774,  yeas  127,  nays  24  ; the  House  of  Lords,  May  18,  yeas  43,  nays 
12  Both  bills  were  approved  May  20. 


THE  REGULATING  ACT. 


9 


which,  in  a century  and  a half’s  practice,  had  grown  into 
rights.  They  invaded  the  trial  by  jury ; and  what  was 
scarcely  less  dear  to  the  colonists,  they  prohibited  public  meet- 
ings, and  thus,  it  was  said,  “cut  away  the  scaffolding  of 
English  freedom.”  The  issue,  no  longer  one  of  mere  taxation, 
involved  the  gravest  questions  as  to  personal  rights.  The 
freeman  was  required  to  become  a slave.  It  was  the  attempt- 
ed execution  of  these  laws  that  became  the  immediate  occasion 
of  the  commencement  of  hostilities  between  the  American 
colonists  and  Great  Britain. 

Copies  of  these  acts  were  received  early  in  June,1  and  were 
immediately  circulated  through  the  colonies.  General  Gage 
did  not  receive  them  officially  until  the  6th  of  August,  and  with 
them  a letter  of  instructions  from  the  government.  Lord  Dart- 
mouth hoped  these  new  laws  would  have  “ the  good  effect”  to 
give  vigor  to  the  civil  authority,  “ to  prevent  those  unwarrant- 
able assemblings  of  the  people  for  factious  purposes,  which  had 
been  the  source  of  so  much  mischief,”  and  to  secure  an  impar- 
tial administration  of  justice  ; and  he  instructed  the  governor, 
at  all  hazards,  to  put  them  in  force.  Not  only  the  dignity  and 
reputation  of  the  empire,  but  the  power  and  the  very  existence 
of  the  empire,  depended  upon  the  issue  ; for  if  the  ideas  of  inde- 
pendence once  took  root,  the  colonial  relation  would  be  sev- 
ered, and  destruction  would  follow  disunion.  It  was  actual 
disobedience,  and  open  resistance,  that  had  compelled  coercive 
measures.  With  this  imperative  order  there  came  a nomi- 
nation of  thirty-six  councillors.  General  Gage  lost  no  time 
in  attempting  to  carry  these  laws  into  execution.  Twenty- 
four  of  the  council  immediately  accepted.  The  first  meeting 
of  such  of  the  members  as  could  be  collected  was  held  on  the 
8th ; and  a meeting  of  the  whole  was  called  on  the  16th. 
Judges,  also,  proceeded  immediately  to  hold  courts,  and  sheriffs 
to  summon  juries,  under  the  authority  of  the  new  acts.  The 
momentous  question  of  obedience  now  came  up.  Should 
Massachusetts  submit  to  the  new  acts?  Would  the  other 
colonies  see,  without  increased  alarm,  the  humiliation  of  Mas- 
sachusetts ? 

1 June  2,  Captain  Williamson,  in  36  days  from  Bristol,  (arrived)  with  copy 
of  another  cruel  act  of  Parliament.  — Newell’s  Ms.  Diary. 


10 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


This  was  the  turning  point  of  the  Revolution.  It  did  not 
find  the  patriots  unprepared.  They  had  an  organization 
beyond  the  reach  alike  of  proclamations  from  the  governors, 
or  of  circulars  from  the  ministry.  This  was  the  committees 
of  correspondence,  chosen  ill  most  of  the  towns  in  legal  town- 
meetings,  or  by  the  various  colonial  assemblies,  and  extending 
throughout  the  colonies.  Their  value  was  appreciated  by  the 
patriots,  while  their  influence  was  dreaded  by  the  crown.  His 
majesty  had  formally  signified  his  disapprobation  of  their 
appointment;1  but  the  ministers  of  state  corresponded  with 
their  colonial  officials  and  friends ; and  why  should  it  be 
thought  unreasonable  or  improper  for  the  agents  of  the  colo- 
nists to  correspond  with  each  other  1 The  crisis  called  for  all 
the  wisdom  of  these  committees.  A remarkable  circular  from 
Boston,  addressed  to  the  towns,  (July,  1774,)  dwelt  upon  the 
duty  of  opposing  the  new  laws:  the  towns,  in  their  answers, 
were  bold,  spirited,  and  firm,  and  echoed  the  necessity  of 
resistance.  Nor  was  this  all.  The  people  promptly  thwarted 
the  first  attempts  to  exercise  authority  under  them.  Such 
councillors  as  accepted  their  appointments  were  compelled  to 
resign,  or,  to  avoid  compulsion,  retired  into  Boston.  At  Great 
Barrington,  (August,  1774,)  the  judges,  on  attempting  to  hold 
courts,  were  driven  from  the  bench,  and  the  Boston  people 
were  gravely  advised  to  imitate  the  example.2  At  length  the 
committee  of  Worcester  suggested  a meeting  of  various  com- 
mittees, to  conclude  upon  a plan  of  operation  to  be  adopted 
through  the  province,3  and  requested  the  Boston  committee  to 
call  it.  Accordingly,  a meeting  of  delegates  from  the  commit- 
tees of  the  counties  of  Worcester,  Essex,  and  Middlesex,  and  of 
the  committee  of  correspondence  of  Suffolk,  was  held  on  the 
26th  of  August,  1774,  at  Faneuil  Hall. . It  was  first  resolved  that 

1 Governor  Hutchinson,  in  his  message  to  the  General  Court,  January  26, 

1774,  said  : “I  am  required  to  signify  to  you  his  majesty’s  disapprobation  of 

the  appointment  of  committees  of  correspondence,  in  various  instances,  which 
sit  and  act  during  the  recess  of  the  General  Court.”  2 A paper,  in  stating 
this  fact,  says  : Here  is  now  an  example  for  you,  inhabitants  of  Suffolk  ! An 
infant  county,  hardly  organized,  has  prevented  the  session  of  a court  on  the 
new  system  of  despotism.  3 “ A county  congress  ” was  suggested  at  a Bos- 
ton town-meeting,  August  9,  and  the  committee  of  correspondence  authorized 
to  appoint  delegates  to  it.  — Records. 


COUNCIL  IN  FANEUIL  HALL. 


11 


certain  officers  of  the  crown,  — such  as  judges,  and  justices, 
and  officers  of  courts,  — were,  by  the  act  for  the  better  regu- 
lation of  the  government,  rendered  unconstitutional  officers ; 
and  then  a committee  was  raised,  to  report  resolutions  proper 
to  be  adopted  on  so  alarming  an  occasion.  The  meeting  then 
adjourned  to  the  next  day.  On  the  27th,  this  meeting  con- 
sidered the  report  of  its  committee,  and  adopted  it.  Its  pre- 
amble declares  that  the  new  policy  of  the  ministry  formed 
a complete  system  of  tyranny ; that  no  power  on  earth  had 
a right,  without  the  consent  of  this  province,  to  alter  the 
minutest  tittle  of  its  charter  ; that  they  were  entitled  to  life, 
liberty,  and  the  means  of  sustenance,  by  the  grace  of  Heaven, 
and  without  the  king’s  leave  ; and  that  the  late  act  had  robbed 
them  of  the  most  essential  rights  of  British  subjects.  Its 
resolves  declare  : 1.  That  a Provincial  Congress  is  necessary 
to  counteract  the  systems  of  despotism,  and  to  substitute  referee 
committees  in  place  of  the  unconstitutional  courts ; and  that 
each  county  will  act  wisely  in  choosing  members,  and  reso- 
lutely executing  its  measures.  2.  That,  previous  to  the  meet- 
ing of  such  congress,  the  courts  ought  to  be  opposed.  3.  That 
officers  attempting  to  hold  them,  or  any  others  attempting  to 
execute  the  late  act,  would  be  traitors  cloaked  with  a pretext 
of  law.  4.  That  all  persons  ought  to  separate  from  them.  — 
laborers  ought  to  shun  their  vineyards,  and  merchants  ought 
to  refuse  to  supply  them  with  goods.  5.  That  every  defender 
of  the  rights  of  the  province,  or  of  the  continent,  ought  to  be 
supported  by  the  whole  county,  and,  if  need  be,  by  the  prov- 
ince. 6.  That,  as  a necessary  means  to  secure  the  rights  of 
the  people,  the  military  art,  according  to  the  Norfolk  plan, 
ought  to  be  attentively  practised.  Such  was  the  bold  deter- 
mination of  what  may  not  be  inaptly  termed  the  executive  of 
the  patriot  party.  I know  of  no  more  important  consultation 
of  this  period,1  or  one  that  was  followed  by  more  momentous 
action.  These  resolves,  reflecting  as  they  did  the  deep  convic- 
tions of  the  majority  of  the  people,  were  carried  out  to  the 

1 This  meeting-  does  not  appear  to  have  been  public.  I have  not  met  with 
a single  allusion  to  it  in  print,  either  in  the  newspapers  or  in  the  histories. 
The  proceedings,  from  Mss.  in  the  rich  cabinet  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society, 
with  the  call,  are  in  the  Appendix. 


12 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


letter.  The  result  was,  a Provincial  Congress,  'hostile  prepa- 
ration, a clash  of  arms,  and  a general  rising  of  the  people. 

To  the  people  of  Middlesex  County  belongs  the  honor  of 
taking  the  lead  in  carrying  out  the  bold  plan  resolved  upon  in 
Faneuil  Hall.  A convention,  consisting  of  delegates  from  every 
town  and  district  in  it,  chosen  at  legal  town-meetings,  assem- 
bled at  Concord  on  the  30th  of  August.  It  numbered  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty,  and  constituted  a noble  representation  of  the 
character  and  intelligence  of  this  large  county.  The  mem- 
bers felt  that  they  were  dealing  with  “great  and  profound 
questions,”  — their  own  words,  — at  a stage  when  judicious 
revolutionary  action,  rather  than  exciting  language,  was  re- 
quired. Their  report  and  resolves  are  pervaded  by  the  deep 
religious  feeling  that  runs  through  the  revolutionary  docu- 
ments of  New  England,  and  are  remarkable  for  their  firmness, 
moderation,  and  strength.  After  reviewing  the  late  acts,  they 
say,  “ To  obey  them  would  be  to  annihilate  the  last  vestiges 
of  liberty  in  this  province,  and  therefore  we  must  be  justified 
by  God  and  the  world  in  never  submitting  to  them.”  Actu- 
ated by  “ a sense  of  their  duty  as  men,  as  freemen,  and  as 
Christian  freemen,”  they  resolved  that  every  civil  officer,  act- 
ing under  the  new  acts,  “was  not  an  officer  agreeable  to  the 
charter,  therefore  unconstitutional,  and  ought  to  be  opposed.” 
They  concluded  in  the  following  lofty  strain : “ No  danger 
shall  affright,  no  difficulties  shall  intimidate  us ; and  if,  in 
support  of  our  rights,  we  are  called  to  encounter  even  death, 
we  are  yet  undaunted,  sensible  that  he  can  never  die  too  soon 
who  lays  down  his  life  in  support  of  the  laws  and  liberties  of 
his  country.”  Memorable  words  for  men  to  utter,  who  led  at 
Lexington,  Concord,  and  Bunker  Hill  ! Proceedings  worthy 
to  have  emanated  from  these  Avorld-renowned  battle-grounds.1 

The  governor,  meantime,  kept  a watchful  eye  on  these 
movements.  He  resolved  to  use  his  troops  to  disperse  public 
meetings,  and  to  protect  the  courts: and  made  his  first  attempt 
at  Salem.  A meeting  was  called  in  this  town,  August  20,  by 
printed  handbills  from  the  committee  of  correspondence,  and 

1 These  proceedings  were  published  at  length  in  the  journals  of  the  time. 
A copy  was  officially  sent  to  Congress,  then  in  session  at  Philadelphia,  where 
they  were  much  applauded. 


THE  SALEM  MEETING 


13 


the  object  was  to  elect  delegates  to  a county  convention  to  be 
holden  at  Ipswich.  On  the  23d  of  August,  General  Gage 
issued  a proclamation,  forbidding  all  persons  from  attending 
this  meeting,  “or  any  other  not  warranted  by  law,”  as  they 
would  be  chargeable  with  all  the  ill  consequences  that  might 
follow,  and.  must  “ answer  them  at  their  utmost  peril.”  The 
inhabitants,  however,  assembled  on  the  24th,  according  to  the 
notice.  By  request,  the  committee  waited  on  General  Gage, 
who  ordered  them  to  dissolve  the  meeting.  The  committee 
began  to  argue  the  legality  of  the  assembly.  “I  came  to  exe- 
cute the  laws,  not  to  dispute  them,”  replied  Gage.  A detach- 
ment of  troops  was  ordered  to  disperse  the  meeting  ; but  while 
the  committee  were  in  consultation,  the  people  transacted  their 
business  and  adjourned,  and  the  discomfited  governor  grati- 
fied his  resentment  by  arresting  those  who  called  the  unlawful 
assembly. 

The  next  attempt  of  General  Gage  indicated  his  intention 
to  secure  the  cannon  and  powder  of  the  province,  and  thus 
disarm  the  people.  In  Charlestown,  on  Quafiry  Hill,  was  a 
magazine,  — the  powder-house,  — where  it  was  customary  to 
store  powder  belonging  to  the  towns  and  the  province.  Owing 
to  the  lowering  aspect  of  public  affairs,  the  towns,  in  August, 
withdrew  their  stock,  which  left  only  that  belonging  to  the 
province.  This  fact  was  communicated  to  General  Gage  by 
William  Brattle,  of  Cambridge,  when  it  was  determined  to 
remove  the  remainder  of  the  powder  to  Castle  William.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  the  first  day  of  September,  in  the  morning  about 
sunrise,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Maddison,  and  two  hundred  and 
sixty  troops,  embarked  in  thirteen  boats  at  Long  Wharf,  Bos- 
ton, landed  at  Temple's  Farm,  (The  Ten  Hills,)  crossed  over 
W inter  Hill  to  the  powder-house,  and  carried  the  powder,  two 
hundred  and  fift3r  half-barrels,  on  board  the  boats.  Meantime 
a detachment  went  to  Cambridge,  and  carried  away  two  field- 
pieces,  lately  procured  for  the  regiment  of  that  place.  The 
party  then  proceeded  to  Castle  William. 

The  report  of  this  affair,  spreading  rapidly,  excited  great 
indignation.  The  people  collected  in  large  numbers,  and  many 
were  in  favor  of  attempting  to  recapture  the  powder  and  can- 
non. Influential  patriots,  however,  succeeded  in  turning  their 


14 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


attention  in  another  direction.  They  were  persuaded  to  remain 
quiet  on  this  day,  and  on  the  next  day,  September  2,  to  carry 
into  effect  the  resolves  of  the  convention  of  Middlesex  County, 
so  far  as  related  to  officers  who  were  exercising  authority 
under  the  new  acts.  Accordingly,  under  the  sanction  and 
direction  of  members  of  the  committees  of  correspondence  of 
Boston,  Charlestown,  and  Cambridge,  the  people  repaired  in  a 
body  to  the  residence  of  Lieutenant-Governor  Oliver,  and 
obliged  him  to  resign  his  office.  The  resignation  of  other 
important  officers,  who  had  accepted  appointments  or  executed 
processes,  was  procured.  General  Gage  was  wisely  advised 
by  his  adherents  not  to  use  force  to  disperse  this  meeting,  and 
thus,  unmolested,  it  acted  in  a revolutionary  manner  almost 
within  gun-shot  of  his  batteries.  Meantime  the  fact  of  the 
removal  of  the  powder  became  magnified  into  a report  that 
the  British  had  cannonaded  Boston,  when  the  bells  rang, 
beacon-fires  blazed  on  the  hills,  the  neighbor  colonies  were 
alarmed,  and  the  roads  were  filled  with  armed  men  hastening 
to  the  point  of  supposed  danger. 

These  demonstrations  opened  the  eyes  of  the  governor  to 
the  extent  of  the  popular  movement,  and  convinced  him  of 
the  futility  of  endeavoring  to  protect  the  courts  by  his  troops. 
He  left  Salem  for  Boston,  to  attend  the  Superior  Court,  Aug. 
30th,  and  with  the  intention  of  sending  a detachment  to  pro- 
tect the  judges  in  holding  a court  at  Worcester ; but  his  coun- 
cil hesitated  as  to  the  propriety  of  weakening  his  forces  by 
division.  It  would  be  to  tempt  their  destruction.  “ The 
flames  of  sedition,”  he  writes,  September  2,  £:had  spread  uni- 
versally throughout  the  country  beyond  conception;”  and  he 
assured  Lord  Dartmouth  that  “civil  government  was  near  its 
end;”  that  the  time  for  “conciliation,  moderation,  reasoning, 
was  over,”  and  that  nothing  could  be  done  but  by  forcible 
means  ; that  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  were  as  furious  as 
Massachusetts ; that  the  only  thing  to  be  done  was  to  secure 
the  friends  of  government  in  Boston,  to  reinforce  the  troops, 
and  act  as  circumstances  might  require.  “I  mean,  my  lord,” 
he  adds,  “ to  secure  all  I can  by  degrees;  to  avoid  any  bloody 
crisis  as  long  as  possible,  unless  forced  into  it  by  themselves, 
which  may  happen.”  But  as  it  was  resolved  “ to  stem  the 


BOSTON  NECK  FORTIFIED. 


15 


torrent,  not  yield  to  it,”  he  frankly  told  the  minister  “ that  a 
very  respectable  force  should  take  the  field.” 

This  was  the  period  of  transition  from  moral  suasion  to 
physical  force.  General  Gage  saw  no  hope  of  procuring  obe- 
dience but  by  the  power  of  arms  ; and  the  patriot  party  saw 
no  safety  in  anything  short  of  military  preparation.  Resist- 
ance to  the  acts  continued  to  be  manifested  in  every  form. 
On  the  ninth  of  September  the  memorable  Suffolk  resolves 
were  adopted,  going  to  the  same  length  with  those  of  Middle- 
sex ; and  these  were  succeeded  by  others  in  other  counties 
equally  bold  and  spirited.  These  resolves  were  approved  by 
the  Continental  Congress,  then  in  session.  Everywhere  the 
people  either  compelled  the  unconstitutional  officers  to  resign, 
or  opposed  every  attempt  to  exercise  authority,  whether  by  the 
governor  or  by  a constable.1  They  also  made  every  effort  to 
transport  ammunition  and  stores  to  places  of  security.  Can- 
non and  muskets  were  carried  secretly  out  of  Boston.2  The 
guns  were  taken  from  an  old  battery  at  Charlestown,  where 
the  navy  yard  is.  This  was  difficult  to  accomplish,  for  any 
unusual  noise  in  the  battery  might  be  heard  on  board  of  a ship 
of  war  which  lay  opposite  to  it.  But  a party  of  patriots, 
mostly  of  Charlestown,  removed  the  guns  silently  at  night, 
secreted  them  in  the  town  for  a few  days,  and  eluding  a strict 
search  made  for  them  by  British  officers,  carried  them  into  the 
country. 

General  Gage  immediately  began  to  fortify  Boston  Neck. 

1 A letter  from  Boston  states  :“The  distress  occasioned  to  the  town  by  that 
indiscriminating  act  which,  by  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  involves  the 
innocent  equally  with  the  guilty,  seems  to  be  entirely  absorbed  by  what  is 
thought  a greater  evil,  the  act  for  regulating,  or  rather  altering,  the  consti- 
tution and  government  of  the  province,  regardless  of  their  long-enjoyed  char- 
ter privileges.  As  this  affects  the  whole  province,  and  deprives  them  of  what 
they  hold  most  dear,  the  temper  of  the  people  is  raised  to  the  highest  pitch 
of  enthusiasm,  and  their  behavior  borders  upon  distraction.” 

2 Newell  writes,  September  I5:“Last  night  all  the  cannon  in  the  North 
Battery  were  spiked  up.  It  is  said  to  be  done  by  about  one  hundred  men, 
who  came  in  boats,  from  the  men  of  war  in  the  harbor.  September  17  : Last 
night  the  town's  people  took  four  cannon  from  the  gun-house  very  near  the 
common.  September  20  : Some  cannon  removed  by  the  men-of-war‘s  men 
from  the  mill-pond.” 


2 


16 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


This  added  intensity  to  the  excitement.  The  inhabitants 
became  alarmed  at  so  ominous  a movement ; and,  on  the  5th 
of  September,  the  selectmen  waited  on  the  general,  represented 
the  public  feeling,  and  requested  him  to  explain  his  object. 
The  governor  stated  in  reply,  that  his  object  was  to  protect 
his  majesty’s  troops  and  his  majesty’s  subjects ; and  that  he 
had  no  intention  to  stop  up  the  avenue,  or  to  obstruct  the  free 
passage  over  it,  or  to  do  anything  hostile  against  the  inhab- 
itants. He  went  on  with  the  works,  and  soon  mounted  on 
them  two  twenty-four  pounders  and  eight  nine  pounders. 
Again,  on  the  9th,  the  selectmen  called  on  him,  and  repre- 
sented the  growing  apprehension  of  the  inhabitants.  The 
fortress  at  the  entrance  of  the  town,  they  said,  indicated  a 
design  to  reduce  the  metropolis  to  the  state  of  a garrison.  In 
a written  reply,  General  Gage  repeated  his  former  assurances, 
and  characteristically  remarked,  that  as  it  was  his  duty,  so  it 
should  be  his  endeavor,  to  preserve  the  peace  and  promote  the 
happiness  of  every  individual,  and  recommended  the  inhab- 
itants to  cultivate  the  same  spirit.  On  the  next  day  a com- 
mittee from  the  Suffolk  convention  waited  on  him.  They 
represented  that  the  prevailing  ferment  was  caused  by  his 
seizing  the  powder  at  Charlestown,  by  his  withholding  the 
stock  in  the  Boston  magazine  from  its  legal  proprietors,  by  his 
new  fortification,  and  by  the  insults  of  his  troops  to  the  people. 
General  Gage’s  reply  is  dated  September  12.  He  admits 
instances  of  disorder  in  the  troops,  but  appeals  to  their  general 
good  behavior,  and  concludes  : f‘  I would  ask  what  occasion 
there  is  for  such  numbers  going  armed  in  and  out  of  town, 
and  through  the  country  in  a hostile  manner?  Or  why  were 
the  guns  removed  privately  in  the  night  from  the  battery  at 
Charlestown  ? The  refusing  submission  to  the  late  acts  of 
Parliament  I find  general  throughout  the  province,  and  I shall 
lay  the  same  before  his  majesty.”  The  patriots  were  never 
at  a loss  for  words  ; and  on  receiving  this,  they  promptly  pre- 
sented an  address  to  the  governor,  recapitulating  his  hostile 
acts,  and  requesting  him,  in  his  purposed  representation,  to 
assure  his  majesty,  “That  no  wish  of  independency,  no 
adverse  sentiments  or  designs  towards  his  majesty  or  his 
troops  now  here,  actuate  his  good  subjects  in  this  colony  ; but 


BOSTON  IN  1774. 


17 


that  their  sole  intention  is  to  preserve  pure  and  inviolate  those 
rights  to  which,  as  men,  and  English  Americans,  they  are 
justly  entitled,  and  which  have  been  guaranteed  to  them  by 
his  majesty’s  royal  predecessors.”  Dr.  Warren,  in  presenting 
to  General  Gage  this  address,  remarked,  “ That  no  person  had, 
so  far  as  he  had  been  informed,  taken  any  steps  that  indicated 
any  hostile  intention,  until  the  seizing  and  carrying  off  the 
powder  from  the  magazine  in  the  County  of  Middlesex.”  1 

All  eyes  now  centred  on  Boston.  It  was  filled  with  the 
spirit  of  the  olden  time,  — the  spirit  of  the  indomitable  men, 
pure  in  life  and  strong  in  faith,  who  founded  it,  and  who 
reared  it  for  the  abode  of  civil  independence  as  well  as  for 
religious  liberty.  In  every  period  of  its  history  it  had  been 
jealous  of  its  rights.  It  had  grown  up  in  the  habitual  exer- 
cise of  them,  and  had  been  quick  to  discern  their  infringe- 
ment. It  had  dared  to  depose  Andros  for  his  tyranny,  and 
it  was  early  and  decided  in  its  opposition  to  the  claim  of  par- 
liamentary supremacy.  For  years  it  had  been  alive  with  the 
kindling  politics  of  the  age,  and  stood  boldly  prominent  as 
the  advocate  of  the  patriot  cause.  It  was  regarded  by  the 
Whigs  as  the  great  representative  of  liberty.  It  was  regarded 
by  the  Tories  as  the  grand  focus  of  rebellion.2  Hence  the 
British  administration  made  it  feel  the  full  weight  of  British 
power,  and  expected  by  crushing  the  spirit  of  Boston  to  crush 
the  spirit  of  disobedience  in  the  colonies. 

The  great  natural  features  of  the  metropolis  of  Massachu- 
setts, at  this  time,  were  almost  unchanged.  The  original 

1 The  General  Congress  remonstrated  on  these  fortifications.  General 
Gage,  October  20,  in  his  reply,  says  : “Two  works  of  earth  have  been 
raised  at  some  distance  from  the  town,  wide  of  the  road,  and  guns  put  in 
them.  The  remains  of  old  works,  going  out  of  the  town,  have  been  strength- 
ened, and  guns  placed  there  likewise.”  The  documents  are  in  the  news- 
papers of  this  period. 

2 General  Gage,  Aug.  27,  1774,  wrote  to  Lord  Dartmouth  : — It  is  agreed 
that  popular  fury  was  never  greater  in  this  province  than  at  present,  and  it 
has  taken  its  rise  from  the  old  source  at  Boston,  though  it  has  appeared  first 
at  a distance.  Those  demagogues  trust  their  safety  in  the  long  forbearance 
of  government,  and  an  assurance  that  they  cannot  be  punished.  They  chicane, 
elude,  openly  violate,  or  passively  resist  the  laws,  as  opportunity  serves  ; and 
opposition  to  authority  is  of  so  long  standing,  that  it  is  become  habitual. 


18 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


peninsula,  with  its  one  broad  avenue  by  land  to  connect  it 
with  the  beautiful  country  by  which  it  Avas  surrounded,  had 
sufficiently  accommodated  its  population,  without  much  alter- 
ation of  the  land,  or  without  much  encroachment  on  the  sea. 
Beacon  Hill,  and  its  neighboring  eminences,  now  so  crowded 
with  splendid  mansions,  were  then  pasture  grounds,  over 
which  grew  the  wild  rose  and  the  barberry.  Copp’s  Hill, 
one  of  the  earliest  spots  visited  by  the  Pilgrims,  and  Fort 
Hill,  memorable  as  the  place  where  Andros  and  his  associ- 
ates were  imprisoned,  were  also  of  their  original  height. 
Much  of  Boston,  now  covered  by  piles  of  brick  and  busy 
streets,  was  then  overflowed  by  the  tide,  or  was  parceled  out 
in  gardens  and  fields.  It  would  require,  however,  too  much 
space  to  dwell  on  its  topography,  or  its  municipal  affairs,  or 
to  describe  the  change  that  enterprise  and  wealth,  under  the 
benign  influence  of  freedom,  have  wrought  in  its  appearance. 

Its  government,  however,  exercised  too  powerful  a political 
influence  to  be  passed  over  without  remark.  Its  form  was 
simple,  and  peculiar  to  New  England.  No  common  law  orig- 
inally authorized  it ; and  so  widely  did  it  differ  from  that  of 
the  municipal  corporations  of  England,  that  Andros  (1686) 
declared  there  was  no  such  thing  as  a town  in  all  the  coun- 
try. At  first  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  managed  their 
affairs  in  general  meeting,  but  soon  chose  “ the  seven  men,” 
or  “the  selectmen,”  to  act  as  an  executive  body.  The  Gen- 
eral Court  in  1636  recognized  the  towns,  and  defined  their 
powers.  Such  was  their  origin.  In  Boston  the  selectmen 
were  at  first  chosen  for  six  months  ; but  after  a few  elections, 
for  a year.  The  general  town  affairs  were  decided  in  general 
meetings  of  the  citizens.  So  important  were  these  little  local 
assemblies  regarded,  that  the  absentee  from  them  was  fined ; 
so  free  were  they,  that  in  them  — the  General  Court  ordered, 
1641  — any  man,  Avhether  inhabitant  or  foreigner,  might 
make  any  motion  or  present  any  petition ; so  Avide  Avas  the 
range  of  subjects  discussed  by  them,  that  the  debates  ran 
from  a simple  question  of  local  finance  to  general  questions 
of  provincial  laAV  and  human  rights ; so  great  Avas  their  po- 
litical effect,  that  the  credit  has  been  assigned  them  of  having 
commenced  the  American  Revolution.  The  hand  votes  of  the 


POPULATION  OF  BOSTON. 


19 


citizens  in  them  were  equal,  and  “this  apparent  equality  in 
the  decisions  of  questions  taught  every  man,  practically,  the 
greatest  principle  of  a republic,  that  the  majority  must  gov- 
ern.” 1 “The  people,”  Tudor  well  remarks,  “ were  the  sub- 
jects of  a distant  monarch,  but  royalty  was  merely  in  theory 
with  them.”  2 

The  population  of  Boston  was  about  seventeen  thousand. 
A marked  peculiarity  of  it  was  its  homogeneous  character.  It 
was  almost  wholly  of  English  extraction ; and,  during  the  pre- 
ceding century,  it  had  gradually  increased  from  its  own  stock. 
It  had  few  foreigners  — few  even  of  English,  Irish,  or  Scotch. 
It  was  an  early  remark  in  relation  to  it,  that  it  wore  so  much 
the  aspect  of  an  English  town,  that  a Londoner  would  almost 
think  himself  at  home  at  Boston.  Strangers  praised  its  gen- 
erous hospitality.  “ I am  arrived,”  a traveller3  writes, 
“ among  the  most  social,  polite,  and  sensible  people  under 
heaven,  — to  strangers,  friendly  and  kind.  — to  Englishmen, 
most  generously  so.”  Its  inhabitants,  by  their  industry,  en- 
terprise and  frugality,  generally  had  acquired  a competence. 
There  was  no  hopeless  poverty ; there  were  few  of  large 
wealth ; and  none  were  separated  by  privileges  from  the  rest 
of  the  community.  The  common  school4  had  made  deep  its 

1 Tudor’s  Otis,  p.  446.  2 lb.,  p.  444.  3 A physician,  November  8,  1774, 
describes  Boston  as  follows  : —“In  this  land  of  bustling  am  I safe  arrived, 
among  the  most  social,  polite  and  sensible  people  under  heaven,  — to  stran- 
gers, friendly  and  kind, — to  Englishmen,  most  generously  so.  Much  have 
I travelled,  and  much  have  I been  pleased  with  my  excursions.  This  is  a 
fine  country,  for  everything  that  can  gratify  the  man  or  please  the  fancy. 
War,  that  evil,  looks  all  around  us  ; the  country  expect  it,  and  are  prepared 
to  die  freemen,  rather  than  live  what  they  call  slaves.  The  patriots  here 
are,  in  general,  men  of  good  sense,  and  high  in  the  cause.  I have  been 
introduced  to  General  Gage  and  the  Tories  — to  Hancock  and  the  Whigs.  I 
find  myself  a high  son  — that  is  the  strongest  side  at  present.  How  long  I 
shall  stay  here  is  uncertain.  Much  have  I been  entreated  to  settle  here  as 
physician  ; and  was  peace  and  unanimity  once  more  established,  I should 
prefer  this  place  to  any  I ever  saw.  The  town  is  finely  situated,  very  con- 
siderable, and  well  worth  preserving.  If  hostile  measures  take  place,  I be- 
lieve it  will  fall  a sacrifice.”  4 In  May,  1773,  the  South  Grammar  School 
had  130  scholars  ; North,  59  ; South  Writing,  220  ; North  Writing,  250  ; 
Writing  School,  Queen-street,  264. 

2* 


20 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


mark  of  common  brotherhood ; and  in  the  public  meeting,  in 
the  social  circle,  in  the  varied  walks  of  life,  men  met  as  equals 
in  the  race  of  enterprise  or  of  ambition.  The  Province 
House  — still  standing  — was  the  centre  of  fashion;  and  the 
polished  circle  that  moved  in  it  shed  abroad  the  influence  of 
manners  characterized  by  the  urbanity  of  the  olden  time. 
The  attention  paid  to  education  and  religion,  and  the  activity 
of  the  printing  presses,  indicate  the  value  placed  on  the  higher 
interests  of  a community.  The  general  thrift  was  shown  in 
the  air  of  comfort  spread  over  the  dwellings,  the  elegance  of 
many  private  mansions,  and  the  number  of  public  buildings. 
One  fact  is  worthy  of  remark.  Notwithstanding  the  political 
excitement  that  continued  for  ten  years,  with  hardly  an  inter- 
mission ; notwithstanding  the  hot  zeal  of  the  sons  of  liberty, 
the  bitter  opposition  of  as  zealous  loyalists,  the  presence  of 
the  military,  the  firing  upon  the  people,  the  individual  col- 
lisions with  the  soldiers,  “ throughout  this  whole  period  of 
ferment  and  revolution,  not  a single  human  life  was  taken  by 
the  inhabitants,  either  by  assassination,  popular  tumult,  or 
public  execution.”1 

The  prosperity  of  Massachusetts  never  had  been  greater, 
and  it  never  had  felt  less  the  ordinary  burdens  of  society.  It 
was,  as  to  commerce,  the  envy  of  the  other  colonies.  “ In  no 
independent  state  in  the  world,”  Hutchinson  writes,  “could 
the  people  have  been  more  happy.”2  Boston,  more  than  any 
other  town,  represented  this  prosperity.  Its  relative  impor- 
tance, when  compared  with  the  cities  and  towns  of  the  other 
colonies,  was  far  greater  than  it  is  at  the  present  day  ; and  it 
was  pronounced  the  most  flourishing  town  in  all  British 
America.  A glance  at  the  ship-yards  marked  on  the  map 
will  indicate  the  direction  of  a large  portion  of  its  industry ; 
a thousand  vessels,  cleared  in  a single  year  from  its  port,3  will 
indicate  the  activity  of  its  trade.  It  was  not  only  the  metrop- 
olis of  Massachusetts  and  the  pride  of  New  England,  but  it 
was  the  commercial  emporium  of  the  colonies.  It  could 
assert,  without  much  exaggeration,  that  its  trade  had  been  an 

'Tudor’s  Life  of  Otis,  p.  451.  2 Hutchinson,  vol.  3,  p.  351.  3 Price’s 
Map,  1769. 


BOSTON  PATRIOTS. 


21 


essential  link  in  that  vast  chain  of  commerce  which  had 
raised  New  England  to  be  what  it  was,  the  southern  prov- 
inces to  be  what  they  were,  the  West  India  Islands  to  their 
wealth,  and  the  British  empire  to  its  height  of  opulence, 
power,  pride  and  splendor.1 

To  enumerate  the  services  and  to  sketch  the  characters  of 
the  patriots  who  won  for  Boston  a world-wide  renown,  would 
require  a volume.  I can  do  little  more  than  indicate  their 
fields  of  labor.  The  foremost  of  them,  James  Otis,  so  vehe- 
ment and  wild  in  his  support  of  liberty  that  the  British  called 
him  mad,  of  such  pure  patriotism  and  spirit-stirring  eloquence 
that  the  people  hung  upon  his  words  with  delight,  had  accom- 
plished his  great  pioneer  work ; and  his  fine  genius,  by  a 
savage  blow  from  an  enemy,  had  become  a wreck.  Samuel 
Adams,  a kindred  spirit,  who  best  represents  the  sternness, 
the  energy,  the  puritanism  of  the  Revolution,  was  commenc- 
ing his  career  as  a member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and 
had  begun  to  manage  its  factions,  by  the  simple  wand  of 
integrity  of  purpose,  with  the  same  success  with  which  he 
gathered  about  him  the  strong  men  of  Boston.  “ All  good 
men,”  George  Clymer  writes  in  1773,  “ should  erect  a statue 
to  him  in  their  hearts.”  John  Adams,  ardent,  eloquent, 
learned  in  the  law,  ready  with  his  tongue  or  his  pen  to  defend 
the  boldest  measures  as  necessary,  whether  the  destruction 
of  the  tea  or  the  obstruction  of  a court,  was  in  the  same 
Congress  continuing  a brilliant  service.  There,  too,  was  John 
Hancock,  whose  mercantile  connections,  social  position,  lav- 
ish hospitality  and  large  wealth,  made  up  an  influence  in 
favor  of  the  Whig  cause,  when  influence  was  invaluable. 
Joseph  Warren,  skilful  as  a physician,  of  a chivalrous  spirit 
and  of  fascinating  social  qualities,  beloved  as  a friend  and  of 
judgment  beyond  his  years,  seeing  as  clearly  as  any  other 
the  great  principles  of  the  contest,  and  representing  as  fully  as 
any  other  the  fresh  enthusiasm  of  the  Revolution,  was  work- 
ing laboriously  in  the  committee  of  correspondence,  in  the 

1 Vote  of  Boston,  May  18,  1774.  Town  Records.  The  population  of 
New  York  was  about  21,000  ; the  population  of  Massachusetts,  in  1775, 
was  estimated  at  352,000  ; that  of  the  colony  of  New  York  at  238,000. 


22 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


Boston  committee  of  safety,  in  the  committee  on  donations,  in 
the  provincial  committee  of  safety,  and  in  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress. Josiah  Quincy,  jr.,  the  Boston  Cicero,  devoted  to  the 
patriot  cause,  profound  in  the  conviction  that  his  countrymen 
would  be  required  to  seal  their  labors  with  their  blood,  was 
on  a confidential  mission  to  England,  — being  destined,  on  his 
return,  to  yield  up  his  pure  spirit  in  sight  of  the  native  land 
Avhich  he  loved  so  much  and  for  which  he  labored  so  well. 
Thomas  Cushing,  of  high  standing  as  a merchant,  of  great 
amenity  of  manner,  of  large  personal  influence,  was  a dele- 
gate to  the  Continental  Congress.  So  widely  was  his  name 
known  in  England,  from  its  being  affixed  to  public  docu- 
ments, that  Dr.  Johnson  remarked,  in  his  ministerial  pamphlet, 
that  one  object  of  the  Americans  was  to  adorn  Cushing’s 
brows  with  a diadem.  James  Bowdoin,  as  early  as  1754  one 
of  the  members  of  the  General  Court,  Avas  still  of  such  fresh 
public  spirit  as  to  be  one  of  the  leading  politicians ; and  though 
not  so  ardent  as  some  of  his  associates,  yet  his  sterling  char- 
acter gave  him  great  influence,  Avhile  he  Avas  none  the  less 
attached  to  the  Whig  cause,  and  none  the  less  obnoxious  to 
the  royal  governor.  Benjamin  Church,  a respectable  physi- 
cian, of  genius  and  taste,  Avho  had  made  one  of  the  best 
of  the  “ massacre  ” orations,  Avas  working  in  full  confidence 
Avith  the  patriots,  though  his  sun  Avas  destined  to  set  in  a 
cloud.  Nathaniel  Appleton  Avas  active  on  various  boards,  and 
his  name  is  affixed  to  some  of  the  most  patriotic  letters  that 
went  from  the  donation  committee.  William  Phillips,  one  of 
the  merchant  princes,  irreproachable  as  a man.  for  thirty 
years  deacon  of  the  Old  South,  Avas  serving  on  various  boards, 
and  contributed  money  in  aid  of  the  cause  with  the  same 
liberality  Avith  Avhich,  subsequently,  he  contributed  to  aid 
the  cause  of  education.  Oliver  Wendell,  of  liberal  educa- 
tion, of  uncommon  urbanity  of  manner  and  integrity  of  char- 
acter, at  this  time  in  mercantile  life,  though  subsequently  a 
judge,  Avas  one  of  the  selectmen  and  one  of  the  committee  of 
correspondence.  John  Pitts,  of  large  Avealth  and  of  large 
influence,  was  a zealous  patriot,  one  of  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress, and  on  other  boards.  James  Lovel,  the  schoolmaster, 
of  fair  reputation  as  a scholar,  Avas  an  efficient  patriot  and 


BOSTON  PATRIOTS. 


2h 


was  destined  to  severe  suffering  on  account  of  his  political 
course.  William  Cooper,  the  town-clerk  forty-nine  years,  the 
brother  of  Dr.  Cooper,  who  lived  a long  and  useful  life,  was 
one  of  the  most  fearless  and  active  of  the  Whigs.  W illiam 
Alolineaux,  a distinguished  merchant,  an  ardent  friend  to  the 
country,  whose  labors  had  proved  too  much  for  his  constitu- 
tion, had  just  died.  Paul  Revere,  an  ingenious  goldsmith,  as 
able  to  engrave  a lampoon  as  to  rally  a caucus,  was  the 
ready  confidential  messenger  of  the  patriots  and  the  great 
leader  of  the  mechanics.  Benjamin  Austin,  a long  time  in 
public  life  and  in  responsible  offices;  Nathaniel  Barber,  an 
influential  citizen  ; Gibbens  Sharpe,  a deacon  of  Dr.  Eliot’s 

church,  one  of  the  zealous  and  influential  mechanics  : David 

' » 

Jeffries,  the  town  treasurer,  a useful  citizen  and  active  pat- 
riot ; Henry  Hill,  wealthy,  of  great  kindness  of  heart,  and 
greatly  beloved  ; Henderson  Inches,  afterwards  filling  offices 
of  high  trust  with  great  fidelity  ; Jonathan  gasoil,  a deacon 
of  one  of  the  churches,  one  of  the  opulent  merchants,  of  solid 
character  and  great  influence ; Timothy  Newell,  one  of  the 
deacons  of  the  Brattle-street  church;  William  Powell,  of 
large  wealth  and  of  great  usefulness  ; John  Rowe,  also  rich, 
enterprising  and  influential ; John  Scollay,  of  much  public 
spirit,  energetic  and  firm, — all  these,  and  others  equally 
deserving,  were  actively  employed  on  various  committees  and 
in  important  and  hazardous  service.  They  were  not  the  men 
to  engage  in  a work  of  anarchy  or  of  revolution.  In  fact, 
strictly  speaking,  their  work  was  not  revolutionary.  There 
were  no  deep-seated  political  evils  to  root  out.  There  was  no 
nobility  taking  care  of  the  masses,  no  inferior  order  hating  a 
nobility ; no  proud  hierarchy  in  the  church,  no  grinding  mo- 
nopoly in  the  state.  But  there  was  a social  system  based  on 
human  equality,  new.  in  the  world,  with  its  value  tested  by 
new  results.  Hence  the  patriots  did  not  aim  to  overturn,  but 
to  preserve.  They  asked  for  the  old  paths.  They  claimed 
for  their  town  its  ancient  rights  — for  the  colony  its  ancient 
liberties.  To  them  freedom  did  not  appear  as  the  instigator 
of  license,  but  as  the  protector  of  social  order  and  as  the  guar- 
dian genius  of  commercial  enterprise  and  of  moral  progress. 


24 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


To  their  praise  be  it  said,  that  they  counted  ease  and  luxury 
and  competence  as  nothing,  so  long  as  were  denied  to  them 
the  rights  enjoyed  by  their  ancestors. 

The  labors  of  the  Boston  divines  deserve  a grateful  remem- 
brance. Some  of  them,  distinguished  by  their  learning  and 
eloquence,  were  no  less  distinguished  by  their  hearty  oppo- 
sition to  the  designs  of  the  British  administration.  This 
opposition  had  been  quickened  into  intense  life  by  the  attempts 
made  from  time  to  time  to  create  a hierarchy  in  the  colonies. 
The  Episcopal  form  of  worship  was  always  disagreeable  to  the 
Congregationalists ; but  it  was  the  power  that  endeavored  to 
impose  it  on  which  their  eyes  were  most  steadily  fixed.  If 
Parliament  could  create  dioceses  and  appoint  bishops,  it  could 
introduce  tithes  and  crush  heresy.  The  ministry  entertained 
the  design  of  sending  over  a bishop  to  the  colonies;  and  con- 
troversy, for  years,  ran  high  on  this  subject.  So  resolute, 
however,  was  tl^.  opposition  to  this  project,  that  it  was  aban- 
doned. This  controversy,  John  Adams1  says,  contributed  as 
much  as  any  other  cause  to  arouse  attention  to  the  claims  of 
Parliament.  The  provisions  of  the  Quebec  act  were  quoted 
with  great  effect ; and  what  had  been  done  for  Canada  might 
be  done  for  the  other  colonies.  Hence,  few  of  the  Congrega- 
tional clergy  took  sides  with  the  government,  while  many  were 
zealoqs  Whigs ; and  thus  the  pulpit  was  often  brought  in  aid 
of  the  town-meeting  and  the  press.  Of  the  Boston  divines, 
none  had  been  more  ardent  and  decided  than  Jonathan  May- 
hew,  one  of  the  ablest  theologians  of  his  day ; but  he  died  in 
1766.  Dr.  Charles  Chauncy,  Dr.  Samuel  Cooper,  Dr.  Andrew 
Eliot,  Dr.  Samuel  Mather,  Reverends  John  Lathrop,  John 
Bacon,  Simeon  Howard,  Samuel  Stillman,  were  of  those  who 
took  the  popular  side.  They  were  the  familiar  associates  and 
the  confidential  advisers  of  the  leading  patriots ; but  by 
virtue  of  their  office,  they  were  not  less  familiar  or  less  con- 
fidential with  wide  circles  of  every  calling  in  life,  who  were 
playing  actively  and  well  an  important  part,  and  without 
whose  hearty  cooperation  the  labors  of  even  leading  patriots 


1 Letter,  December  2,  1815.  The  spirit  of  the  time  is  well  represented  in 
a plate  in  the  Political  Register  of  1769. 


Z//r/;/, 


4/  A- 


'?///?{  </ 


Erigicyed.  for  Frothnighaiins  History 


BOSTON  MECHANICS. 


25 


would  have  been  of  little  avail.  At  a time  when  the  pristine 
reverence  for  the  ministers  had  hardly  declined  into  respect, 
who  shall  undervalue  the  influence  such  men  threw  into  the 
scale, in  giving  intensity  to  zeal  and  firmness  to  resolution,  and 
thus  strengthening  the  tone  of  public  opinion'?  They  gave 
the  sanction  of  religion  — the  highest  sanction  that  can  fill 
the  human  breast  — to  the  cause  of  freedom,  the  holiest  cause 
that  can  prompt  human  effort.  They  nurtured  the  idea  in  the 
people  that  God  was  on  their  side;  and  that  power,  however 
great,  would  be  arrayed  in  vain  against  them.  No  wonder 
that,  in  the  day  of  Lexington,  there  were  men  who  went  to 
the  field  of  slaughter  with  the  same  solemn  sense  of  duty 
with  which  they  entered  the  house  of  worship.1 

No  description  of  Boston  will  be  just,  that  does  not  make 
honored  mention  of  Boston  mechanics.  It  was  freedom  of 
labor  that  lay  at  the  bottom  of  a century’s  controversy,  and 
none  saw  it  more  clearly,  or  felt  it  more  deeply ; for  it  was 
the  exercise  of  this  freedom,  — the  industry,  skill,  and  success 
of  the  American  mechanics,  — that  occasioned  the  acts  of  the 
British  Parliament,  framed  to  crush  the  infant  colonial  manu- 
factures. The  Boston  mechanics,  as  a general  thing,  were 
the  early  and  steady  supporters  of  the  patriot  cause.  No 
temptation  could  allure  them,  no  threats  could  terrify  them,  no 
Tory  argument  could  reach  them.  In  vain  did  the  loyalists 
endeavor  to  tamper  with  them.  “ They  certainly  carry  all 
before  them,”  a letter  says.  As  the  troops  thickened  in  Bos- 
ton, some  living  in  town,  and  some  from  the  country,  without 
much  thought,  accepted  the  chance  to  work  on  barracks  for 
their  accommodation.  It  did  not,  however,  last  long.  “ This 
morning,”  Newell  writes,  September  26,  1774,  “ all  the  car- 
penters of  the  town  and  country  that  were  employed  in  build- 
ing barracks  for  the  soldiery  left  off  work  at  the  barracks.” 

1 A Tory  letter,  dated  Boston,  September  2,  1774,  says  :“Some  of  the  min- 
isters are  continually  in  their  sermons  stirring  up  the  people  to  resistance  ; 
an  instance  of  which  lately  happened  in  this  neighborhood,  where  the  minis- 
ter, to  get  his  hearers  to  sign  some  inflammatory  papers,  advanced  that  the 
signing  of  them  was  a material  circumstance  to  their  salvation  ; on  which 
they  flew  to  the  pen  with  an  eagerness  that  sufficiently  testified  their  belief 
in  their  pastor.” 


26 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


British  gold  could  not  buy  Boston  labor.  “New  England 
holds  out  wonderfully,”  a letter  in  September  says,  “notwith- 
standing hundreds  are  already  ruined,  and  thousands  half 
starved.”  Loyalists  from  abroad  were  astonished  at  such 
obstiuacy.  Gage  was  disappointed  and  perplexed  by  this 
refusal.  It  was  one  of  the  disappointments  that  met  him  at 
every  turn.  “I  was  premature,”  he  writes  Lord  Dartmouth, 
October  3,  1774,  “ in  telling  your  lordship  that  the  Boston 
artificers  would  work  for  us.  This  refusal  has  thrown  us  into 
difficulties.”  He  sent,  to  New  York  for  workmen.  The  Boston 
mechanics,  through  their  committee,  sent  a letter  expressing 
their  confidence  “that  the  tradesmen  of  New  York  would 
treat  the  application  as  it  deserved.”  The  governor  at  length 
was  successful  in  getting  mechanics  from  New  York  and  other 
places,  to  work  for  him.  The  patriotic  mechanics  of  Boston 
were  doomed  to  a long  season  of  trial  and  suffering. 

The  patriots  carried  on  their  political  action  by  public  meet- 
ings, by  committees,  by  social  clubs,  and  through  the  press. 

The  right  of  public  meeting  was  always  dear  to  New  Eng- 
land ; and  the  local  assemblies  of  the  towns  were  used  with 
immense  efficiency  by  the  patriots  of  the  Revolution.  Here 
dangerous  political  measures  were  presented  to  the  minds  of 
the  citizens.  Here  public  opinion  was  concentrated,  sternly 
set  against  oppression,  and  safely  directed  in  organized  resist- 
ance. Great  town-meetings  were  those  in  Boston,  where 
Samuel  Adams  was  the  moderator : where  James  Otis,  John 
Adams,  and  Josiah  Quincy,  jr.,  were  the  orators ; where  lib- 
erty was  the  grand  inspiration  theme;  and  where  those  to 
respond  to  the  burning  words  were  substantial,  intelligent 
men,  in  earnest  about  their  rights  ! The  government1  had  long 

1 Governor  Gage  summoned  the  selectmen  to  meet  at  the  Province  House, 
August  13,  when  he  abruptly  handed  them  the  clause  about  town-meetings, 
and  read  it  to  them.  He  was  going  out  of  town  ; and  if  a meeting  was 
wanted,  he  would  allow  one  to  be  called,  if  he  should  judge  it  expedient.  The 
selectmen  told  him  they  had  no  occasion  for  calling  a meeting  — they  had  one 
alive.  The  governor  looked  serious,  and  said  “ He  must  think  of  that.  By 
thus  doing  they  could  keep  the  meetings  alive  for  ten  years.”  The  select- 
men replied  that  the  provincial  law  would  be  the  rule  of  their  conduct ; when 
the  governor  stated  that  he  was  determined  to  enforce  the  act  of  Parliament, 
and  they  must  be  answerable  for  any  bad  consequences.  — Boston  Records  : 


BOSTON  MEETINGS. 


27 


felt  their  effect,  and  dreaded  their  influence.  This  was  the 
reason  why  the  regulating  act  prohibited  them  after  the  first 
of  August,  and  why  Governor  Gage  summoned  the  selectmen 
to  the  Province  House  to  tell  them  that  he  should  enforce  the 
act.  The  selectmen  remarked  that  they  should  be  governed 
by  the  law  of  the  province.  Now,  the  clause  framed  to 
strangle  free  speech  was  clear  enough  as  to  prohibition,  but 
was  silent  as  to  adjournment.  Hence,  the  source  of  the  sedi- 
tious mischief,  which  the  British  ministry  expected  this  clause 
would  dry  up,  continued  as  prolific  as  ever.  Hence,  meetings 
called  before  the  first  of  August  were  kept  alive  for  weeks 
and  months ; and  they  might  be  kept  alive,  remarked  Gage, 
for  years.  The  governor  and  his  advisers  were  puzzled. 
They  dared  not  order  the  troops  to  stop  them ; and  to  their 
infinite  annoyance,  the  patriots  continued  to  thunder  in  the 
forum.  The  people  flocked  in  crowds  to  Faneuil  Hall,  a place 
redolent  with  the  blossoming  of  young  America.  When  this 
overflowed,  the  resort  was  to  the  Old  South  Church,  which 
hence  has  not  inaptly  been  called  the  Sanctuary  of  Freedom. 
But  in  case  an  obnoxious  office  was  to  be  resigned,  or  a patriotic 
agreement  was  to  be  entered  into,  or  a public  measure  was  to 
be  lampooned,  the  concourse  flocked  to  Liberty  Tree,  where, 
agreeably  to  previous  notice,  the  invisible  genius  of  the  place 
had  displayed  the  satirical  emblems,  or  procured  table,  paper, 
and  pens.  It  was  a fine  large  old  elm,  near  the  Boylston 
Market.  A staff  ran  through  it,  reaching  above  it,  on  which 
a flag  was  displayed,  and  an  inscription  was  put  on  it,  stating 
that  it  was  pruned  by  order  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty  in  1766. 
All  processions  saluted  it  as  an  emblem  of  the  popular  cause. 
No  wonder  it  put  the  royal  governors  in  mind  of  Jack  Cade’s 
Oak  of  Reformation.1 

The  labors  of  the  town-officers  and  of  the  committees,  at 
this  time,  were  arduous  and  important.  The  selectmen  con- 
fined their  labors  chiefly  to  municipal  concerns,  though  they 
often  met  with  the  committee  of  correspondence.  At  a crisis 
when  so  much  depended  on  the  good  order  of  the  town,  their 

Boston  Gazette,  August  15.  General  Gage,  September  2,  writes  of  this 
clause  in  the  act : No  persons  I have  advised  with  can  tell  what  to  do  with  it. 

1 Governor  Bernard’s  letter,  June  16,  1773. 

3 


28 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


services  were  required  to  be  unusually  energetic  and  judicious. 
A committee  of  safety  was  chosen,  to  devise  measures  for  the 
alarming  emergency.  A large  and  respectable  committee  was 
appointed  to  receive  the  contributions  sent  from  abroad,  and 
distribute  them  among  the  citizens.  This  was  called  the 
Donation  Committee,  which  was  in  communication  with  pat- 
riots from  every  colony  from  Canada  to  Georgia,  and  even 
from  the  western  parts  of  Virginia;  and  the  letters,  in  reply 
to  those  they  received,  contain  descriptions  of  the  sufferings 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  express  gratitude  for  the  relief.  The 
committee  of  correspondence,  however,  was  the  great  execu- 
tive of  the  patriot  party,  — the  mainspring  of  its  movements. 
It  had  long  acted  the  part  of  a faithful  sentinel  on  the  watch- 
tower.  It  promptly  framed  important  news  from  abroad,  or 
important  action  at  home,  into  hand-bills,  and  despatched  them 
to  local  committees,  to  be  laid  before  the  town-meetings  of  a 
hundred  communities.  It  was  the  great  counsellor  of  the 
Whigs.  Besides  meeting  with  the  selectmen,  it  often  sum- 
moned the  committees  of  the  neighboring  towns1  for  consul- 
tation. In  this  way  this  admirable  machinery  was  kept  in 
constant  play.  Thus  measures  that  might  startle  the  timid 
by  their  boldness  were  carefully  weighed  in  their  inception, 
and  concert  of  action  with  other  towns  was  secured.2 

1 One  of  the  notices  is  as  follows  : 

“Gentlemen, — Our  enemies  proceed  with  such  rapidity,  and  execute 
their  measures  so  successfully,  by  the  assistance  of  enemies  in  this  and  the 
neighboring  towns,  that  we  are  constrained  to  request  your  presence  and 
advice  immediately.  Matters  of  such  extreme  importance  now  claim  your 
attention,  that  the  lea,st  delay  may  prove  fatal.  We  therefore  entreat  your 
company  at  Fanueil  Hall,  at  five  o’clock  this  afternoon,  with  such  com- 
mittees in  your  neighborhood  as  you  can  influence  to  attend  on  so  short  a 
notice.  We  are  your  friends  and  fellow-countrymen, 

“Nath’l  Appleton, 

“ Per  order  of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence. 

“ Boston,  Tuesday,  September  27,  1774. 

“ The  Committee  of  Correspondence  of  Charlestown.” 

2 The  Committee  of  Safety  chosen  July  26,  1774,  were  : James  Bowdoin, 
Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  John  Hancock,  William  Phillips,  Joseph  War- 
ren, Josiah  Quincy. 

The  Selectmen  chosen  March,  1774,  were : John  Scollay,  John  Hancock, 


BOSTON  CLUBS. 


2S 


Boston  was  literally  full  of  clubs  and  caucuses,  which  were 
used  with  great  effect  to  secure  unity  of  action.  Here  town 
politics  were  freely  talked  over,  and  political  measures  were 
determined  upon.  A club  of  leading  patriots,  mostly  lawyers 
and  merchants  — such  as  Adams,  Otis,  and  Molineaux  — were 
accustomed  to  meet  at  private  dwellings,  often  at  William 
Cooper’s  house  in  Brattle-square.  John  Adams  has  given  a 
good  idea  of  the  conviviality  as  well  as  of  the  gravity  of  their 
meetings.  The  mechanics  had  their  clubs.  One  of  them 
often  met  at  the  Green  Dragon  Tavern.  One  of  their  import- 
ant duties  at  this  time  was  to  watch  the  movements  of  the 
troops  and  the  Tories.  “We  were  so  careful,”  Paul  Revere 
writes,  “ that  our  meetings  should  be  kept  secret,  that  every 
time  we  met  every  person  swore  upon  the  Bible  that  he  would 
not  discover  any  of  our  transactions  but  to  Messrs.  Hancock, 
Adams,  Doctors  Warren,  Church,  and  one  or  two  more.”  The 
engine  companies  were  larger  clubs,  some  of  which  had  writ- 
ten agreements  to  “aid  and  assist”  the  town  “to  the  utmost 
of  their  powers”  in  opposing  the  acts  of  Parliament.  The  most 
celebrated  of  these  clubs,  however,  were  three  caucuses,  — the 
North  End  Caucus,  the  South  End  Caucus,  and  the  Middle 
District  Caucus.  They  were  rather  societies  than  the  public 
meetings  understood  by  this  term  at  the  present  time.  They 
agreed  whom  they  would  support  for  town  officers,  whom  they 
would  name  on  committees,  what  instructions  they  would  pass, 
what  important  measures  they  would  carry  out.  Thus  the 

Timothy  Newell,  Thomas  Marshall,  Samuel  Austin,  Oliver  Wendell,  John 
Pitts  ; Town  Clerk,  William  Cooper  ; Town  Treasurer,  David  Jeffries. 

The  Donation  Committee  were  : Samuel  Adams,  John  Rowe,  Thomas 
Boylston,  William  Phillips,  Joseph  Warren,  John  Adams,  Josiah  Quincy,  jr. , 
Thomas  Cushing-,  Henderson  Inches,  William  Molineaux,  Nathaniel  Apple- 
ton,  Fortesque  Vernon,  Edward  Proctor,  John  White,  Gibbins  Sharpe,  Wil- 
liam Mackay,  Thomas  Greenough,  Samuel  Partidge,  Benjamin  Austin, 
Jonathan  Mason,  John  Brown,  James  Richardson,  Thomas  Crafts,  jr.,  Henry 
Hill,  Joshua  Henshaw,  jr.,  David  Jeffries. 

The  Committee  of  Correspondence  chosen  1772  were  : James  Otis,  Sam 
uel  Adams,  Joseph  Warren,  Dr.  Benjamin  Church,  William  Dennie.  William 
Greenleaf,  Joseph  Greenleaf,  Thomas  Young,  William  Powell,  Nathaniel 
Appleton,  Oliver  Wendell,  John  Sweetser,  Josiah  Quincy,  jr.,  John  Brad- 
ford, Richard  Boynton,  William  Mackay,  Nathaniel  Barber,  Caleb  Davis, 
Alexander  Hill,  William  Molineaux,  Robert  Pierpont. 


30 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


North  End  Caucus  — the  original  records  of  which  are  before 
me  — voted,  October  23.  1773,  that  they  “would  oppose  with 
their  lives  and  fortunes  the  vending  of  any  tea”  that  might 
be  sent  by  the  East  India  Company.  Again,  on  the  2d  of 
November,  after  appointing  a committee  of  three  to  wait  on 
the  committee  of  correspondence  and  desire  their  attendance, 
and  another  committee  of  three  to  invite  John  Hancock  to 
meet  with  them,  the  caucus  voted  that  the  tea  shipped  by 
the  East  India  Company  should  not  be  landed.  A good  under- 
standing was  kept  up  with  the  other  two  caucuses,  and  com- 
mittees of  conference  were  often  appointed  to  communicate 
their  proceedings  and  desire  a concurrence.1 

1 The  records  of  the  North  End  “ caucos  ” extend  from  March  23,  1772, 
to  May  17,  1774.  On  the  first  leaf  is  the  memorandum,  “ Began  1707  — 
records  lost.”  On  the  cover,  under  the  date  of  March  23,  there  is  a list  of 
sixty  persons,  probably  the  members  of  the  caucus.  The  Adamses,  Warren, 
Church  and  Molineaux,  were  members  : but  the  names  of  Hancock,  Bow- 
doin,  or  Cushing,  are  not  on  the  list.  On  the  3d  of  November,  a commit- 
tee was  chosen  to  get  a flag  for  Liberty  Tree. 

The  clubs,  however,  were  of  earlier  date  than  1767.  I am  indebted  to 
Hon.  C.  F.  Adams  for  the  following  extracts  from  the  diary  of  his  grand- 
father, John  Adams,  in  relation  to  their  meetings  : 

“Boston,  Feb.  1,  1763. — This  day  learned  that  the  Caucus  Club  meets  at 
certain  times  in  the  garret  of  Tom  Dawes,  the  adjutant  of  the  Boston  regi- 
ment. He  has  a large  house,  and  he  has  a movable  partition  in  his  garrett, 
which  he  takes  down,  and  the  whole  club  meet  in  one  room.  There  they 
smoke  tobacco  till  you  cannot  see  from  one  end  of  the  garret  to  the  other. 
There  they  drink  flip,  I suppose,  and  there  they  choose  a moderator,  who  puts 
questions  to  the  vote  regularly  ; and  selectmen,  assessors,  collectors,  war- 
dens, firewards,  and  representatives,  are  regularly  chosen  before  they  are 
chosen  in  the  town.  Uncle  Fairfield,  Story,  Ruddock,  Adams,  Cooper,  and 
a rudis  indigestaque  moles  of  others,  are  members.  They  send  committees 
to  wait  on  the  Merchant’s  Club,  and  to  propose  and  join  in  the  choice  of  men 
and  measures.  Captain  Cunningham  says  they  have  often  solicited  him  to  go 
to  these  caucuses,  — they  have  assured  him  benefit  iu  his  business,  &c. 

Dec.  23,  1765.  — Went  into  Mr.  Dudley’s,  Mr.  Dana's,  Mr.  Otis's  office, 
and  then  to  Mr.  Adams's,  and  went  with  him  to  the  Monday  night  club. 
There  I found  Otis,  Cushing,  Wells,  Pemberton,  Gray,  Austin,  two  Waldos, 
Inches,  (Dr.  Parker  1)  and  spent  the  evening  very  agreeably.  Politicians  all 
at  this  club. 

Jany.  15,  1766. — -Spent  the  evening  with  the  Sons  of  Liberty  at  their 
own  apartment  in  Ilanover-square,  near  the  Tree  of  Liberty.  It  is  a compt- 
ing  room  in  Chase  and  Speakman’s  distillery  — a very  small  room  it  is. 


THE  BOSTON  PRESS. 


31 


The  press  was  used  by  the  patriots  with  great  activity  and 
effect.  The  Boston  Gazette  and  the  Massachusetts  Spy  were 
the  principal  Whig  journals,  of  the  five  weekly  newspapers 
printed  this  year  in  Boston.  The  Gazette  had  for  a long  time 
been  the  main  organ  of  the  popular  party  ; and  it  was  through 
its  columns  that  Otis,  the  Adamses,  Quincy,  and  Warren, 
addressed  the  public.  In  fact,  no  paper  on  the  continent  took 
a more  active  part  in  politics,  or  more  ably  supported  the 
rights  of  the  colonies.  Its  tone  was  generally  dignified,  and 
its  articles  were  often  elaborate.  The  Massachusetts  Spy  was 
more  spicy,  more  in  the  partisan  spirit,  less  scrupulous  in 
matter,  and  aimed  less  at  elegance  of  composition  than  at 
clear,  direct,  and  efficient  appeal.  In  two  years  after  its  estab- 
lishment it  had  the  largest  circulation  of  any  paper  in  New 
England.  Its  pungent  paragraphs  annoyed  the  loyalists. 
The  soldiers  at  home  threatened  its  editor  with  tar  and  feath- 
ers, — the  Tories  abroad  burnt  him  in  effigy.  The  boldness, 
firmness,  and  ability  of  these  journals  did  invaluable  service 
to  the  cause  of  freedom.  The  Tories  acknowledged  the  effect 
of  them.  “The  changes,”  says  the  Tory  Massachusettensis, 
“have  been  rung  so  often  upon  oppression,  tyranny,  and 
slavery,  that,  whether  sleeping  or  waking,  they  are  contin- 
ually vibrating  in  our  ears.”  They  are  yet  vibrating  in  the 
world.1 

John  Avery,  distiller  or  merchant.,  of  a liberal  education  ; John  Smith,  the 
brazier  ; Thomas  Crafts,  the  painter  ; Edes,  the  printer  ; Stephen  Cleverly, 
the  brazier  ; Chase,  the  distiller  : Joseph  Field,  master  of  a vessel ; .Henry 
Bass,  George  Trott,  jeweller,  were  present.  I was  invited  by  Crafts  and 
Trott  to  go  and  spend  an  evening  with  them  and  some  others.  Avery  was 
mentioned  to  me  as  one.  I went,  and  was  very  civilly  and  respectfully  treated 
bv  all  present.  We  had  punch,  wine,  pipes  and  tobacco,  biscuit  and  cheese, 
&c.  I heard  nothing  but  such  conversation  as  passes  at  all  clubs  among  gen- 
tlemen about  the  times.  No  plots,  no  machinations.  They  chose  a com- 
mittee to  make  preparations  for  grand  rejoicings  upon  the  arrival  of  the  news 
of  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act.” 

1 The  five  newspapers  printed  in  Boston,  in  1774,  were  as  follows  : The 
Boston  Evening  Post,  on  Monday  mornings.  It  was  first  an  evening  paper. 
It  was  printed  by  Thomas  and  John  Fleet.  This  journal  contained  many 
articles  from  the  pens  of  the  Whigs,  but  it  appears  also  to  have  been 
employed  by  the  government.  The  Boston  News-Letter  was  published  by 
Margaret  Draper,  widow  of  Richard  Draper,  and  her  partner,  Robert  Boyle, 
3* 


32 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


The  patriots  did  not  carry  their  measures  without  oppo- 
sition. The  Revolution  was  no  unanimous  work;  and  the 
closer  it  is  studied,  the  more  difficult  and  more  hazardous  it 
will  be  found  to  have  been.  In  Boston,  the  opposition,  the 
Tories,  were  respectable  in  number,  and  strong  in  character 
and  ability.  General  Gage  expected  much  from  them ; 1 for 
though  they  were  comparatively  inactive  when  he  arrived, 
yet  he  was  assured  that,  after  his  troops  were  concentrated  so 
as  to  afford  them  protection,  many  would  come  out  boldly  for 
the  government  who  had  been  intimidated  by  “the  faction.” 
One  of  the  last  rallies  of  the  Tory  party  — one  of  their 
strongest  contests  with  the  Whigs  — was  at  a town-meeting 
held  in  June,  when  one  of  their  number  made  a motion  to 
censure  and  annihilate  the  committee  of  correspondence. 
They  were  patiently  heard  in  support  of  it,  — Samuel  Adams 
leaving  the  chair,  and  mingling  in  the  debate.  No  reports  of 
town-meeting  speeches  are  extant ; but  the  Tory  speaker 
would  be  bold  and  vehement  against  this  busy  committee. 
“ This  is  the  foulest,  subtlest,  and  most  venomous  serpent  that 
ever  issued  from  the  eggs  of  sedition.  It  is  the  source  of  the 
rebellion.  I saw  tire  small  seed  when  it  was  implanted  ; it 
was  as  a grain  of  mustard.  I have  watched  the  plant  until  it 
has  become  a great  tree;  the  vilest  reptiles  that  crawl  upon 
the  earth  are  concealed  at  the  root;  the  foulest  birds  of  the 
air  rest  upon  its  branches.  I now  would  induce  you  to  go  to 
work  immediately  with  axes  and  hatchets,  and  cut  it  down, 
for  a two-fold  reason  : — because  it  is  a pest  to  society,  and  lest 
it  be  felled  suddenly  by  a stronger  arm,  and  crush  its  thou- 

in  Newbury-street.  They  separated  before  the  commencement  of  hostilities, 
when  John  Howe  became  her  partner,  and  remained  in  business  with  her 
until  the  British  troops  left  Boston,  when  the  News-Letter  ended.  It  was 
the  only  paper  printed  in  Boston  during  the  siege.  The  chief  organ  of 
the  government  party  was  the  Massachusetts  Gazette  and  Boston  Post-Boy 
and  Advertiser,  published  by  Mills  and  Hicks.  It  was  patronized  by  the 
officers  of  the  crown,  and  attracted  the  most  notice  from  the  Whigs.  The 
Boston  Gazette  and  Country  Journal  was  printed  by  Benjamin  Edes  and  John 
Gill.  The  Massachusetts  Spy  was  printed  by  Isaiah  Thomas.  — Thomas’ 
History  of  Printing. 

1 See  Gage’s  Letter,  on  page  7. 


BOSTON  LOYALISTS. 


33 


sands  in  the  fall.”  1 And  great  must  have  been  the  patriot, 
Samuel  Adams,  in  reply  to  such  a strain.  He  was  not  only 
the  father,  but  he  was  the  soul,  of  this  committee ; and  his 
deepest  feelings  would  be  aroused  to  defend  it.  “ On  such 
occasions,”  John  Adams  writes,  “he  erected  himself,  or  rather 
nature  seemed  to  erect  him,  without  the  smallest  symptom  of 
affectation,  into  an  upright  dignity  of  figure  and  gesture,  and 
gave  a harmony  to  his  voice,  which  made  a strong  impression 
on  spectators  and  auditors,  — the  more  lasting  for  the  purity, 
correctness,  and  nervous  elegance  of  his  style.”  The  meeting 
began  in  Faneuil  Hall,  and  it  ended  in  the  Old  South.  The 
committee,  instead  of  being  annihilated,  were  thanked  for 
their  patriotic  action.  One  hundred  and  twenty-nine  of  the 
citizens  made  their  protest  against  the  proceedings.  An  oppo- 
sition that  could  muster  so  strong  Avas  one  not  to  be  despised. 
“A  number  of  the  better  sort  of  people,”  General  Gage  writes, 
July  5,  “attended  town-meeting  in  Boston  with  a design  to 
make  a push  to  pay  for  the  tea,  and  annihilate  the  committee 
of  correspondence,  but  they  were  outvoted  by  a great  number 
of  the  lower  class.” 

The  Tories  were  severe  in  their  condemnation  of  the  pat- 
riot cause,  and  confident  of  the  poAver  of  Great  Britain  to 
crush  it.  “ The  annals  of  the  Avorld,”  Massachusettensis 
says,  “haAre  not  yet  been  deformed  Avith  a single  instance  of 
so  unnatural,  so  causeless,  so  wanton,  so  Avicked  a rebellion.” 
Should  hostilities  commence,  “ NeAv  England  Avould  stand 
recorded  a singular  monument  of  human  folly  and  Avicked- 
ness.”  Then  nothing  short  of  a miracle  could  gain  the  patri- 

1 Massachusettensis.  Edition  1819,  pp.  159,  165. 

This  was  by  far  the  ablest  of  the  Tory  writers.  Trumbull  says  it  was  the 
last  combined  effort  of  Tory  wit  and  argument  to  write  down  the  Revolution. 
Hence  in  McFingal  the  poet  writes  : 

Did  not  our  Massachusettensis 
For  your  conviction  strain  his  senses  ; 

Scrawl  every  moment  he  could  spare 
From  cards  and  barbers  and  the  fair  ; 

Show,  clear  as  sun  in  noon-day  heavens, 

You  did  not  feel  a single  grievance  ; 

Demonstrate  all  your  opposition 
Sprung  from  the  eggs  of  foul  sedition  1 


34 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


ots  one  battle,  and  hence  there  was  but  one  step  between  them 
and  ruin.  The  Tory  descriptions  of  the  men  “whose  ambi- 
tion wantonly  opened  the  sources  of  civil  discord  ” were 
equally  severe.  They  were  called  “ the  faction,”  consisting 
of  “calves,  knaves,  and  fools,”  and  not  numbering  “a  fourth 
part  of  the  inhabitants.”  Their  motives  were  described  as 
the  most  selfish  and  unworthy.  The  majority  were  “an 
ignorant  mob,  led  on  and  inflamed  by  self-interested  and 
profligate  men.”  “ The  town-meeting  was  the  hot-bed  of 
sedition.”  Incessant  were  the  sneers  in  the  British  journals  and 
pamphlets  against  “ the  Boston  saints.”  “ The  venerable 
forefathers  of  the  loyal  saints  of  Boston”  were  rebels  when 
they  deposed  Andros,  and  “their  hopeful  progeny”  were  reb- 
els against  George  III.  Long  had  the  Bostonians  cherished 
a desire  of  independence  : “ Many  years’ observation  has  con- 
vinced me,”  one  in  1774  writes,  “ that  the  Bostonians  wanted 
to  throw  off  the  authority  of  Great  Britain.”  The  merchants 
were  characterized  as  smugglers,  and  “ the  smugglers  were  the 
main  body  of  the  patriots.”  “ The  merchants,”  a Boston  let- 
ter says,  “form  a part  of  those  seditious  herds  of  fools  and 
knaves  which  assemble  on  all  important  occasions  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  or  in  the  Council 
Chamber,  at  Boston  ; in  which  places,  with  the  most  sanctified 
countenances,  they  preface  their  wise  and  learned  harangues, 
and  their  treasonable  votes  and  resolves,  with  humbly  beseech- 
ing the  Almighty  to  stand  forth  the  champion  of  rebellion.” 
“The  generality  of  young  Bostonians  are  bred  up  hypocrites 
in  religion,  and  pettifoggers  in  law.”  In  a word,  Boston  was 
represented  as  the  seat  of  all  the  opposition  to  the  ministry  ; 
and  this  opposition  was  represented  as  confined  to  “ the  fac- 
tion” in  Boston.  “The  demons  of  folly,  falsehood,  madness, 
and  rebellion,  seem  to  have  entered  into  the  Boston  saints, 
along  with  their  chief,  the  angel  of  darkness.”  These  phrases 
may  be  thought  unworthy  to  be  introduced  here.  But  it  was 
the  information  that  was  sent  to  England  concerning  the 
character,  motives,  and  extent  of  the  patriot  party ; and  it  was 
the  information  on  which  the  British  ministry  chose  to  rely.1 

1 These  phrases  are  taken  from  the  newspapers,  and  a sharply  written 
pamphlet,  entitled  “ Letters,  &c.,”  “ Humbly  inscribed  to  the  very  loyal  and 


BOSTON  DAII.Y  NEWS. 


35 


How  vivid  would  be  the  picture  of  Boston  in  this  eventful 
period,  — of  its  hopes  and  fears,  of  its  intense  mental  life, — 
could  the  daily  news  be  given  as  it  was  spoken  in  groups  it* 
the  streets,  or  in  the  social  gathering ; and  could  the  feelings 
with  which  it  was  received  be  realized  ! Eagerly  would  the 
inhabitants  devour  up  each  new  report.  “Samuel  Adams 
writes  that  things  go  on  in  the  Continental  Congress,  without 
any  motion  of  our  members,  as  perfectly  to  his  liking  as  if  lie 
•were  sole  director.”  “John  Adams  writes,  there  is  a great 
spirit  in  the  Congress,  and  that  we  must  furnish  ourselves 
with  artillery,  and  arms,  and  ammunition,  but  avoid  war  if 
possible  — if  possible.”  “ The  members  of  our  General  Court, 
though  Gage  dissolved  them,  mean  to  stick  to  the  charter,  and 
have  resolved  themselves  into  a Provincial  Congress.”  “ Their 
proceedings  are  carried  on  in  secret ; but  Dr.  Warren  says,  the 
debates  are  worthy  of  an  assembly  of  Spartans  or  ancient 
Romans,  and  their  votes  are  worthy  of  a people  determined  to 
be  free.”  “Our  friends  abroad  say  that  Great  Britain  is 
determined  to  force  the  regulating  act  down  our  throats,  and 
that  the  people  have  too  generally  got  the  idea  that  Americans 
are  all  cowards  and  poltroons.”  “Josiah  Quincy,  jr. , writes 
for  us  to  prepare  for  the  worst,  for  it  is  a serious  truth  in 
which  our  friends  there  are  all  agreed,  that  our  countrymen 
must  seal  their  cause  with  their  blood.”  “Our  old  Louis- 
burg  soldiers  laugh  at  the  newly  erected  fortifications,  and 
say  they  are  mud  walls  in  comparison  with  what  they  have 
subdued  ; and  that,  if  necessary,  they  would  regard  them  no 
more  than  a beaver  dam.”  “Our  woollen  manufactory  is 
getting  along  finely,  and  has  just  turned  out  a large  quantity 

truly  pious  Doctor  Samuel  Cooper,  pastor  of  the  Congregational  Church  in 
•Brattle-street.”  “Boston:  Printed  by  order  of  the  selectmen,  and  sold  at 
Donation  Hall,  for  the  benefit  of  the  distressed  patriots,  1775.” 

The  London  Chronicle,  1774,  thus  describes  the  patriots,  after  the  Port 
Bill  had  arrived  : “ The  faction  of  Boston  are  now  in  the  same  condition  that 
all  people  feel  themselves  in  after  having  committed  some  signal  outrage 
against  the  laws  ; at  first  they  support  one  another  by  talking  over  their 
spirited  exertions,  and  praising  each  other's  bravery  ; but  these  vain  notions 
soon  evaporate,  and  the  dread  of  punishment  takes  possession  of  their  minds, 
upon  which  they  become  as  low-spirited  and  dastardly  as  they  were  before 
outrageous  and  overbearing.” 


36 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


of  baizes,  and  we  see  that  we  can  make  any  kind  of  linens 
or  woollens.”  “ Mrs.  Cushing  says  she  hopes  there  are  none 
*of  us  but  would  sooner  Avrap  ourselves  in  sheep-skins  and 
goat-skins  than  buy  English  goods  of  a people  who  have  in- 
sulted us  in  such  a scandalous  manner.” 1 “ Tavo  of  the  great- 
est military  characters  of  the  age  are  visiting  this  distressed 
town, — General  Charles  Lee,  who  has  served  in  Poland, 
and  Colonel  Israel  Putnam,  whose  bravery  and  character  need 
no  description.”  “ The  collectors  have  begun  to  pay  the  pub- 
lic moneys  to  the  people’s  treasurer;  and  the  king’s  treasurer, 
Gray,  gives  notice  (October  31)  that  he  shall  soon  issue  his 
distress  warrant  to  collect  the  taxes  from  the  constables  and 
collectors.”  “Peters,  the  Tory  minister,  Avrites  (September 
28)  that  six  regiments,  with  men-of-war,  are  coming  over ; 
and  as  soon  as  they  come  hanging  work  will  go  on,  and  that 
destruction  will  begin  at  the  seaport  towns,  and  that  the 
lintel  sprinkled  on  the  side-posts  Avill  preserve  the  faithful.” 
“Last  Aveek,  at  the  field-day  at  Marblehead,  the  regiment 
did  not  fire  a single  volley,  nor  waste  a kernel  of  powder.” 
“Another  regiment  of  red-coats  marched  proudly  up  King- 
street  to-day,  music  playing,  colors  flying,  bayonets  gleaming, 
and  encamped  on  the  common.”  “John  Adams  says  that  the 
great  Virginia  orator,  Patrick  Henry,  on  being  told  that  it  Avas 
Major  Hawley's  opinion  that  £ We  must  fight,  and  make  prep- 
aration for  it,’  solemnly  averred,  £I  am  of  that  man’s  mind.’  ” 
Such  phrases  iioav  are  mere  words.  Then  they  were  things. 
And  as  they  Avent  into  happy  homes,  they  made  the  father 

1 This  expression  is  taken  from  a Ms.  letter  written  by  the  wife  of  Thomas 
Cushing',  then  in  Congress,  dated  Boston,  September  21,  1774.  She  writes  : 
“ My  spirits  were  very  good  until  one  Saturday,  riding  into  town,  I found  the 
Neck  beset  with  soldiers,  the  cannon  hoisted,  — many  Tories  on  the  Neck, 
and  many  more  going  up  to  see  the  encampment  with  the  greatest  pleasure 
in  their  countenances,  which,  I must  confess,  gave  a damp  to  my  spirits  which 
I had  not  before  felt.  But  I hope  the  rod  of  the  wicked  wont  always  rest 
upon  us,  and  that  the  triumph  will  be  but  short.  None  of  our  friends  think 
of  moving  themselves  or  house  furniture  at  present.  When  it  is  necessary, 
I doubt  not  I shall  have  many  good  friends  to  advise  and  assist  me.  I hope 
there  are  none  of  us  but  what  would  sooner  wrap  themselves  in  sheep  and 
goat-skins  than  buy  English  goods  of  a people  Avho  have  insulted  them  in 
such  a scandalous  manner.” 


BOSTON  SUFFERING. 


37 


thoughtful  and  solemn,  and  the  mother’s  heart  throb  with 
intenser  anxiety.  It  was  felt  that  the  shadows  in  the  horizon 
were  not  to  pass  away  as  the  summer  cloud,  but  were  length- 
ening and  deepening,  and  gathering  with  angry  portent. 
The}'-  heralded  the  coming  of  that  terrible  calamity,  civil  war. 

While  such  was  the  mental  life  of  Boston,  how  changed 
had  become  its  material  aspect ! How  still  its  streets,  how 
deserted  its  wharves,  how  dull  its  marts  ! The  Port  Bill  not 
only  cut  off  its  foreign  trade,  but  the  whole  of  its  domestic 
trade  by  water.  Did  a lighter  attempt  to  land  hay  from  the 
islands,  or  a boat  to  bring  in  sand  from  the  neighboring  hills, 
or  a scow  to  freight  to  it  lumber  or  iron,  or  a float  to  land 
sheep,  or  a farmer  to  carry  marketing  over  in  the  ferry-boats, 
the  argus-eyed  fleet  was  ready  to  see  it,  and  prompt  to  cap- 
ture or  destroy.1  Not  a raft  or  a keel  was  allowed  to  approach 
the  town  with  merchandise.  Many  of  the  stores,  especially 
all  those  on  Long  Wharf,  were  closed.  In  a word,  Boston 
had  fairly  entered  on  its  season  of  suffering.  Did  its  inhab- 
itants expostulate  on  the  severity  with  which  the  law  was 
carried  out,  the  insulting  reply  was,  that  to  distress  them 
was  the  very  object  of  the  bill.  As  though  the  deeper  the 
iron  entered  into  the  soul,  the  sooner  and  the  more  complete 
would  be  the  submission.  Citizens  of  competence  were 
reduced  to  want ; the  ever  hard  lot  of  the  poor  became  harder. 
To  maintain  order  and  preserve  life,  at  so  trying  a season, 
called  for  nerve  and  firmness.  Work  was  to  be  provided 
when  there  was  no  demand  for  the  products  of  labor,  and 
relief  was  to  be  distributed  according  to  the  circumstances  of 
the  applicants.  The  donation  committee  sat  every  day,  Sun- 
days excepted,  to  distribute  the  supplies.  An  arrangement 
was  made  with  the  selectmen,  by  which  a large  number  were 
employed  to  repair  and  pave  the  streets,  and  hundreds  were 
employed  in  brick-yards  laid  out  on  the  Neck.2  Manufactories 

1 Boston  Gazette,  October  17,  1774.  2 Report  of  the  donation  committee. 

One  seventh  of  all  the  contributions  were  assigned  to  Charlestown.  The 
letters  of  this  committee  are  among  the  Mss.  in  the  cabinet  of  the  Mass.  Hist. 
Society.  Contributions  continued  to  be  received  in  Boston  until  the  com 
mencement  of  hostilities  ; they  were  also  made  for  the  poor  of  Boston  a long 
time  afterwards. 


38 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


of  various  kinds  were  established  ; the  building  of  vessels  and 
of  houses  and  setting  up  blacksmith-shops  were  among  the 
projects  started.  The  means  to  carry  on  all  this  business 
were  derived  from  the  contributions.  This  forced  labor,  how- 
ever, ill  compared  with  that  voluntary  activity  which  had  so 
long  characterized  the  metropolis;  and  a visiter  to  it,  during 
the  gloomy  winter  of  1774 — 5,  would  have  seen  little  of  that 
commerce  which  had  raised  “the  great  town”  to  its  high 
prosperity. 

All  eyes  then  were  fixed  on  Boston ; and  until  its  evacu- 
ation, it  continued  to  be  regarded  with  warm  sympathy,  with 
intense  interest,  and  at  times  with  fearful  apprehension.  A 
hostile  fleet  surrounded  it  without,  a formidable  military  were 
assembling  within.  Tents  covered  its  fields,  cannon  were 
planted  on  its  eminences,  and  troops  daily  paraded  in  its 
streets.  Thus,  in  addition  to  the  destruction  of  its  trade,  it 
wore  the  aspect,  and  became  subject  to  the  vexations,  of  a 
garrisoned  place.  It  was  cheerful  only  to  the  adherents  of 
the  British  ministry,  for  it  was  the  only  spot  in  Massachusetts 
where  the  governor  was  in  authority,  and  where  the  laws  of 
Parliament  were  in  force.  Hence,  those  repaired  to  it  for  pro- 
tection who  had  become  obnoxious  to  the  people  by  their 
zeal  in  behalf  of  the  government.  Hence,  General  Gage,  his 
crown-appointed  councillors,  and  the  official  functionaries, 
were  obliged  to  live  in  a town  in  which  the  dignity  of  his 
Britannic  majesty  required  that  not  one  of  them  should  reside.1 
Hence,  the  custom-house  was  of  necessity  located  in  a port 
from  which  the  British  Parliament  had  proscribed  all  trade. 
Boston  received  from  every  quarter  assurances  of  support. 
Salem  spurned  the  idea  of  rising  on  the  ruins  of  its  neighbor ; 
Marblehead  generously  offered  the  inhabitants  the  use  of  its 
wharves ; the  Provincial  Congress  and  the  Continental  Con- 
gress recommended  contributions  for  its  relief;  donations  of 
money,  clothing,  and  provisions,  continued  to  pour  into  it; 
while  visions  of  the  better  days  in  store  for  it  cheered  patriot 
hearts.  “I  view  it,”  Mrs.  Adams  writes,  “with  much  the 
same  sensations  that  I should  the  body  of  a departed  friend ; — 
as  having  only  put  off  its  present  glory  to  rise  finally  to  a more 

1 See  Dartmouth’s  letter  to  Gage,  p.  5. 


BOSTON  AND  THE  COUNTRY. 


39 


happy  state.”  1 Boston,  on  its  part,  did  not  falter  in  its  course, 
nor  did  it  relax  its  efforts.  Its  committees,  in  replies  to  let- 
ters that  tendered  aid  and  sympathy  from  abroad,  sent  out 
words  full  of  reliance  on  the  right,  and  of  confidence  in  an 
ultimate  triumph  ; and  its  town-meetings  continued  their  pat- 
riotic action.  Boston  (September  22,  1774)  instructed  its 
representatives  to  adhere  to  the  old  charter,  — “to  do  nothing 
that  could  possibly  be  construed  into  an  acknowledgement” 
of  the  regulating  act ; and  if  the  legislature  should  be  dis- 
solved, to  join  in  a Provincial  Congress,  and  act  in  such  man- 
ner as  “most  likely  to  preserve  the  liberties  of  all  America.”2 
It  pursued  steadily  the  course  laid  out  for  it,3  that  of  patient 
suffering.  Hence  it  became  so  quiet,  that  the  royal  officers 


1 Mrs.  Adams  dates  this  letter,  Boston  Garrison,  22d  September,  1774.  — 
Letters,  p.  19.  2 Boston  Records. 

3 The  patriots  were  occasionally  cheered  by  a song.  The  following  is 
copied  from  the  Essex  Gazette  of  October  25,  1774  : — 

LIBERTY  SONG: 

Tune  — Smile  Britannia. 


i. 

Ye  sons  of  freedom,  smile  ! 

America  unites  ; 

And  friends  in  Britain’s  isle 
Will  vindicate  our  rights  ; 

In  spite  of  Ga — s hostile  train, 

We  will  our  liberties  maintain. 

n. 

Boston,  be  not  dismayed, 

Tho’  tyrants  now  oppress  ; 

Tho’  fleets  and  troops  invade, 

You  soon  will  have  redress  : 

The  resolutions  of  the  brave 
Will  injured  Massachusetts  save. 

hi. 

The  delegates  have  met ; 

For  wisdom  all  renowned  ; 

Freedom  we  may  expect 
From  politics  profound. 

Blustrious  Congress,  may  each  name 
Be  crowned  with  immortal  fame  ! 

4 


rv. 

Tho’  troops  upon  our  ground 
Have  strong  entrenchments  made, 
Tho’  ships  the  town  surround, 

With  all  their  guns  displayed, 

’T  will  not  the  free-born  spirit  tame, 
Or  force  us  to  renounce  our  claim. 

v. 

Our  Charter-Rights  we  claim, 

Granted  in  ancient  times, 

Since  our  Forefathers  came 
First  to  these  western  climes  : 

Nor  will  their  sons  degenerate, 

They  freedom  love  — oppression  hate. 

VI. 

If  Ga — e should  strike  the  blow, 

We  must  for  Freedom  fight, 
Undaunted  courage  show, 

While  we  defend  our  right ; 

In  spite  of  the  oppressive  band 
Maintain  the  freedom  of  the  Land. 


40 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


ascribed  it  to  fear  and  to  submission.1  But  the  patriots  saw 
in  this  calmness,  this  forbearance,  this  absence  of  tumult,  a 
high  and  necessary  duty.  It  was  such  moderation  and  firm- 
ness that  made  the  cause  of  Boston  the  cause  of  the  other 
colonies.  Its  praise  was  in  the  midst  of  every  village,  and 
in  the  mouth  of  every  patriot.  “We  think  it  happy  for 
America,”  Charlestown,  with  prophetic  accuracy,  wrote  to 
Boston,  “that  you  are  placed  in  the  front  rank  of  the  conflict; 
and  with  gratitude  acknowledge  your  vigilance,  activity,  and 
firmness  in  the  common  cause,  which  will  be  admired  by  gen- 
erations yet  unborn.”2 

The  Boston  patriots  had  warned  their  fellow-countrymen 
that  the  new  acts  could  not  fail  to  “bring  on  a most  import- 
ant and  decisive  trial.”3  Though  the  day  of  this  trial  had 
come,  though  it  had  been  resolved  to  resist  at  all  hazards  the 
execution  of  these  acts,  yet  they  were  anxious  to  postpone, 
until  it  was  absolutely  necessary,  a collision  with  the  British 
troops,  and  had  agreed  upon  a plan  for  this  purpose.4  Before 
a contest  took  place,  they  hoped  to  receive  the  assurance  that 
other  colonies  would  make  common  cause  with  Massachusetts. 
In  this  hope  they  were  not  disappointed.  Governor  Gage  was 
astonished  to  witness  the  spread  of  the  union  spirit,  — that  so 
many  “should  interest  themselves  so  much  in  behalf  of  Mas- 
sachusetts.” “I  find,”  he  writes  September  20,  1774,  “they 
have  some  warm  friends  in  New  York  and  Philadelphia,” 
and  “that  the  people  of  Charleston  (S.  C.)  are  as  mad  as  they 
are  here.”  Again,  on  the  25th,  he  writes  : “ This  province  is 
supported  and  abetted  by  others  beyond  the  conception  of  most 
people,  and  foreseen  by  none.  The  disease  was  believed  to 
have  been  confined  to  the  town  of  Boston,  from  whence  it 
might  have  been  eradicated,  no  doubt,  without  a great  deal  of 

1 An  officer,  November  3,  1774,  says:“The  faction  in  Boston  is  now  very 
low.  Believe  me,  all  ranks  of  people  are  heartily  tired  of  disorder  and  con- 
fusion ; and  as  soon  as  the  determination  of  Great  Britain  to  despise  their 
resolves  and  petitions  is  known,  all  will  be  very  quiet.” 

2 Hist.  Charlestown,  300.  3 See  the  remarkable  letter  of  Boston,  dated 

July  26,  1774,  written  when  these  acts  were  “every  day  expected.” 

4 Dr.  Warren,  August  27,  1774,  writes  : “ As  yet  we  have  been  preserved 
from  action  with  the  soldiery,  and  we  shall  endeavor  to  avoid  it  until  we  see 
that  it  is  necessary,  and  a settled  p.an  is  fixed  on  for  that  purpose.” 


THE  MILITIA  ORGANIZED. 


41 


trouble,  and  it  might  have  been  the  case  some  time  ago ; but 
now  it  is  universal,  — there  is  no  knowing  where  to  apply  a 
remedy.” 

Governor  Gage  issued  writs,  dated  September  1,  convening 
the  General  Court  at  Salem  on  the  5th  of  October,  but  dis- 
solved it  by  a proclamation  dated  September  28,  1774.  The 
members  elected  to  it,  pursuant  to  the  course  agreed  upon 
resolved  themselves  into  a Provincial  Congress.  This  body, 
on  the  26th  of  October,  adopted  a plan  for  organizing  the 
militia,  maintaining  it,  and  calling  it  out  when  circumstances 
should  render  it  necessary.  It  provided  that  one  quarter  of 
the  number  enrolled  should  be  held  in  readiness  to  muster  at 
the  shortest  notice,  who  were  called  by  the  popular  name  of 
minute-men.  An  executive  authority  — the  Committee  of 
Safety  — was  created,  clothed  with  large  discretionary  pow- 
ers ; and  another,  called  the  Committee  of  Supplies.  On  the 
27th  Jedediah  Preble,  (who  did  not  accept,)  Artemas  Ward, 
and  Seth  Pomeroy,  were  chosen  general  officers ; and  on  the 
2Sth,  Henry  Gardner  was  chosen  treasurer  of  the  colony, 
under  the  title  of  Receiver-General.  Among  the  energetic 
acts  of  this  memorable  Congress,  was  one  authorizing  the  col- 
lection of  military  stores.  It  dissolved  December  10.  The 
committee  of  safety,  as  early  as  November,  authorized  the 
purchase  of  materials  for  an  army,  and  ordered  them  to  be 
deposited  at  Concord  and  Worcester.  These  proceedings  were 
denounced  by  General  Gage,  in  a proclamation  dated  Novem- 
ber 10,  as  treasonable,  and  a compliance  with  them  was  for- 
bidden. In  a short  time  the  king’s  speech  and  the  action  of 
Parliament  were  received,  which  manifested  a firm  determin- 
ation to  produce  submission  to  the  late  acts,  and  to  maintain 
“the  supreme  authority”  of  Great  Britain  over  the  colonies. 
General  Gage  regarded  this  intelligence  as  having  “cast  a 
damp  upon  the  faction,”  and  as  having  produced  a happy 
effect  upon  the  royalist  cause.  However,  a second  Provincial 
Congress  (February  1 to  16,  1775)  renewed  the  measures  of 
its  predecessor ; and  gave  definiteness  to  the  duties  of  the 
committee  of  safety,  by  “empowering  and  directing”  them 
(on  the  9th  of  February)  to  assemble  the  militia  whenever  it 
was  required  to  resist  the  execution  of  the  two  acts,  for  alter- 


42 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


ing  the  government  and  the  administration  of  justice.  At  the 
same  time  it  appointed  two  additional  generals,  John  Thomas 
and  William  Heath,  and  made  it  the  duty  of  the  five  general 
officers  to  take  charge  of  the  militia  when  called  out  by  the 
committee  of  safety,  and  to  “effectually  oppose  and  resist 
such  attempt  or  attempts  as  shall  be  made  for  carrying  into 
execution  by  force  ” the  two  acts.  In  a spirited  address,  Con- 
gress appealed  to  the  towns  for  support.  It  urged  that,  when 
invaded  by  oppression,  resistance  became  “ the  Christian  and 
social  duty  of  each  individual;”  and  it  enjoined  the  people 
never  to  yield,  but,  with  a proper  sense  of  dependence  on  God, 
defend  those  rights  which  Heaven  gave  them,  and  no  one 
ought  to  take  from  them. 1 v 

The  conviction  was  fast  becoming  general  that  force  only 
could  decide  the  contest.  Stimulated  and  sustained  by  such  a 
public  opinion,  the  committees  of  safety  and  supplies  were 
diligent,  through  the  gloomy  months  of  winter,  in  collecting 
and  storing  at  Concord  and  Worcester  materials  for  the  main- 
tenance of  an  army.  The  towns,  which  had  done  so  fear- 
lessly and  so  thoroughly  the  necessary  preparatory  work  of 
forming  and  concentrating  political  sentiment,  came  forward 
now  to  complete  their  patriotic  action  by  voting  money  freely 
to  arm,  equip,  and  discipline  “Alarm  List  Companies.”  Cit- 
izens of  every  calling  appeared  in  their  ranks.  To  be  a pri- 
vate in  them  was  proclaimed  by  the  journals  to  be  an  honor : 
to  be  chosen  to  office  in  them,  to  be  a mark  of  the  highest 
distinction.  In  Danvers  the  deacon  of  the  parish  was  elected 
captain  of  the  minute-men,  and  the  minister  his  lieutenant. 
These  minute-men  were  trained  often  — the  towns  paying  the 
expense ; when  the  company,  after  its  field  exercises,  would 
sometimes  repair  to  the  meeting-house  to  hear  a patriotic  ser- 
mon, or  partake  of  an  entertainment  at  the  town-house,  where 
zealous  “Sons  of  Liberty”  would  exhort  them  to  prepare  to 
fight  bravely  for  God  and  their  country.  Such  was  the  dis- 

1 Journals  of  the  Provincial  Congress.  Of  this  Congress  Joseph  Warren 
wrote,  November  21,  1774 — “ About  two  hundred  and  sixty  members  were 
present.  You  would  have  thought  yourself  in  an  assembly  of  Spartans,  or 
ancient  Rc  mans,  had  you  been  a witness  to  the  ardor  which  inspired  those 
who  spoke  upon  the  important  business  they  were  transacting.” 


THE  BRITISH  ARMY. 


43 


eiphne,  — so  free  from  a mercenary  spirit  — so  full  of  inspiring 
influences,  — of  the  early  American  soldiery.  And  thus  an 
army,  in  fact,  was  in  existence,  ready,  at  a moment’s  call,  for 
defensive  purposes,  to  wheel  its  isolated  platoons  into  solid 
phalanxes  ; while  it  presented  to  an  enemy  only  the  opportu- 
nity of  an  inglorious  foray  upon  its  stores.1 

In  the  mean  time  troops  continued  to  arrive  in  Boston.  On 
the  17th  of  November  the  whole  force  consisted  of  eleven 
regiments,  and  the  artillery.  In  December  five  hundred 
marines  landed  from  the  Asia.  At  this  time  nearly  all  the 
regiments  which  had  been  ordered  from  Quebec,  New  York, 
and  the  Jerseys,  had  arrived.  Mechanics  had  been  brought 
from  abroad  to  build  barracks  for  their  accommodation  during 
the  winter,  and  they  were  all  under  cover.  “Our  army,”  a 
British  officer  writes,  December  26,  1774,  “is  in  high  spirits; 
and  at  present  this  town  is  pretty  quiet.  We  get  plenty  of  pro- 
visions, cheap  and  good  in  their  kind ; we  only  regret  that 
necessity  obliges  us  to  enrich,  by  purchasing  from  a set  of 
people  we  would  wish  to  deprive  of  so  great  an  advantage. 
Our  parade  is  a very  handsome  one  ; three  hundred  and  seven- 
ty men  mount  daily,  and  more  are  expected  soon ; a field 
officer’s  guard  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  at  the  lines  on 
the  Neck.  The  army  is  brigaded.  The  first  brigadier-gen- 
eral, Earl  Percy ; major  of  brigade,  Moncreiff ; second  brig- 
adier, Pigott ; major  of  brigade,  Small ; third  brigade,  Jones  ; 

1 Many  paragraphs  of  similar  character  to  the  following  appear  in  the 
journals  : 

“On  the  2d  of  this  instant  the  minute-company  of  the  town  of  Lunenburg, 
consisting  of  fifty-seven  able-bodied  men,  appeared  in  arms  on  the  parade,  at 
10  o'clock,  a.  m.,  and  after  going  through  the  several  military  manceuvres, 
they  marched  to  a public-house,  where  the  officers  had  provided  an  elegant 
dinner  for  the  company,  a number  of  the  respectable  inhabitants  of  the  town, 
and  patriotic  ministers  of  the  towns  adjacent.  At  two  o’clock,  p.  m.,  they 
marched  in  military  procession  to  the  meeting-house,  where  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Adams  delivered  an  excellent  sermon,  suitable  to  the  occasion,  from  Psalm 
xxvii.  3.  The  whole  business  of  the  day  was  performed  with  decency, 
order,  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  a very  large  number  of  spectators.  On  the 
day  following,  the  freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  town  assembled  in 
legal  town-meeting,  and  voted  £100,  l.  m.,  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing 
fire-arms  with  bayonets,  and  other  implements  of  war,  agreeable  to  the  ad- 
vice of  the  late  Provincial  Congress.”—  Essex  Gazette,  January  17,  1775. 

4* 


44 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


major  of  brigade,  Hutchinson.”  Another  officer,  in  a letter 
written  a month  previous,  shows  what  the  army  thought  of 
their  antagonists.  1!  As  to  what  you  hear  of  their  taking  arms 
to  resist  the  force  of  England,  it  is  mere  bullying,  and  will  go 
no  further  than  words;  whenever  it  comes  to  blows,  he  that 
can  run  the  fastest  will  think  himself  best  off : believe  me, 
any  two  regiments  here  ought  to  be  decimated  if  they  did  not 
beat,  in  the  field,  the  whole  force  of  the  Massachusetts  prov- 
ince ; for  though  they  are  numerous,  they  are  but  a mere  mob, 
without  order  or  discipline,  and  very  awkward  at  handling 
their  arms.” 


POLICY  OF  GENERAL  GAGE. 


45 


CHAPTER  II. 

Firmness  of  the  Patriots.  Policy  of  General  Gage.  Movements  of  the 

British  Troops.  Expedition  to  Concord.  Gathering  of  the  Minute-men. 

Retreat  of  the  British  Troops. 

The  Massachusetts  patriots  were  never  more  determined  to 
resist  the  new  acts  of  Parliament,  and  were  never  more  con- 
fident in  their  ability  to  maintain  their  ground,  than  on  the 
commencement  of  the  new  year.  The  north  and  the  south 
had  counselled  and  acted  together  in  the  memorable  First 
Continental  Congress,  and  it  had  been  demonstrated  that  one 
purpose  animated  the  colonies.  This  Congress,  also,  had 
■approved  of  the  stand  which  Massachusetts  had  resolved  to 
make  against  Great  Britain.  Still,  up  to  this  time,  a vast 
majority  of  the  patriots  of  the  other  colonies  looked  rather  to 
non-importation  and  non-consumption,  than  to  a resort  to  arms, 
as  a means  of  obtaining  redress.  And  the  fear  was  enter- 
tained and  expressed,  that  Massachusetts,  smarting  under 
accumulated  wrong,  might  break  the  line  of  a prudent  oppo- 
sition, and  rashly  plunge  into  civil  war.  Hence  the  leading 
patriots  of  this  colony  were  so  desirous,  that  when  a collision 
did  take  place,  the  British  troops  should  be  clearly  the  aggres- 
sors. Besides,  delay  would  enable  them  to  increase  their 
means  to  carry  on  so  great  a contest ; while  every  new  act  of 
aggression,  every  attempt  to  compel  submission,  would  tend  to 
unite  all  in  a common  cause.  By  such  a policy,  they  hoped, 
in  the  trial  which  they  felt  was  coming,  to  secure  the  coopera- 
tion of  the  other  colonies. 

General  Gage,  for  more  than  three  months,  put  this  policy 
to  a severe  test.  He  had  tried  every  means  “ to  spirit  up 
every  friend  to  the  government,”  and  yet  his  plans  had  been 
most  adroitly  thwarted,  and  he  could  see  no  other  course  to 
take  but  to  disarm  the  colonists.  This  policy  had  been  sug- 
gested by  Lord  Dartmouth,1  but  General  Gage  frankly  informed 

1 Gage’s  letter,  December  15,  1774.  He  writes,  — “ Your  lordship's  idea 


46 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


the  minister  that  it  was  not  practicable  without  a resort  to 
force,  and  without  being  master  of  the  country.  As  early  as 
November  2,  1774,  Gage  wrote  that  he  was  confident,  to  begin 
with  an  army  twenty  thousand  strong  would,  in  the  end, 
save  Great  Britain  blood  and  treasure. 1 He  had  now  — Jan- 
uary, 1775  — only  a force  of  about  thirty-five  hundred.  Yet, 
as  the  excitement  of  the  preceding  summer  had  passed  away, 
he  regarded  the  aspect  of  affairs  as  favorable  for  the  work  of 
disarming  and  of  intimidating.  Hence,  on  the  18th  of  Jan- 
uary, 1775,  he  wrote  to  Lord  Dartmouth  that  it  was  the 
opinion  of  most  people,  “ If  a respectable  force  is  seen  in  the 
field,  the  most  obnoxious  of  the  leaders  seized,  and  a pardon 
proclaimed  for  all  others,  government  will  come  off  victorious, 
and  with  less  opposition  than  was  expected  a few  months 
ago.”  2 And  this  was  the  policy  — to  be  followed  by  such 
momentous  results  — that  General  Gage  now  proceeded  to 
carry  out. 

He  saw  a gleam  of  hope  in  an  application  he  received, 
about  this  time,  from  Marshfield.  General  Timothy  Ruggles, 
the  great  leader  of  the  loyalists,  proposed  the  formation  of 
associations  throughout  the  colony,  with  constitutions  binding 
those  who  signed  them  to  oppose,  at  the  risk  of  life,  the  acts 
of  all  unconstitutional  assemblies,  such  as  committees  and 
congresses.  In  January,  a large  number  of  the  people  of 
Marshfield  signed  one  of  these  constitutions,  and  thus  formed 
a <!  Loyal  Association.”  It  was  reported  that  the  patriots  of 
Plymouth  had  determined  to  make  them  recant,  and  hence  the 
associators  applied  to  General  Gage  for  protection.  He  was 
gratified  with  this  request,  and  accordingly,  January  23, 1775, 
he  sent  Captain  Balfour,  with  about  a hundred  men  and  three 
hundred  stand  of  arms,  to  Marshfield.  The  troops  were  joy- 
fully received  by  the  loyalists,  and  were  comfortably  accom- 

of  disarming  certain  provinces  would  doubtless  be  consistent  with  prudence  and 
safety,  but  it  neither  is  or  has  been  practicable  without  having  recourse  to 
force,  and  being  master  of  the  country.” 

1 This  phrase  will  not  be  found  in  the  Parliamentary  Register  of  1775.  It 
was  copied  by  President  Sparks,  from  the  original.  — Sparks’  Washington, 
vol.  iii.,  p.  506. 

s Sparks’  Washington,  vol.  iii.,  p.  507. 


LESLIE  AT  SALEM. 


47 


modated.  They  preserved  exact  discipline,  found  none  to 
attack  them,  and  did  not  molest  the  inhabitants.  The  Marsh- 
field associators,  and  their  friends,  made  formal  addresses  of 
acknowledgment  to  General  Gage  and  Admiral  Graves,  for 
the  timely  protection  that  had  been  granted,  and  received  from 
both,  in  return,  sufficiently  gracious  replies.  General  Gage 
was  satisfied  with  the  good  effect  of  this  movement,  and  hoped 
that  similar  applications  would  be  made  from  other  places. 
The  patriot  journals,  with  better  judgment,  regarded  such 
expeditions  as  having  a tendency  to  irritate  and  alarm  the 
people.1  The  detachment  remained  at  Marshfield  until  the 
memorable  nineteenth  of  April. 

The  next  attempt  of  the  troops  was  made  at  Salem,  where  a 
few  brass  cannon  and  gun-carriages  were  deposited.  Colonel 
Leslie,  with  a,  detachment  of  the  army,  on  Sunday,  February 

1 General  Gage  made  this  affair  the  subject  of  a letter  to  Lord  Dartmouth, 
dated  January  27,  which  was  read  in  Parliament,  March  8.  He  assured  the 
ministry  that  he  often  had  information  from  the  country  that  the  people  of 
the  towns  were  becoming  more  divided. 

The  following  version  of  this  affair,  extracted  from  Rivington’s  New  York 
Gazette  of  February  9,  1775,  well  shows  the  tone  in  which  the  Tories  were 
accustomed  to  write  of  the  patriots.  It  is  in  a letter  from  Marshfield.  “ Two 
hundred  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  this  loyal  town,  insulted  and  intimi- 
dated by  the  licentious  spirit  that  unhappily  has  been  prevalent  amongst  the 
lower  ranks  of  people  in  the  Mass,  government,  having  applied  to  the  gov- 
ernor for  a detachment  of  his  majesty’s  troops,  to  assist  in  preserving  the  peace, 
and  to  check  the  insupportable  insolence  of  the  disaffected  and  turbulent,  were 
happily  relieved  by  the  appearance  of  Capt.  Balfour’s  party,  consisting  of  one 
hundred  soldiers,  who  were  joyfully  received  by  the  loyalists.  Upon  their 
arrival,  the  valor  of  the  minute-men  was  called  forth  by  Adam’s  crew  ; they 
were  accordingly  mustered,  and,  to  the  unspeakable  confusion  of  the  enemies 
of  our  happy  constitution,  no  more  than  twelve  persons  presented  themselves 
to  bear  arms  against  the  Lord’s  anointed.  It  was  necessary  that  some 
apology  should  be  made  for  the  scanty  appearance  of  their  volunteers,  and 
they  colored  it  over  with  a declaration,  that  ‘ had  the  party  sent  to  Marsh- 
field consisted  of  half  a dozen  battalions,  it  might  have  been  worth  their  atten- 
tion to  meet  and  engage  them ; but  a day  would  come,  when  the  courage  of 
their  minute  host  would  be  able  to  clear  the  country  of  all  their  enemies,  how- 
soever formidable  in  numbers. ’ The  king’s  troops  are  very  comfortably  ac- 
commodated, and  preserve  the  most  exact  discipline ; and  now,  every  faithful 
subject  to  his  king  dare  freely  utter  his  thoughts,  drink  his  tea,  and  kill  his 
sheep,  as  profusely  as  he  pleases.” 


48 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


26,  1775,  Avas  sent  to  seize  them.  He  landed  at  Marblehead 
in  the  afternoon,  while  the  people  were  at  meeting.  His 
object  being  suspected,  intelligence  was  immediately  sent  to 
Salem.  Tire  Avarlike  materials  were  on  the  north  side  of  the 
North  Bridge,  which  Avas  built  Avith  a draAV  to  let  vessels  pass, 
and  which,  before  Colonel  Leslie  reached  it,  had  been  hoisted. 
He  ordered  it  to  be  lowered;  but  the  people  refused,  saying, 
“ It  is  a private  Avay,  and  you  have  no  authority  to  demand  a 
passage  this  Avay.”  Colonel  Leslie  then  determined  to  pass 
the  river  in  tAvo  large  gondolas  that  lay  near.  But  their  owners 
jumped  in  and  began  to  scuttle  them.  A few  of  the  soldiers 
tried  to  prevent  this ; a scuffle  ensued,  some  were  pricked  Avith 
bayonets,  and  thus  blood  Avas  shed.  Things  were  proceeding 
to  extremities,  when  the  Rev.  Mr.  Barnard,  a clergyman  of 
Salem,  interfered,  and  a compromise  Avas  effected.  The  people 
consented  to  loAver  the  bridge,  and  Colonel  Leslie  pledged  his 
honor  not  to  march  more  than  thirty  rods  beyond  it.  The 
troops,  having  done  this,  returned  unmolested;  but  the  alarm 
spread  ; the  minute-men  began  to  assemble ; and  one  company 
from  Danvers  arrived  just  as  the  British  were  leaving  town. 
Thus  the  good  sense  of  an  intelligent  British  officer,  and  the 
influence  of  a feAV  leading  citizens,  rather  than  the  Avant  of 
spirit  in  the  people,  prevented  Salem  from  being  the  Lexing- 
ton of  the  Revolution ; for  had  Col.  Leslie,  instead  of  nego- 
tiating, decided  to  force  his  Avay  over  the  bridge,  a collision 
must  have  occurred.  This  circumstance,  probably,  occasioned 
the  report  in  England,  that  in  Salem  “ the  Americans  had 
hoisted  their  standard  of  Liberty.”  1 

1 Gentleman’s  Magazine,  1775.  Essex  Gazette.  Trumbull,  in  M'Fingal, 
notices  this  expedition.  After  describing  its  arrival  at  Marblehead,  ha 
writes,  — 

“ Through  Salem  straight,  without  delay, 

The  bold  battalion  took  its  way  ; 

Marched  o’er  a bridge,  in  open  sight 
Of  several  Yankees  armed  for  light ; 

Then,  without  loss  of  time  or  men, 

Veered  round  for  Boston  back  again, 

And  found  so  well  their  projects  thrive, 

That  every  soul  got  home  alive.”  • 


INSULTS  OF  THE  TROOPS. 


49 


The  pacific  policy  of  the  patriots  was  further  severely  tried 
by  the  bearing  of  the  British  troops.  Their  conduct  had  been 
in  general  orderly,1  and  no  disposition  had  been  manifested  by 

1 The  anxiety  of  the  leading  patriots  to  keep  Boston  free  from  the  mob 
spirit  is  seen  in  the  private  letters  of  this  period.  They  endeavored  to  live 
as  peaceable  as  possible  with  the  troops.  Still  riots  would  occur.  At  a 
town-meeting,  November  7,  1774,  it  was  voted,  as  the  governor  had  assured 
the  town  that  he  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  secure  peace  and  good  order, 
that  the  town  would  exert  its  best  endeavors  to  effect  the  same  purpose.  The 
meeting  voted  to  recommend  to  the  selectmen  to  increase  the  watch  to  twelve 
men,  to  patrol  the  streets  the  whole  night ; to  recommend  to  the  justices  of 
the  peace  to  exert  their  authority  promptly  for  the  observance  of  the  laws, 
and  to  recommend  masters  of  families  to  restrain  their  children  and  servants 
from  going  abroad  after  nine  o’clock  in  the  evening.  Taverners  and  retailers 
were  also  enjoined  to  strictly  conform  to  the  laws  of  the  province  as  to  dis- 
orderly persons. 

It  was  in  accordance  with  this  policy,  probably,  that  so  little  is  heard  of  the 
Boston  military  at  this  period.  Mills  and  Hicks’  Register  of  1775  gives  the 
names  of  the  military  corps  of  the  town  : 1.  The  Governor’s  Troop  of  Horse 
Guards,  David  Phipps  captain,  with  the  rank  of  colonel.  2.  The  Ancient 
and  Honorable  Artillery  Company,  William  Bell  captain.  3.  The  Boston 
Regiment,  John  Erving  colonel,  John  Leverett  lieut.-colonel,  Thomas  Dawes 
major.  4.  The  Grenadier  Company,  Major  Dawes  captain,  Joseph  Pierce 
lieut.,  with  the  rank  of  captain,  Henry  Knox  lieutenant.  5.  The  Train 
attached  to  the  Boston  Regiment,  Adind  Paddock  captain.  6.  The  Train 
belonging  to  the  Suffolk  First  Regiment,  Lemuel  Robinson  captain.  7.  The 
Train  belonging  to  the  Suffolk  2d  Regiment,  Francis  Barker  captain.  8. 
The  Train  belonging  to  the  Suffolk  3d  Regiment,  Eliphalet  Pond  captain. 
At  the  South  Battery  was  a company,  Jeremiah  Green  captain.  At  the 
North  Battery,  another  company,  Nathaniel  Barber  captain. 

There  had  been,  also,  an  Independent  Company  of  Cadets,  of  which  John 
Hancock  was  the  commander.  He  was  dismissed  by  Governor  Gage,  shortly 
after  his  arrival.  The  corps  met,  August  14,  1774,  and  appointed  a commit- 
tee to  wait  on  the  governor  at  Salem  and  return  to  him  their  standard,  “ as 
they  had  almost  unanimously  disbanded  themselves.”  The  committee,  on 
the  next  day,  delivered  the  standard  accordingly,  and  told  him,  “They  no 
longer  considered  themselves  the  Governor’s  Independent  Company.” 

Early  in  1775,  the  Ancient  and  Honorable,  on  a parade  day,  were  refused 
admittance  to  the  common,  and  Major  Bell  marched  the  company  to  Copp’s 
Hill.  Some  years  after,  a question  arose  as  to  who  owned  this  hill.  At  a 
town-meeting  some  one  said,  “ The  Ancient  and  Honorable.”  Col.  Jackson, 
their  treasurer,  was  questioned,  who  stated  that  a mortgage  upon  it  fo  them 
had  long  since  run  out,  and  they  took  possession  of  it  in  1775.  The  modera- 
tor, Col.  Thomas  Dawes,  inquired  of  Major  Bell  — “Why  did  you  march 


50 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


the  officers  to  bring  about  a collision.  But  in  March  so  marked 
was  their  change  of  behavior,  that  it  indicated  an  intention  to 
provoke  a quarrel.  On  the  anniversary  of  the  memorable 
fifth  of  March,  Dr.  Warren  delivered  the  customary  oration 
at  the  Old  South  Meeting-house,  before  a crowded  audience. 
About  forty  British  officers  were  present,  who,  at  its  conclu- 
sion, hissed  and  were  otherwise  insulting  in  their  bearing. 
On  the  9th,  a citizen  of  Billerica,  Thomas  Ditson,  jr.,  on  the 
pretence  that  he  was  tempting  a soldier  to  desert,  was  tarred 
and  feathered,  fastened  in  a chair  on  a truck,  and  drawn 
through  the  streets,  surrounded  by  a party  of  officers  and  sol- 
diers of  the  47th  regiment,  under  Colonel  Nesbit.  On  this 
occasion,  the  tune  of  Yankee  Doodle  was  played  in  derision. 
The  sixteenth  of  March,  on  the  recommendation  of  the  Pro 
vincial  Congress,  was  observed  as  a day  of  fasting  and  prayer, 
when  the  people  of  the  west  part  of  Boston  were  annoyed  by 
a party  of  the  Fourth,  or  King’s  own  Regiment.  As  the 
congregation  were  assembling,  two  marquee  tents  were  pitched 
within  a few  yards  of  the  meeting-honse ; and  during  the 
service,  they  were  disturbed  by  the  noise  of  drums  and  fifes. 
On  the  17th,  Colonel  Hancock’s  house,  near  the  common,  was 
assaulted  and  his  fence  hacked,  by  a party,  who  otherwise 
behaved  abusively.  During  this  period,  the  patriots  were 

your  company  to  Copps  Hill?  ” “ I was  prohibited  from  entering-  the  com- 

mon, and  conceiving  this  hill  to  be  the  property  of  the  company,  I marched 
them  there  as  a place  no  one  had  a right  to  exclude  them  from.”  Colonel 
Dawes  again  asked  — “Suppose  British  soldiers  had  forbidden  your  en- 
trance? ” “ I would  have  charged  bayonets  and  forced  my  way,  as  surely 

as  I would  have  forced  my  way  into  my  dwelling-house,  if  taken  possession 
of  by  a gang  of  thieves.”  Col.  William  Tudor  then  remarked,  “ The  hill 
belongs  to  that  company.”  The  mortgage  was  afterwards  discharged. — 
Snow’s  Boston,  p.  106. 

Major  Paddock  lost  his  pieces,  the  Whigs  carrying  them  off  in  the  night. 
They  first  carried  off  two,  and  though  the  other  two  were  put  under  guard, 
they  carried  them  off  also.  This  made  the  officers  mad.  They  said  “ They 
believed  the  devil  got  them  away,  for  it  was  not  half  an  hour  ago  they 
had  their  hands  on  them.” — Ms.  Letter.  On  the  23rd  of  February,  the  com- 
mittee of  safety  requested  Dr.  Warren  to  confer  with  the  company  formerly 
under  the  command  of  Major  Paddock,  to  know  how  many  could  be  depended 
on,  officers  and  men,  “ when  the  constitutional  army  of  the  province  should 
take  the  field.” 


ALARMING  movements. 


51 


making  every  effort  to  carry  into  the  country  military  stores ; 
and  on  the  ISth,  the  Neck  guard  seized  13,425  musket  car- 
tridges and  a quantity  of  balls,  in  doing  which,  they  severely 
abused  a teamster.  In  the  evening,  a party  of  officers,  heated 
with  liquor,  committed  excesses  in  the  streets,  and  attacked 
the  Providence  coach.  These  insults  irritated  and  inflamed 
the  people.1 

Other  movements,  however,  created  more  alarm.  The  com- 
mittees of  safety  and  supplies  had  deposited  large  quantities 
of  military  stores  at  Concord,  under  the  care  of  Colonel  James 
Barrett.  It  was  rumored,  in  March,  that  General  Gage  was 
determined  to  destroy  them;  and  as  early  as  the  14th, of  this 
month,  the  committee  of  safety  voted  to  place  a guard  over 
them.  On  the  15th,  its  clerk,  John  Pigeon,  was  directed  to 
establish  a nightly  watch,  and  to  arrange  for  teams  to  be  in 
readiness  to  carry  them,  on  the  shortest  notice,  to  places  of 
safety.  Couriers  also  were  engaged  in  Charlestown,  Cam- 
bridge, and  Roxbury,  to  alarm  the  country.  These  precau- 
tions were  rendered  still  more  necessary  by  the  movements  of 
General  Gage.  He  sent  officers  in  disguise  to  make  sketches 
of  the  roads,  and  to  ascertain  the  state  of  the  towns.  On  the 
20th  of  March,  Captain  Brown  and  Ensign  D’Bernicre,  of  the 
British  army,  visited  Concord,  and  subsequently  presented  a 
narrative  of  what  they  saw  to  the  governor.2  Vigilant  patri- 
ots watched  them  narrowly.  Bodies  of  troops,  also,  occasion- 
ally marched  into  the  country.3  On  the  30th,  the  first  brigade, 
about  eleven  hundred  men,  marched  out  towards  Jamaica 
Plains,  but  without  baggage  or  artillery.  They  did  much 
damage  in  throwing  down  stone  walls.  ££  Great  numbers,” 
Dr.  Warren  writes,  “completely  armed,  collected  in  the  neigh- 
boring  towns ; and  it  is  the  opinion  of  many,  that  had  they 
marched  eight  or  ten  miles,  and  attempted  to  destroy  any 
magazines,  or  abuse  the  people,  not  a man  of  them  would 

1 Letter  of  S.  Adams  ; Ditson’s  Deposition  in  the  newspapers  of  1775 ; 
Letter,  Boston,  March  22,  1775;  Gordon,  vol.  i.,  p.  319. 

2Berniere's  narrative.  3 The  Provincial  Congress,  sitting  at  Cambridge, 

February  10,  appointed  Messrs.  Devens,  Watson,  Gardner,  Howe,  and 
Batchelor,  a committee  to  observe  the  motion  of  the  troops  said  to  be  on  the 
road  to  this  town. 


5 


52 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


have  returned  to  Boston.”1  Smaller  parties  went  out  over 
Charlestown  Ferry,  and  marched  through  Roxbury  into 
Boston. 

While  things  thus  wore  a hostile  aspect  at  home,  intelli- 
gence was  received  from  Great  Britain  that  the  ministry  were 
determined  to  force  the  colonists  to  obedience.  There  the 
Americans  were  looked  upon  as  cowards,  whom  British  red- 
coats would  look  into  submission.  Five  regiments,  it  was 
said,  would  march  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other. 
“The  senator,”  Gordon  writes,  “holds  this  language  in  the 
senate,  and  the  general  at  the  head  of  an  army.  It  passes  for 
a maxim,  and  it  is  thought  scepticism  to  doubt  it.”2  Addi- 
tional coercive  measures  Avere  proposed  in  Parliament ; addi- 
tional troops  were  announced  to  be  on  their  way  to  Boston. 
The  generals  Howe,  Clinton,  and  Burgoyne,  of  established 
reputation  for  courage  and  conduct,  Avere  ordered  to  join  Gen- 
eral Gage ; and  British  journals  announced  that  the  army 
Avould  take  the  field.  A speech  made  in  Parliament  by  Gen- 
eral Burgoyne,  February  27,  1775,  Avhile  he  Avas  under  orders, 
shows  the  feelings  Avith  which  the  generals  accepted  their 
commands.  He  Avas  convinced  that  the  cause  of  Great 
Britain  Avas  just,  and  that  the  claims  of  the  colonists  Avere 
chimerical.  “Is  there,”  he  asked,  “a  man  in  England,  — I 
am  sure  there  is  not  an  officer  or  soldier  in  the  king’s  service,  — 

1 Life  Arthur  Lee,  vol.  ii. , 266.  Gordon,  vol.  i.,  320.  The  following 
notice  of  the  Boston  committee  of  correspondence  shows  how  vigilant  this 
committee  was  : — 

Boston,  March  .30,  1775. 

Gentlemen,  — The  alarming  manoeuvre  of  a large  detachment  of  the  army 
is  the  reason  of  our  desiring  your  attendance  at  our  chamber  in  Faneuil  Hall 
to-morrow,  atten  o’clock,  a.  m.,  in  order  to  determine  upon  measures  of  safety. 
The  wisdom  of  the  joint  committees  has  been  very  conspicuous.  The  fullest 
exertion  of  the  same  wisdom  is  absolutely  necessary  at  this  excited  time.  We 
.therefore  desire  your  punctual  attendance. 

We  are,  gentlemen, 

Your  friends  and  countrymen. 

Signed,  by  order  of  the  committee 
of  correspondence  of  Boston, 

William  Cooper,  Clerk. 
To  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  Charlestown. 

2 Gordon,  vol.  i.,  316. 


ANXIETY  OF  THE  PATRIOTS. 


53 


who  does  not  think  the  Parliamentary  rights  of  Great  Britain 
a cause  to  fight  for  — to  bleed  and  die  for?”  While  there 
was  a charm  in  the  very  wanderings  and  dreams  of  liberty 
that  disarmed  an  Englishman’s  anger,  yet  the  existence  of  the 
constitution  and  the  country  depended  on  bringing  the  Ameri- 
cans to  submission.1 2 * *  The  insulting  and  warlike  tenor  of  this 
news,  however,  only  made  the  patriots  firmer.  They  pre- 
sented, at  this  period  of  intense  anxiety,  a noble  spectacle. 
It  was  the  awful  pause  between  the  resolution  and  the  act. 
They  had  determined  to  resist,  and  yet  had  not  been  obliged 
to  strike.  Gordon  remarks  of  Massachusetts  : its  people  were 
“in  a state  of  nature,  and  yet  as  still  and  peaceable  as  ever 
they  were  when  government  was  in  full  vigor;”  royal  author- 
ity was  suspended,  and  yet  individual  security  was  every- 
where enjoyed ; the  Tory  had  but  to  keep  his  temper  and 
observe  a neutrality,  and  he  was  safe  in  person  and  property.5 
Strange  as  it  may  appear,  this  very  order  was  ascribed  to  the 
presence  of  the  British  troops.  How  different,  however,  was 
the  great  spirit  that  animated  and  supported  the  patriots  ! 
“The  people,”  Cushing  writes,  “are  not  dismayed.  Should 
the  administration  determine  to  carry  into  execution  the  late 
acts  by  military  force,  they  will  make  the  last  appeal.  They 
are  determined  life  and  liberty  shall  go  together.”  The 
resolve  and  the  language  of  the  patriots  were  : “America  must 
and  will  be  free.  The  contest  may  be  severe,  — the  end  will 
be  glorious.  We  would  not  boast,  but  we  think,  united  and 
prepared  as  we  are,  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  of  success,  if 

1 Parliamentary  Register,  1775. 

2 Gordon,  i.,  291.  The  patriots  were  severely  provoked  by  the  conduct  of 
the  Tories.  The  course  of  a prominent  citizen  of  Rowley  affords  a good 
instance  of  their  manner  of  speech.  Among  the  charges  against  him  were  : — 

“ Your  saying  you  wished  Boston  was  laid  in  ashes. 

“ Your  speaking  reproachfully  of  the  most  respectable  gentlemen  of  Boston. 

“ Your  saying  our  General  Court  acted  like  fools  ; and  that  the  town  of 
Boston  was  the  means  of  all  those  troubles. 

“ Your  saying  you  wished  that  these  laws  were  put  in  execution,  and  that 
we  were  in  lordships.” 

The  patriots  required  him  to  make  a proper  confession.  Another  citizen, 
equally  loud-mouthed,  the  town  voted  “ was  not  worthy  of  any  public  no- 
tice.” — Essex  Gazette. 


54 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


we  should  be  compelled  to  make  the  last  appeal;  but  we  mean 
not  to  make  that  appeal  until  we  can  be  justified  in  doing  it 
m the  sight  of  God  and  man.”1 

Each  day,  however,  it  became  more  and  more  evident  that 
this  last  appeal  was  at  hand.  Intelligence  of  the  reinforce- 
ments on  their  way  to  Boston  was  published  in  the  journals 
of  April  4th.  Also  the  declaration  of  the  Parliament  to  the 
king,  that  the  opposition  to  legislative  authority  in  Massachu- 
setts constituted  rebellion;  and  the  “solemn  assurances”  of 
the  king  to  the  Parliament,  that  “ the  most  speedy  and  effect- 
ual measures”  should  be  taken  to  put  the  rebellion  down. 
This  news  elarted  the  confident  Tories ; it  depressed  the  timid 
Whigs ; but  the  firm  friends  of  liberty  avowed  themselves 
ready  for  the  struggle.2  “ Nothing  is  now  talked  of” — Stiles 
writes,  April  4 — “but  immediately  forming  an  American 
army  at  Worcester,  and  taking  the  field  with  undaunted  reso- 
lution.”3 The  Provincial  Congress  met  the  crisis,  and  the 
demand  of  public  opinion,  by  energetic  measures.  On  the  5th, 
it  adopted  rules  and  regulations  for  the  establishment  of  an 
army;  on  the  7th,  it  sent  a circular  to  the  committees  of  cor- 
respondence, “most  earnestly  recommending”  them  to  see  to 
it  that  “the  militia  and  minute-men”  be  found  in  the  best 
posture  of  defence,  whenever  any  exigence  might  require  their 
aid,  but  at  whatever  expense  of  patience  and  forbearance,  to 
act  only  on  the  defensive;  on  the  8th,  it  resolved  to  take 
effectual  measures  to  raise  an  army,  and  to  send  delegates  to 
Rhode  Island,  New  Hampshire,  and  Connecticut,  to  request 
their  cooperation ; on  the  13th,  it  voted  to  raise  six  companies 
of  artillery,  pay  them,  and  keep  them  constantly  in  exercise  ; 
on  the  14th,  it  advised  the  removal  of  the  citizens  of  Boston 
into  the  country ; on  the  15th,  it  appointed  a day  of  fasting 
and  prayer,  and  adjourned  to  the  10th  of  May.4  The  com- 
mittees of  safety  and  supplies  — 14th  to  19th  — were  busy  in 
preparing  for  immediate  hostilities,  — establishing  a train  of 
artillery,  making  powder  into  cartridges,  removing  cannon 
to  places  of  safety,  and  distributing  the  military  supplies.5 

1 Dr.  Warren  utters  this  noble  language  in  a letter  dated  April  3,  1775. 

2 Stiles’  Diary.  3 lb.  4 Journals  of  Provincial  Congress. 

5 The  committee  of  safety  were  : John  Hancock,  Joseph  Warren,  Benja 


EXPEDITION  TO  CONCORD. 


55 


These  preparations  must  have  been  well  known  ; indeed,  they 
could  not  be  concealed.  Many  of  the  people  of  Boston  had 
already  moved  into  the  country.  Early  in  April  many  more 
left  the  town.  A continuance  in  it  became  hazardous  for  the 
leading  patriots.  The  governor  might  make  it  a prison, 
and  hold  its  citizens  hostages  for  the  good  order  of  the  prov- 
ince : or  he  might  send  them  to  England,  to  be  mocked  with  a 
trial  for  alleged  political  offences.  However,  many  who  had 
taken  a prominent  part  in  opposition  to  the  government  — 
among  them  Dr.  Warren  — remained,  but  a great  number  left 
the  town.  Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hancock,  then  attending 
the  Provincial  Congress,  were  persuaded  to  remain  at  the 
house  of  Rev.  Jonas  Clark,  of  Lexington.  Meantime  Gen- 
eral Gage  made  every  exertion  to  purchase  supplies  for  camp 
service ; the  patriots  made  every  exertion  to  anticipate  him. 
and  to  cut  off  his  supplies,  both  in  Massachusetts  and  in  New 
York.  The  troops,  also,  became  still  more  proud  in  their 
bearing,  and  still  more  insulting  in  their  conduct.  Thus 
hourly  did  things  assume  a more  hostile  appearance  ; “noth- 
ing was  wanting,”  writes  Gordon,  “but  a spark,  to  set  the 
whole  continent  in  a flame.”1 

General  Gage,  after  receiving  a small  reinforcement,  had,  in 
the  middle  of  April,  about  four  thousand  men  in  Boston.  He 
resolved,  by  a secret  expedition,  to  destroy  the  magazines  col- 
lected at  Concord.  This  measure  was  neither  advised  by 
his  council  nor  by  his  officers.  It  was  said  that  he  was  wor- 
ried into  it  by  the  importunities  of  the  Tories;  but  it  was 
undoubtedly  caused  by  the  energetic  measures  of  the  Whigs. 
His  own  subsequent  justification  was,  that  when  he  saw  an 
assembly  of  men,  unknown  to  the  constitution,  wresting  from 
him  the  public  moneys  apd  collecting  warlike  stores,  it  was 

min  Church,  Richard  Devens,  Benjamin  White,  Joseph  Palmer,  Abraham 
Watson,  Azor  Orne,  John  Pigeon,  William  Heath,  and  Thomas  Gardner. 

The  committee  of  supplies  were  : Elbridge  Gerry,  David  Cheever,  Benja- 
min Lincoln,  Moses  Gill,  Benjamin  Hall. 

These  committees  usually  met  together  for  the  transaction  of  business. 
On  the  17th  of  April  they  adjourned  from  Concord,  to  meet  at  “ Mr.  Wether 
by’s,  at  Menotomy.” 

1 Gordon,  I.,  321. 

5* 


56 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


alike  his  duty  and  the  dictate  of  humanity  to  prevent  the 
calamity  of  civil  war  by  destroying  these  magazines.1  His 
previous  belief  was.  that,  should  the  government  show  a re- 
spectable force  in  the  field,  seize  the  most  obnoxious  patriot 
leaders,  and  proclaim  a pardon  for  others,  it  would  come  off 
victorious. 

On  the  15th  of  April,  the  grenadiers  and  light  infantry,  on 
the  pretence  of  learning  a new  military  exercise,  were  relieved 
from  duty;  and  at  night,  the  boats  of  the  transport  ships 
which  had  been  hauled  up  to  be  repaired  were  launched  and 
moored  under  the  sterns  of  the  men  of  war.  These  move- 
ments looked  suspicious  to  the  vigilant  patriots,  and  Dr. 
Warren  sent  intelligence  of  them  to  Hancock  and  Adams,  who 
were  in  Lexington.  It  was  this  timely  notice  that  induced 
the  committee  of  safety  to  take  additional  measures  for  the 
security  of  the  stores  in  Concord,  and  to  order  (on  the  17th) 
cannon  to  be  secreted,  and  a part  of  the  stores  to  be  removed 
to  Sudbury  and  Groton. 

On  Tuesday,  April  18,  General  Gage2  directed  several 
officers  to  station  themselves  on  the  roads  leading  out  of  Bos- 
ton, and  prevent  any  intelligence  of  his  intended  expedition, 
that  night,  from  reaching  the  country.  A party  of  them,  on 
that  day,  dined  at  Cambridge.  The  committees  of  safety 
and  supplies,  which  usually  held  their  sessions  together,  also 
met  that  day,  at  Wetherby’s  Tavern,  in  Menotomy,  now  West 

1 Gage’s  letter  to  Trumbull,  May  3,  1775.  Hence  Trumbull,  in  M’Fingal, 
writes  of  this  ‘ ‘ mercy  ’ ’ of  Gage  : — 

“ But  mercy  is,  without  dispute, 

His  first  and  darling  attribute  ; 

So  great,  it  far  outwent  and  conquered 
His  military  skill  at  Concord. 

There  when  the  war  he  chose  to  wage, 

Shone  the  benevolence  of  Gage  ; 

Sent  troops  to  that  ill-omened  place 
On  errands  mere  of  special  grace  ; 

And  all  the  work  he  chose  them  for, 

Was  to  prevent  a civil  war.” 

2 Several  valuable  pamphlets  have  been  published  relative  to  the  events  of 
the  19th  of  April.  A notice  of  the  most  important  will  be  found  in  the 
Appendix. 


BRITISH  OFFICERS. 


57 


Cambridge.  Mr.  Gerry  and  Colonels  Orne  and  Lee,  of  the 
members,  remained  to  pass  the  night.  Mr.  Devens  and  Mr. 
Watson  rode  in  a chaise  towards  Charlestown,  but  soon  meet- 
ing a number  of  British  officers  on  horseback,  they  returned 
to  inform  their  friends  at  the  tavern,  waited  there  until  the 
officers  rode  by,  and  then  rode  to  Charlestown.  Mr.  Gerry 
immediately  sent  an  express  to  Hancock1  and  Adams,  that 
“eight  or  nine  officers  were  out,  suspected  of  some  evil 
design,”  which  caused  precautionary  measures  to  be  adopted 
at  Lexington.2 

1 The  messenger  sent  to  Hancock  and  Adams  took  a by-path,  and  delivered 
his  letter.  Hancock’s  reply  to  Gerry,  while  it  bears  marks  of  the  haste  with 
which  it  was  written,  is  also  characterized  by  the  politeness  which  neither 
haste  nor  danger  could  impair.  “ Lexington,  April  18,  1775.  Dear  Sir  : I 
am  much  obliged  for  your  notice.  It  is  said  the  officers  are  gone  to  Concord, 
and  I will  send  word  thither.  I am  full  with  you  that  we  ought  to  be  serious, 
and  I hope  your  decision  will  be  effectual.  I intend  doing  myself  the  pleasure 
of  being  with  you  to-morrow.  My  respects  to  the  committee.  I am  your 
real  friend,  John  Hancock.”  — Austin’s  Life  of  Gerry,  vol.  i.,  p.  68. 

2 Rev.  Jonas  Clark  alludes  to  three  different  messages  received  at  Lexington, 
on  the  evening  and  night  of  April  18  : 1.  A verbal  one  ; 2,  a written  one  from 
the  committee  of  safety,  in  the  evening ; 3,  between  twelve  and  one,  an 
express  from  Dr.  Warren.  Revere’s  narrative  accounts  for  the  last  message. 
I found  among  the  papers  of  Richard  Devens,  of  Charlestown,  — for  a liberal 
use  of  which  I am  indebted  to  David  Devens,  Esq.,  — the  following  memo- 
randum, without  a date,  but  evidently  written  about  this  period,  which,  in 
connection  with  Gerry's  express,  will  account  for  both  of  the  previous  mes- 
sages. “On  the  18th  of  April,  ’75,  Tuesday,  the  committee  of  safety,  of 
which  I was  then  a member,  and  the  committee  of  supplies,  sat  at  Newell’s 
tavern,  (the  records  of  the  committee  of  safety  say  Wetherby’s,)  atMenotomy. 
A great  number  of  British  officers  dined  at  Cambridge.  After  we  had 
finished  the  business  of  the  day,  we  adjourned  to  meet  at  Woburn  on  the 
morrow,  — left  to  lodge  at  Newell’s,  Gerry,  Orne,  and  Lee.  Mr.  Watson 
and  myself  came  off  in  my  chaise  at  sunset.  On  the  road  we  met  a great 
number  of  B.  0.  (British  officers)  and  their  servants  on  horseback,  who  had 
dined  that  day  at  Cambridge.  We  rode  some  way  after  we  met  them,  and 
then  turned  back  and  rode  through  them,  went  and  informed  our  friends  at 
Newell's.  We  stopped  there  till  they  came  up  and  rode  by.  We  then  left 
our  friends,  and  I came  home,  after  leaving  Mr.  Watson  at  his  house.  I soon 
received  intelligence  fromBoston,  that  the  enemy  were  all  in  motion,  and  were 
certainly  preparing  to  come  out  into  the  country.  Soon  afterward,  the  signal 
agreed  upon  was  given  ; this  was  a lanthorn  hung  out  in  the  upper  window 
of  the  tower  of  the  N.  Ch.,  (North  Church)  towards  Charlestowm.  I then 


58 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


Richard  Devens,  an  efficient  member  of  the  committee  of 
safety,  soon  received  intelligence  that  the  British  troops  were 
in  motion  in  Boston,  and  were  certainly  preparing  to  go  into 
the  country.  Shortly  after,  the  signal  agreed  upon  in  this 
event  was  given,  namely,  a lanthorn  hung  out  from  the  North 
Church  steeple  in  Boston,  when  Mr.  Devens  immediately  des- 
patched an  express  with  this  intelligence  to  Menotomy  and 
Lexington.  All  this  while  General  Gage  supposed  his  move- 
ments were  a profound  secret,  and  as  such  in  the  evening 
communicated  them  in  confidence  to  Lord  Percy.  But  as  this 
nobleman  was  crossing  the  common,  on  his  way  to  his  quar- 
ters, he  joined  a group  of  men  engaged  in  conversation,  when 
one  said,  “ The  British  troops  have  marched,  but  will  miss 
their  aim!”  “What  aim'?”  inquired  Lord  Percy.  “Why, 
the  cannon  at  Concord.”  He  hastened  back  to  General  Gage 
with  this  information,  when  orders  were  immediately  issued 
that  no  person  should  leave  town.1  Dr.  Warren,  however,  a 
few  minutes  previous,  had  sent  Paul  Revere  and  William 
Dawes  into  the  country.  Revere,  about  eleven  o’clock,  rowed 
across  the  river  to  Charlestown,  was  supplied  by  Richard 
Devens  with  a horse,  and  started  to  alarm  the  country.2  Just 
outside  of  Charlestown  Neck,  he  barely  escaped  capture  by 
British  officers ; but  leaving  one  of  them  in  a clay-pit,  he  got 
to  Medford,  awoke  the  captain  of  the  minute-men,  gave  the 
alarm  on  the  road,  and  reached  the  Rev.  Jonas  Clark’s  house 
in  safety,  where,  the  evening  before,  a guard  of  eight  men  had 
been  stationed  to  protect  Hancock  and  Adams.  It  was  mid- 

sent  off  an  express  to  inform  Messrs. Gerry,  &c.,  and  Messrs.  Hancock  and 

A.,  (Adams)  who  I knew  were  at  the  Rev.  Mr. , (Clark’s)  at  Lexington, 

that  the  enemy  were  certainly  coming  out.  I kept  watch  at  the  ferry  to 
watch  for  the  boats  till  about  eleven  o'clock,  when  Paul  Revere  came  over 
and  informed  that  the  T.  (troops)  were  actually  in  the  boats.*  I then  took  a 

horse  from  Mr.  Larkin’s  barn,  and  sent  him .*  I procured  a horse  and 

sent  off  P.  Revere  to  give  the  intelligence  at  Menotomy  and  Lexington.  He 
was  taken  by  the  British  officers  before  mentioned,  before  he  got  to  Lexing- 
ton, and  detained  till  near  day.” 

1 Stedman’s  History,  i.,  p.  119.  2 Revere’s Narrative.  This  interesting 

paper  was  not  written  until  1798.  It  varies  but  slightly  from  the  memoran- 
dum of  Devens,  which  certainly  is  a prior  authority.  Devens  errs  in  stating 
that  Revere  was  taken  before  he  arrived  at  Lexington. 


ALARM  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


59 


night  as  Revere  rode  up  and  requested  admittance.  William 
Monroe,  the  sergeant,  told  him  that  the  family,  before  retiring 
to  rest,  had  requested  that  they  might  not  be  disturbed  by  noise 
about  the  house.  “Noise!”  replied  Revere,  “you’ll  have 
noise  enough  before  long  — the  regulars  are  coming  out ! ” He 
was  then  admitted.  Mr.  Dawes,  who  went  out  through  Rox- 
bury,  soon  joined  him.  Their  intelligence  was,  “ That  a large 
body  of  the  king’s  troops,  supposed  to  be  a brigade  of  twelve 
or  fifteen  hundred,  had  embarked  in  boats  from  Boston,  and 
gone  over  to  Lechmere’s  Point,  in  Cambridge,  and  it  was  sus- 
pected they  were  ordered  to  seize  and  destroy  the  stores 
belonging  to  the  colony,  then  deposited  at  Concord.”  1 

The  town  of  Lexington,  Major  Phinney  writes,  is  “about 
twelve  miles  north-west  of  Boston,  and  six  miles  south-east  of 
Concord.  It  was  originally  a part  of  Cambridge,  and  previous 
to  its  separation  from  that  town  was  called  the  £ Cambridge 
Farms.’  The  act  of  incorporation  bears  date  March  20,  1712. 
The  inhabitants  consist  principally  of  hardy  and  independent 
yeomanry.  In  1775,  the  list  of  enrolled  militia  bore  the  names 
of  over  one  hundred  citizens.  The  road  leading  from  Boston 
divides  near  the  centre  of  the  village  in  Lexington.  The  part 
leading  to  Concord  passes  to  the  left,  and  that  leading  to  Bed- 
ford to  the  right  of  the  meeting-house,  and  form  two  sides  of 
a triangular  green  or  common,  on  the  south  corner  of  which 
stands  the  meeting-house,  facing  directly  down  the  road  lead- 
ing to  Boston.”  At  the  right  of  the  meeting-house,  on  the 
opposite  side  of  Bedford  road,  was  Buckman’s  tavern.2 

About  one  o’clock  the  Lexington  alarm-men  and  militia 
were  summoned  to  meet  at  their  usual  place  of  parade,  on  the 
common ; and  messengers  were  sent  towards  Cambridge  for 
additional  information.  When  the  militia  assembled,  about 
two  o’clock  in  the  morning,  Captain  John  Parker,  its  com- 
mander, ordered  the  roll  to  be  called,  and  the  men  to  loud  wifii 
powder  and  ball.  About  one  hundred  and  thirty  were  now 
assembled  with  arms.  One  of  the  messengers  soon  returned 
with  the  report  that  there  was  no  appearance  of  troops  on  the 
roads ; and  the  weather  being  chilly,  the  men,  after  being  on 

1 William  Monroe’s  Deposition  ; Revere’s  Narrative  ; Clark’s  Account. 

2 Phinney’s  History,  p.  10. 


60 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


parade  some  time,  were  dismissed,  with  orders  to  appear  again 
at  the  beat  of  the  drum.  They  dispersed  into  houses  near  the 
place  of  parade  — the  greater  part  going  into  Buckman’s  tav- 
ern. It  was  generally  supposed  that  the  movements  in  Boston 
were  only  a feint  to  alarm  the  people.1 

Revere  and  Dawes  started  to  give  the  alarm  in  Concord, 
and  soon  met  Dr.  Samuel  Prescott,  a warm  patriot,  who  agreed 
to  assist  in  arousing  the  people.  While  they  were  thus  en- 
gaged, they  were  suddenly  met  by  a party  of  officers,  well 
armed  and  mounted,  when  a scuffle  ensued,  during  which 
Revere  was  captured ; but  Prescott,  by  leaping  a stone  wall, 
made  his  escape.  The  same  officers  had  already  detained 
three  citizens  of  Lexington,  tvho  had  been  sent  out  the  preced- 
ing evening  to  watch  their  movements.  All  the  prisoners, 
after  being  questioned  closely,  were  released  near  Lexington; 
when  Revere  rejoined  Hancock  and  Adams,  and  went  with 
them  towards  Woburn,  two  miles  from  Mr.  Clark’s  house.2 

While  these  things  were  occurring,  the  British  regulars 
were  marching  towards  Concord.  Lieutenant-colonel  Smith, 
at  the  head  of  about  eight  hundred  troops,  — grenadiers,  light 
infantry,  and  marines, — embarked  about  ten  o’clock  at  the 
foot  of  Boston  Common,  in  the  boats  of  the  ships  of  war. 
They  landed,  just  as  the  moon  arose,  at  Phipps  Farm,  now 
Lechmere  Point,  took  an  unfrequented  path  over  the  marshes, 
where  in  some  places  they  had  to  wade  through  water,  and 
entered  the  old  Charlestown  and  West  Cambridge  road.  No 
martial  sounds  enlivened  their  midnight  march ; it  was  silent, 
stealthy,  inglorious.  The  members  of  the  “ rebel  congress” 

1 Gordon’s  Account  and  Depositions  of  1775  ; Clark.  2 Revere  and 
Gordon. 

Hancock  and  Adams,  whose  safety  was  regarded  as  of  the  utmost  import- 
ance, were  persuaded  to  retire  to  the  then  2d  precinct  of  Woburn,  to  the 
house  occupied  by  Madam  Jones,  widow  of  Rev.  Thomas  Jones,  and  Rev. 
Mr.  Marett,  which  is  now  standing  in  Burlington,  and  occupied  by  Rev. 
Samuel  Sewell.  Dorothy  Quincy  accompanied  her  intended  husband  — 
Hancock.  Here,  at  noon,  they  had  just  sat  down  to  an  elegant  dinner,  when 
a man  broke  suddenly  in  upon  them  with  a shriek,  and  they  believed  the 
regulars  were  upon  them.  Mr.  Marett  then  piloted  Adams  and  Hancock 
along  a cart-way  to  Mr.  Amos  Wyman's  house,  in  a corner  of  Billerica, 
where  they  were  glad  to  dine  off  of  cold  salt  pork  and  potatoes,  served  in  a 
wooden  tray.  — Letter  of  Rev.  Samuel  Sewell. 


SKIRMISH  AT  LEXINGTON. 


61 


arose  from  their  beds  at  the  tavern  in  Menotomy,  to  view 
them.  They  saw  the  front  pass  on  with  the  regularity  of 
veteran  discipline.  But  when  the  centre  was  opposite  the 
window,  an  officer  and  file  of  men  were  detached  towards 
the  house.  Messrs.  Gerry,  Orne,  and  Lee,  half  dressed  as 
they  were,  then  took  the  hint  and  escaped  to  an  adjoining 
field,  while  the  British  in  vain  searched  the  house.1 

Colonel  Smith  had  marched  but  few  miles,  when  the  sounds 
of  guns  and  bells  gave  evidence  that,  notwithstanding  the 
caution  of  General  Gage,  the  country  was  alarmed.  He 
detached  six  companies  of  light  infantry,  under  the  command 
of  Major  Pitcairn,  with  orders  to  press  forward  and  secure  the 
two  bridges  at  Concord,  while  he  sent  a messenger  to  Boston 
for  a reinforcement.  The  party  of  officers  who  had  been  out 
joined  the  detachment,  with  the  exaggerated  report  that  five 
hundred  men  were  in  arms  to  oppose  the  king’s  forces.  Major 
Pitcairn,  as  he  advanced,  succeeded  in  capturing  everyone  on 
the  road  until  he  arrived  within  a mile  and  a half  of  Lexing- 
ton meeting-house,  when  Thaddeus  Bowman  succeeded  in 
eluding  the  advancing  troops,  and  galloping  to  the  common, 
gave  the  first  certain  intelligence  to  Captain  Parker  of  their 
approach.2 

It  was  now  about  half-past  four  in  the  morning.  Captain 
Parker  ordered  the  drum  to  beat,  alarm  guns  to  be  fired,  and 
Sergeant  William  Monroe  to  form  his  company  in  two  ranks 
a few  rods  north  of  the  meeting-house.  It  was  a part  of  ‘-'the 
constitutional  army,”  which  was  authorized  to  make  a regular 
and  forcible  resistance  to  any  open  hostility  by  the  British 
troops ; and  it  was  for  this  purpose  that  this  gallant  and 
devoted  band,  on  this  memorable  morning,  appeared  on  the 
field.  Whether  it  ought  to  maintain  its  ground,  or  whether  it 
ought  to  retreat,  would  depend  upon  the  bearing  and  numbers 
of  the  regulars.  It  was  not  long  in  suspense.  At  a short  dis- 
tance from  the  parade-ground,  the  British- officers,  regarding 
the  American  drum  as  a challenge,  ordered  their  troops  to  halt, 
to  prime  and  load,  and  then  to  march  forward  in  double-quick 
time.  Meantime  sixty  or  seventy  of  the  militia  had  collected, 

'Gage’s  Account;  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  169.  2 Gage’s  Account; 

Phinney's  History. 


62 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


and  about  forty  spectators,  a few  of  whom  had  arms.  Captain 
Parker  ordered  his  men  not  to  fire  unless  they  were  fired  upon. 
A part  of  his  company  had  time  to  form  in  a military  position 
facing  the  regulars  ; but  while  some  were  joining  the  ranks,  and 
others  were  dispersing,  the  British  troops  rushed  on,  shouting 
and  firing,  and  their  officers  — among  whom  was  Major  Pit- 
cairn— exclaiming,  <£  Ye  villains!  ye  rebels  ! disperse!”  “Lay 
down  yourarms  !”  “ Why  don’t  you  lay  down  your  arms?” 
The  militia  did  not  instantly  disperse,  nor  did  they  proceed  to 
lay  down  their  arms.  The  first  guns,  few  in  number,  did  no 
execution.  A general  discharge  followed,  with  fatal  results.1 

1 Gordon’s  Letter,  May  17,  1775  : Clark’s  Narrative  : Depositions  of  1775. 

Dr.  John  Warren,  in  his  Ms.  diary,  — for  which,  and  for  other  courtesies, 
I am  indebted  to  his  son,  Dr.  John  C.  Warren,  — writes,  April  19,  1775  : 
“Some  dispersed,  but  a fevv  continued  in  a military  position;  on  seeing 
which,  Major  Pitcairn,  upon  the  plea  of  some  person  snapping  a gun,” 
&c.  Gordon  also  says  “a  few  continued  in  their  military  position.”  This 
agrees  with  Berniere’s  (British)  account,  which  says  : Major  Pitcairn  cried 
out  for  the  militia  “ to  throw  down  their  arms  and  disperse,  which  they 
did  not  do  ; he  called  out  a second  time,  but  to  no  purpose,”  &c.  Gordon 
also  gives  the  details  of  a person,  just  before  the  firing,  “offering  to  fire, 
but  the  piece  flashed  in  the  pan  without  going  off.” 

Stiles,  in  his  Ms.  diary,  gives  the  following  interesting  relation  of  Major 
Pitcairn’s  own  version  of  the  beginning  of  the  firing  : — 

1775,  August  19.  —“Major  Pitcairn,  who  was  a good  man  in  a bad  cause, 
insisted  upon  it,  to  the  day  of  his  death,  that  the  colonists  fired  first ; and  that 
he  commanded  not  to  fire,  and  endeavored  to  stay  and  stop  the  firing  after  it 
began  : hut  then  he  told  this  with  such  circumstances  as  convince  me  that  he 
was  deceived,  though  on  the  spot.  He  does  not  say  that  he  saw  the  colo- 
nists fire  first.  Had  he  said  it,  I would  have  believed  him,  being  a man  of 
integrity  and  honor.  He  expressly  says  he  did  not  see  who  fired  first  ; and 
yet  believed  the  peasants  began.  His  account  is  this  : That  riding  up  to 
them,  he  ordered  them  to  disperse  ; which  they  not  doing  instantly,  he  turned 
about  to  order  his  troops  to  draw  out  so  as  to  surround  and  disarm  them.  As  he 
turned,  he  saw  a gun  in  a peasant's  hand,  from  behind  a wall,  flash  in  the  pan, 
without  going  off ; and  instantly,  or  very  soon,  two  or  three  guns  went  off, 
by  which  he  found  his  horse  wounded,  and  also  a man  near  him  wounded. 
These  guns  he  did  not  see  ; but  believing  they  could  not  come  from  his  own 
people,  doubted  not,  and  so  asserted,  that  they  came  from  our  people,  and  that 
thus  they  began  the  attack.  The  impetuosity  of  the  king's  troops  was 
such,  that  a promiscuous,  uncommanded,  but  general  fire  took  place,  which 
Pitcairn  could  not  prevent ; though  he  struck  his  staff  or  sword  downwards 
with  all  earnestness,  as  the  signal  to  forbear  or  cease  firing.” 


SKIRMISH  AT  LEXINGTON. 


63 


A few  of  the  militia  who  had  been  wounded,  or  who  saw  others 
killed  or  wounded  by  their  side,  no  longer  hesitated,  but 
returned  the  fire  of  the  regulars.  Jonas  Parker,  John  Mon- 
roe, and  Ebenezer  Monroe,  jr.,  and  others,  fired  before  leaving 
the  line  ; Solomon  Brown  and  James  Brown  fired  from  behind 
a stone  wall ; one  other  person  fired  from  the  back  door  of 
Buckman's  house ; Nathan  Monroe,  Lieutenant  Benjamin 
Tidd,  and  others,  retreated  a short  distance  and  fired.1  Mean- 
time the  regulars  continued  their  fire  as  long  as  the  militia 
remained  in  sight,  killing  eight  and  wounding  ten.  Jonas 
Parker,  who  repeatedly  said  he  never  would  run  from  the 
British,  was  wounded  at  the  second  fire,  but  he  still  dis- 

1 This  account  is  not  more  than  just  to  Lexington.  The  contemporary 
evidence  of  this  return  fire  is  too  positive  to  be  set  aside.  In  the  counter 
manifesto  to  Gage's  proclamation,  prepared  in  June,  1775,  which  was  not 
published  at  the  time,  it  is  said  that  the  British,  “ in  a most  barbarous  and 
infamous  manner,  fired  upon  a small  number  of  the  inhabitants,  and  cruelly 
murdered  eight  men.  The  fire  was  returned  by  some  of  the  survivors,  but 
their  number  was  too  inconsiderable  to  annoy  the  regular  troops,  who  pro- 
ceeded on  their  errand,  and  upon  coming  up  to  Concord,”  &c.  &c.  I copy 
from  Ms.  in  Mass.  Archives.  Gordon,  May  17,  1775,  says  that  James 
Brown  informed  him,  that  “ being  got  over  the  wall,  and  seeing  the  soldiers 
fire  pretty  freely,  he  fired  upon  them,  and  some  others  did  the  same.”  Depo- 
sition Number8,  of  1775,  is  clear  : — “ About  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  we 
attended  the  beat  of  our  drum,  and  were  formed  on  the  parade.  We  were 
faced  towards  the  regulars,  then  marching  up  to  us,  and  some  of  our  com- 
pany were  coming  to  the  parade  with  their  backs  towards  the  troops ; and 
others  on  the  parade  began  to  disperse,  when  the  regulars  fired  on  the  com- 
pany, before  a gun  was  fired  by  any  of  our  company  on  them.”  The  great 
point  was  as  to  who  fired  first.  Clark  says  : — “ So  far  from  firing  first  upon 
the  king's  troops,  upon  the  most  careful  inquiry,  it  appears,  that  but  very 
few  of  our  people  fired  at  all,  and  even  they  did  not  fire  till,  after  being  fired 
upon  by  the  troops,  they  were  wounded  themselves,”  &c.  Phinney’s  His- 
tory contains  the  details,  with  depositions,  which,  as  to  the  main  fact,  are  sup- 
ported by  the  authorities  of  1775.  All  the  British  accounts  state  that  the  fire 
was  returned,  or  rather  they  state  that  it  was  begun,  by  the  militia.  This  last 
assertion,  made  in  Gage's  hand-bill,  (see  Appendix,)  was  contradicted.  Much 
controversy  took  place  about  it,  and  the  Provincial  Congress  account  was  pre- 
pared in  reference  to  it.  As  late  as  May  3,  1776,  a London  journal  says  : — 
“ It  is  whispered  that  the  ministry  are  endeavoring  to  fix  a certainty  which 
party  fired  first  at  Lexington,  before  hostilities  commenced,  as  the  Congress 
declare,  if  it  can  be  proved  that  American  blood  was  first  shed,  it  will  go  a 
great  way  towards  effecting  a reconciliation  on  the  most  honorable  terms.” 

6 


64 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


charged  his  gun,  and  was  killed  by  a bayonet.  “A  truer 
heart  did  not  bleed  at  Thermopylae.” 1 Isaac  Muzzy,  Jon- 
athan Harrington,  and  Robert  Monroe,  were  also  killed  on  or 
near  tbo  place  where  the  line  was  formed.  “ Harrington’s 
was  a cruel  fate.  He  fell  in  front  of  his  own  house,  on  the 
north  of  the  common.  His  wife  at  the  window  saw  him  fall, 
and  then  start  up,  the  blood  gushing  from  his  breast.  He 
stretched  out  his  hands  towards  her,  as  if  for  assistance,  and 
fell  again.  Rising  once  more  on  his  hands  and  knees,  he 
crawled  across  the  road  towards  his  dwelling.  She  ran  to 
meet  him  at  the  door,  but  it  was  to  see  him  expire  at  her 
feet.”2  Monroe  was  the  standard  bearer  of  his  company  at 
the  capture  of  Louisburg.  Caleb  Harrington  was  killed  as  he 
was  running  from  the  meeting-house,  after  replenishing  his 
stock  of  powder;  Samuel  Hadley  and  John  Brown,  after  they 
had  left  the  common;  Asahel  Porter,  of  Woburn,  who  had 
been  taken  prisoner  by  the  British,  as  he  was  endeavoring  to 
effect  his  escape.3  The  British  suffered  but  little;  a private 
of  the  10th  regiment,  and  probably  one  other,  were  wounded, 
and  Major  Pitcairn’s  horse  was  struck.4  Some  of  the  provin- 
cials retreated  up  the  road  leading  to  Bedford,  but  most  of 
them  across  a swamp  to  a rising  ground  north  of  the  common. 
The  British  troops  formed  on  the  common,  fired  a volley,  and 
gave  three  huzzas  in  token  of  their  victory.5  Colonel  Smith, 
with  the  remainder  of  the  troops,  soon  joined  Major  Pitcairn, 
and  the  whole  detachment  marched  towards  Concord,  about  six 
miles  distant,  which  it  reached  without  further  interruption. 
After  it  left  Lexington  six  of  the  regulars  were  taken  pris- 
oners. 

Concord  was  described  in  1775,  by  Ensign  Berniere,  as  fol- 
lows : It  “lies  between  two  hills,  that  command  it  entirely. 
There  is  a river  runs  through  it,  with  two  bridges  over  it.  In 
summer  it  is  pretty  dry.  The  town  is  large,  and  contains  a 
church,  jail,  and  court-house ; but  the  houses  are  not  close 
together,  but  in  little  groups.”  The  road  from  Lexington 
entered  Concord  from  the  south-east,  along  the  side  of  a hill, 

1 Everett’s  Lexington  Address.  2Ib.  3Phinney’s  History.  4 Gage’s 

account.  5 Phinney  and  Clark. 


ALARM  IN  CONCORD. 


65 


which  commences  on  the  right  of  it  about  a mile  below  the 
village,  rises  abruptly  from  thirty  to  fifty  feet  above  the  road, 
and  terminates  at  the  north-easterly  part  of  the  square.  The 
top  forms  a plain,  which  commands  a view  of  tlm  town. 
Here  was  the  liberty  pole.  The  court-house  stood  near  the 
present  county-house.  The  main  branch  of  the  Concord 
river  flows  sluggishly,  in  a serpentine  direction,  on  the  west- 
erly and  northerly  side  of  the  village,  about  half  a mile  from 
its  centre.  This  river  was  crossed  by  two  bridges, — one 
called  the  Old  South  Bridge  — the  other,  by  the  Rev.  William 
Emerson's,  called  the  Old  North  Bridge.  The  road  beyond  the 
North  Bridge  led  to  Colonel  James  Barrett’s,  about  two  miles 
from  the  centre  of  the  town.1 

Dr.  Samuel  Prescott,  whose  escape  has  been  related,  gave 
the  alarm  in  Lincoln  and  Concord.  It  was  between  one  and 
two  o’clock  in  the  morning  when  the  quiet  community  of  Con- 
cord were  aroused  from  their  slumbers  by  the  sounds  of  the 
church  bell.  The  committee  of  safety,  the  military  officers, 
and  prominent  citizens,  assembled  for  consultation.  Messen- 
gers were  despatched  towards  Lexington  for  information  ; the 
militia  and  minute-men  were  formed  on  the  customary  parade- 
ground  near  the  meeting-house ; and  the  inhabitants,  with  a 
portion  of  the  militia,  under  the  able  superintendence  of 
Colonel  Barrett,  zealously  labored  in  removing  the  military 
stores  into  the  woods  and  by-places  for  safety.  These  scenes 
were  novel  and  distressing  ; and  among  others,  Reverend  Wil- 

1 “ There  were  at  this  time  in  this  vicinity,”  Shattuck  writes,  “ under 
rather  imperfect  organization,  a regiment  of  militia,  and  a regiment  of  min- 
ute-men. The  officers  of  the  militia  were,  James  Barrett,  colonel ; Ezekiel 
Howe,  of  Sudbury,  lieutenant-colonel  ; Nathan  Barrett  and  George  Minot, 
of  Concord  ; Joseph  Robbins,  of  Acton  ; John  Moore,  of  Bedford  ; Samuel 
Farrar,  of  Lincoln  ; and  Moses  Stone  and  Aaron  Hayes,  of  Sudbury,  captains. 
The  officers  of  the  minute-men  were,  Abijah  Pierce,  of  Lincoln,  colonel ; 
Thomas  Nixon,  of  Framingham,  lieutenant-colonel  ; John  Buttrick,  of  Con- 
cord, major;  Jacob  Miller,  of  Ilolliston,  second  major;  Thomas  Hurd,  of 
East  Sudbury,  adjutant ; David  Brown  and  Isaac  Davis,  of  Acton  ; William 
Smith,  of  Lincoln  ; Jonathan  Wilson,  of  Bedford  ; John  Nixon,  of  Sudbury, 
captains.  There  were  also  two  small  companies  of  horse,  — one  in  Concord 
and  one  in  Sudbury,  — but  they  were  out  among  the  foot  companies  at  this 
time.”  — History  of  Concord. 


66 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


liam  Emerson,  the  patriotic  clergyman,  mingled  with  the 
people,  and  gave  counsel  and  comfort  to  the  terrified  women 
and  children. 

Reuben  Brown,  one  of  the  messengers  sent  to  obtain  infor- 
mation. returned  with  the  startling  intelligence  that  the  British 
regulars  had  fired  upon  his  countrymen  at  Lexington,  and 
were  on  their  march  for  Concord.1  It  was  determined  to  go 
out  to  meet  them.2  A part  of  the  military  of  Lincoln,  — the 
minute-men,  under  Captain  William  Smith,  and  the  militia, 
under  Captain  Samuel  Farrar,  — had  joined  the  Concord 
people ; and  after  parading  on  the  common,  some  of  the  com- 
panies marched  down  the  Lexington  road  until  they  saw  the 
British  two  miles  from  the  centre  of  the  town.  Captain 
Minot,  with  the  alarm  company,  remained  in  town,  and  took 
possession  of  the  hill  near  the  liberty  pole.3  He  had  no 
sooner  gained  it,  however,  than  the  companies  that  had  gone 
down  the  road  returned  with  the  information  that  the  number 
of  the  British  was  treble  that  of  the  Americans.  The  whole 
then  fell  back  to  an  eminence  about  eighty  rods  distance,  back 
of  the  town,  where  they  formed  in  two  battalions.4  Colonel 
Barrett,  the  commander,  joined  them  here,  having  previously 
been  engaged  in  removing  the  stores.  They  had  scarcely 
formed,  when  the  British  troops  appeared  in  sight  at  the  dis- 
tance of  a quarter  of  a mile,  and  advancing  with  great  celer- 
ity, — their  arms  glittering  in  the  splendor  of  early  sunshine. 
But  little  time  remained  for  deliberation.  Some  were  in  favor 
of  resisting  the  further  approach  of  the  troops ; while  others, 

1 Nathan  Barrett  and  others,  April  23,  1775,  state,  that  they  assembled  “ in 
consequence  of  an  information  that  a number  of  regular  troops  had  killed 
six  of  our  countrymen  at  Lexington.”  See  also  depositions  of  John  Hoar 
and  others,  of  the  same  date.  Emerson  says  : “We  were  the  more  cautious 
to  prevent  beginning  a rupture  with  the  king’s  troops,  as  we  were  then  uncer- 
tain what  had  happened  at  Lexington,  and  knew  (not)  that  they  had  began 
the  quarrel  there  by  firing  upon  our  people,  and  killing  eight  men  upon  the 
spot.”  To  emphasize  “ uncertain  ” and  “ had  began,”  will  make  this  har- 
monize with  the  depositions.  Colonel  Baldwin  says  in  his  diary  that  he 
heard  the  firing  at  Lexington,  saw  the  men  lay  dead  on  the  field,  and  then 
pressed  on  to  Concord. 

2 Reverend  William  Emerson’s  Account,  an  excellent  contemporary  author- 
ity, part  of  it  not  discovered  until  1835.  3 Emerson  and  Ripley.  4 Emer- 

son ; Clark’s  Narrative. 


THE  BRITISH  ENTER  CONCORD. 


67 


more  prudent,  advised  a retreat  and  a delay  until  further  rein- 
forcements should  arrive.  Colonel  Barrett  ordered  the  militia 
to  retire  over  the  North  Bridge  to  a commanding  eminence 
about  a mile  from  the  centre  of  the  town.1 

The  British  troops  then  marched  into  Concord  in  two  divis- 
ions; one  by  the  main  road,  and  the  other  on  the  hill  north 
of  it,  from  which  the  Americans  had  just  retired.  They  were 
posted  in  the  following  manner.  The  grenadiers  and  light 
infantry,  under  the  immediate  command  of  Colonel  Smith, 
remained  in  the  centre  of  the  town.  Captain  Parsons,  with 
six  light  companies,  about  two  hundred  men,  was  detached  to 
secure  the  North  Bridge  and  to  destroy  stores,  who  stationed 
three  companies,  under  Captain  Laurie,  at  the  bridge,  and 
proceeded  with  the  other  three  companies  to  the  residence  of 
Colonel  Barrett,  about  two  miles  distant,  to  destroy  the  maga- 
zines deposited  there.  Captain  Pole,  with  a party,  was  sent, 
for  a similar  purpose,  to  the  South  Bridge.2  The  British  met 
with  but  partial  success  in  the  work  of  destruction,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  diligent  concealment  of  the  stores.  In  the  centre 
of  the  town  they  broke  open  about  sixty  barrels  of  flour, 
nearly  half  of  which  was  subsequently  saved  ; knocked  otf 
the  trunnions  of  three  iron  twenty-four  pound  cannon,  and 
burnt  sixteen  new  carriage- wheels  and  a few  barrels  of 
wooden  trenchers  and  spoons.  They  cut  down  the  liberty 
pole,  and  set  the  court-house  on  fire,  which  was  put  out,  how- 
ever, by  the  exertions  of  Mrs.  Moulton.  The  parties  at  the 
South  Bridge,  and  at  Colonel  Barrett’s,  met  with  poor  success. 
While  engaged  in  this  manner,  the  report  of  guns  at  the  North 
Bridge  put  a stop  to  their  proceedings.3 

The  British  troops  had  been  in  Concord  about  two  hours. 
During  this  time  the  minute-men  from  the  neighboring  towns 
had  been  constantly  arriving  on  the  high  grounds,  a short  dis- 
tance from  the  North  Bridge,  until  they  numbered  about  four 
hundred  and  fifty.4  They  were  formed  in  line  by  Joseph 
Hosmer,  who  acted  as  adjutant.  It  is  difficult,  if  not  impos- 
sible, to  ascertain  certainly  what  companies  were  present  thus 
early  in  the  day.  They  came  from  Carlisle,  from  Chelmsford, 

1 Ripley  ; Emerson  ; Depositions  of  1775.  2 British  Account.  3 Emerson  ; 

Shattuck’s  History  ; Clark’s  Narrative.  ,p:  ' ' 


68 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


from  Westford,  from  Littleton,  and  from  Acton.  The  minute- 
men  of  Acton  were  commanded  by  Captain  Isaac  Davis,  a 
brave  and  energetic  man.  Most  of  the  operations  of  the  British 
troops  were  visible  from  this  place  of  rendezvous,  and  several 
fires  were  seen  in  the  middle  of  the  town.  Anxious  apprehen- 
sions were  then  felt  for  its  fate.  A consultation  of  officers, 
and  of  prominent  citizens,  was  held.  It  was,  probably,  during 
this  conference  that  Captain  William  Smith,  of  Lincoln,  volun- 
teered, with  his  company,  to  dislodge  the  British  guard  at  the 
North  Bridge.1  Captain  Isaac  Davis,  as  he  returned  from  it  to 
his  ranks,  also  remarked,  “I  haven’t  a man  that’s  afraid  to 
go.”  The  result  of  this  council  was,  that  it  was  expedient  to 
dislodge  the  guard  at  the  North  Bridge.2  Colonel  Barrett, 
accordingly,  ordered  the  militia  to  march  to  it,  and  to  pass  it, 
but  not  to  fire  on  the  king’s  troops  unless  they  were  fired  upon. 
He  designated  Major  John  Buttrick  to  lead  the  companies  to 
effect  this  object.  Lieutenant-colonel  Robinson  volunteered 
to  accompany  him.  On  the  march,  Major  Buttrick  requested 
Colonel  Robinson  to  act  as  his  superior,  but  he  generously 
declined. 

It  was  nearly  ten  oclock  in  the  morning,  when  the  provin- 
cials, about  three  hundred  in  number,3  arrived  near  the  river. 
The  company  from  Acton  was  in  front,  and  Major  Buttrick, 
Colonel  Robinson,  and  Captain  Davis,  were  at  their  head. 
Captains  David  Brown,  Charles  Miles,  Nathan  Barrett,  and 
William  Smith,  with  their  companies,  and  also  other  compa- 
nies, fell  into  the  line.  Their  positions,  however,  are  not  pre- 
cisely known.4  They  marched  in  double  file,  and  with  trailed 

'Massachusetts  Archives:  “Lincoln,  November,  1776.  This  may  cer 
tify,  that  Captain  William  Smith,  of  Lincoln,  in  the  County  of  Middlesex, 
appeared  on  Concord  parade  early  in  the  morning  of  April  19,  1775,  with  his 
company  of  minute-men  ; was  ordered  to  leave  his  horse  by  the  field  officer, 
and  take  post  on  an  adjacent  hill,  — the  British  troops  possessing  the  North 
Bridge.  He  voluntarily  offered,  with  his  company,  to  endeavor  to  dislodge 
them,  leaving  his  horse  at  the  tavern  ; by  which  means,  on  their  retreat,  the 
horse,  &c.,  were  carried  off,  with  one  of  their  wounded  men.  John  But- 
trick, Major.” 

2 William  Smith’s  Petition,  1775.  Gordon’s  Letter,  May  17,  1775.  3 Dep- 
ositions of  1775.  4 Ripley’s  History.  See  on  the  Acton  company  Adams’ 

Address.  Gordon  says  this  company  made  the  front. 


THE  CONCORD  FTGHT. 


69 


arms.1  The  British  guard,  under  Captain  Laurie,  about  one 
hundred  in  number,  were  then  on  the  west  side  of  the  river ; 
but  on  seeing  the  provincials  approach,  they  retired  over  the 
bridge  to  the  east  side  of  the  river,  formed  as  if  for  a fight, 
and  began  to  take  up  the  planks  of  the  bridge.2  Major  But- 
trick  remonstrated  against  this,  and  ordered  his  men  to  hasten 
their  march.  When  they  had  arrived  within  a few  rods  of  the 
bridge,  the  British  began  to  fire  upon  them.  The  first  guns, 
few  in  number,  did  no  execution  ; others  followed  with  deadly 
effect.  Luther  Blanchard,  a fifer  in  the  Acton  company,  was 
first  wounded  : and  afterwards  Captain  Isaac  Davis  and  Abner 
Hosmer,  of  the  same  company,  were  killed.3  On  seeing  the 
fire  take  effect,  Major  Buttrick  exclaimed,  “Fire,  fellow-sol- 
diers ! for  God’s  sake,  fire  !”  The  provincials  then  fired,  and 
killed  one  and  wounded  several  of  the  enemy.  The  fire 
lasted  but  few  minutes.  The  British  immediately  retreated, 
in  great  confusion,  towards  the  main  body,  — a detachment 
from  which  was  soon  on  its  way  to  meet  them.  The 
provincials  pursued  them  over  the  bridge,  when  one  of  the 
wounded  of  the  British  was  cruelly  killed  by  a hatchet.4  Part 
of  the  provincials  soon  turned  to  the  left,  and  ascended  the 

1 Letter  in  Concord  paper,  1824.  2 Depositions  of  1775. 

3 The  evidence  in  relation  to  the  firing  is  as  follows.  Emerson  says:“We 
received  the  fire  of  the  enemy  in  three  several  and  separate  discharges  of 
their  pieces,  before  it  was  returned  by  our  commanding  officer.”  Clark  says : 
‘■Upon  the  provincials’  appioach  towards  the  bridge,  Captain  Laurie’s  party 
fired  upon  them,  killed  Captain  Davis  and  another  man  dead  upon  the  spot, 
and  wounded  several  others.  Upon  this,  our  militia  rushed  on,”&c.  Gor- 
don says,  that  Mr.  Emerson  saw  the  firing,  and  “ was  very  uneasy  till  he 

found  that  the  firing  was  returned.”  Colonel  James  Barrett,  and  four  others, 
testify,  (1775,)  that  two  of  the  militia  were  killed,  and  several  wounded, 
before  the  fire  was  returned.  Captain  Nathan  Barrett,  and  twenty-three 
others,  say,  that  “ when  we  got  near  the  bridge  they  fired  on  our  men,  first 
three  guns,  one  after  the  other,  and  then  a considerable  number  more  ; upon 
which,  and  not  before,  we  fired  upon  the  regulars,  and  they  retreated,”  — 
without  saying  that  any  were  killed.  Adams,  in  his  Centennial,  discusses 
this  question  with  acuteness. 

4 This  barbarous  deed  gave  rise  to  the  British  charge,  that  the  Americans 
scalped  the  wounded,  and  cut  off  their  ears.  Mr.  Emerson  gave  Gordon  an 
account  of  it  at  the  time,  with  great  concern  for  its  having  happened.  It  was 
the  act  of  a young  man,  who  killed  the  soldier  as  he  was  attempting  to  get  up 


70 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


hill  on  the  east  of  the  main  road,  while  another  portion 
returned  to  the  high  grounds,  carrying  with  them  the  remains 


of  the  gallant  Davis  and  Hosmer.  Military  order  was  broken, 
and  many,  who  had  been  on  duty  all  the  morning  and  were 

1 Lexington  road. 

2 Hill  and  high  lands  where  the  liberty  pole  stood. 

3 Centre  of  the  town,  and  main  body  of  the  British. 

4 Road  to  the  South  Bridge. 

5 Road  to  the  North  Bridge,  and  to  Colonel  Barrett’s,  two  miles  from  the 

centre  of  the  town. 

^High  grounds  a mile  north  of  the  meeting-house,  where  the  militia 
assembled. 

7 Road  along  which  they  marched  to  dislodge  the  British  at  North  Bridge. 

8 Spot  where  Davis  and  Hosmer  fell. 

9 Reverend  Mr.  Emerson’s  house. 

10  Bridges  and  roads  made  in  1793,  when  the  old  roads,  with  dotted  lines, 

were  discontinued. 

Arrow.  Return  of  Captain  Parsons,  after  the  firing  at  the  North  Bridge. 


GATHERING  OF  THE  MINUTE-MEN. 


71 


hungry  and  fatigued,  improved  the  time  to  take  refreshment. 
Meantime,  the  party  under  Captain  Parsons  — who  was 
piloted  by  Ensign  D'Berniere  — returned  from  Captain  Bar- 
rett’s house,  re-passed  the  bridge  where  the  skirmish  took 
place,  and  saw  the  bodies  of  their  companions,  — one  of  which 
was  mangled.  It  would  have  been  easy  for  the  provincials  to 
have  cut  them  off.  But  war  had  not  been  declared  ; and  it  is 
evident  that  it  had  not  been  fully  resolved  to  attack  the  Brit- 
ish troops.  Hence,  this  party  of  about  one  hundred  were 
allowed,  unmolested,  to  join  the  main  body.  Colonel  Smith 
concentrated  his  force,  obtained  conveyances  for  the  wounded, 
and  occupied  about  two  hours  in  making  preparations  to 
return  to  Boston,  — a delay  that  nearly  proved  fatal  to  the 
whole  detachment.1 

While  these  great  events2  were  occurring  at  Lexington  and 
Concord,  the  intelligence  of  the  hostile  march  of  the  British 
troops  was  spreading  rapidly  through  the  country ; and  hun- 
dreds of  local  communities,  animated  by  the  same  determined 
and  patriotic  spirit,  were  sending  out  their  representatives  to 
the  battle-field.  The  minute-men,  organized  and  ready  for 
action,  promptly  obeyed  the  summons  to  parade.  They  might 
wait,  in  some  instances,  to  receive  a parting  blessing  from  their 
minister,  or  to  take  leave  of  weeping  friends;3  but  in  all  the 

1 The  time  occupied  by  the  British  troops  was  nearly  as  follows  : Left 
Boston  at  half-past  ten,  p.  m.,  on  the  18th,  (British  accounts,)  — arrived  at 
Lexington  at  half-past  four,  a.  m.,  on  the  19th,  (Gordon,)  — halted  twenty 
minutes,  (Phinney,) — arrived  at  Concord  at  seven,  (Barrett’s  deposition, 
1775,  “ about  an  hour  after  sunrise,”)  — the  firing  at  the  bridge  was  between 
nine  and  ten,  (Brown’s  diary,  in  Adams,  and  deposition  No.  18,  1775, 
“ nearly  ten,”)  — the  troops  left  Concord  at  twelve,  (British  accounts,  Clark,) 
— they  met  Percy’s  brigade  at  two,  (British  letters,)  — arrived  at  Charles- 
town at  sunset. 

2 Samuel  Adams  heard  the  volley  of  musketry  at  Lexington  that  com- 
menced the  war  of  the  revolution.  It  was  in  view  of  the  inevitable  train  of 
consequences  that  would  result  from  this,  that  he  exclaimed,  “ 0,  what  a 
glorious  morning  is  this  ! ” 

3 King’s  Danvers  Address,  p.  11.  In  Dedham,  besides  the  minute-men, 
there  was  a company  of  veterans  who  had  been  in  the  French  wars.  On  the 
alarm  reaching  this  town,  they  assembled  on  the  green  in  front  of  the  church, 
where  Reverend  William  Gordon  stood  on  the  steps,  and  invoked  the  blessing 
of  Heaven  on  their  enterprise.  “ The  gray-headed  warriors  then  began  their 


72 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


roads  leading  to  Concord,  they  were  hurrying  to  the  scene  of 
action.  They  carried  the  firelock  that  had  fought  the  Indian, 
and  the  drum  that  beat  at  Louisburg ; and  they  were  led  by 
men  who  had  served  under  Wolfe  at  Quebec.  As  they  drew 
near  the  places  of  bloodshed  and  massacre,  they  learned  that, 
in  both  cases,  the  regulars  had  been  the  aggressors,  — “ had 
fired  the  first,”  — and  they  were  deeply  touched  by  the  slaugh- 
ter of  their  brethren.1  Now  the  British  had  fairly  passed  the 
Rubicon.  If  any  still  counselled  forbearance,  moderation, 
peace,  the  words  were  thrown  away.  The  assembling  bands 
felt,  that  the  hour  had  come  in  which  to  hurl  back  the  insult- 
ing charges  on  their  courage  that  had  been  repeated  for  years, 
and  to  make  good  the  solemn  words  of  their  public  bodies. 
And  they  determined  to  attack  on  their  return  the  invaders 
of  their  native  soil. 

Colonel  Smith,  about  twelve  o’clock,  commenced  his  march 
for  Boston.  His  left  was  covered  by  a strong  flank  guard  that 
kept  the  height  of  land  that  borders  the  Lexington  road,  lead- 
ing to  Merriam’s  Corner;  his  right  was  protected  by  a brook ; 
the  main  body  marched  in  the  road.  The  British  soon  saw 
how  thoroughly  the  country  had  been  alarmed.  It  seemed, 
one  of  them  writes,  that  “ men  had  dropped  from  the  clouds,” 
so  full  were  the  hills  and  roads  of  the  minute-men.  The  pro- 
vincials left  the  high  grounds  near  the  North  Bridge  and  went 
across  the  pastures  known  as  ££  the  great  fields,”  to  Bedford 
road.  Here  the  Reading  minute-men,  under  Major  Brooks, 
afterwards  Governor  Brooks,  joined  them ; and  a few  minutes 
after,  Colonel  William  Thompson,  with  a body  of  militia  from 
Billerica  and  vicinity,  came  up.  It  is  certain,  from  the  diaries 
and  petitions  of  this  period,  that  minute-men  from  other  towns 
also  came  up  in  season  to  fire  upon  the  British  while  leaving 
Concord. 

Rev.  Mr.  Foster,  who  was  with  the  Reading  company, 
relates  the  beginning  of  the  afternoon  contest  in  the  following 
manner:  “A  little  before  we  came  to  Merriam’s  Hill,  we 
discovered  the  enemy’s  flank  guard,  of  about  eighty  or  one 

march,  leaving  the  town,  almost  literally,  without  a male  inhabitant  below 
the  age  of  seventy  and  above  that  of  sixteen.”  — Haven’s  Historical  Address. 

1 Tay’s  petition. 


ATTACKS  ON  THE  BRITISH. 


73 


hundred  men,  who,  on  their  retreat  from  Concord,  kept  that 
height  of  land,  the  main  body  in  the  road.  The  British  troops 
and  the  Americans,  at  that  time,  were  equally  distant  from 
Merriam’s  Corner.  About  twenty  rods  short  of  that  place,  the 
Americans  made  a halt.  The  British  marched  down  the  hill, 
with  very  slow  but  steady  step,  without  music,  or  a word 
being  spoken  that  could  be  heard.  Silence  reigned  on  both 
sides.  As  soon  as  the  British  had  gained  the  main  road,  and 
passed  a small  bridge  near  that  corner,  they  faced  about 
suddenly,  and  fired  a volley  of  musketry  upon  us.  They 
overshot;  and  no  one,  to  my  knowledge,  was  injured  by  the 
fire.  The  fire  was  immediately  returned  by  the  Americans, 
and  two  British  soldiers  fell  dead,  at  a little  distance  from  each 
other,  in  the  road,  near  the  brook.”  1 

The  battle  now  began  in  earnest,  and  as  the  British  troops 
retreated,  a severe  fire  was  poured  in  upon  them  from  every 
favorable  position.  Near  Hardy’s  Hill,  the  Sudbury  company, 
led  by  Captain  Nathaniel  Cudworth,2  attacked  them,  and  there 
was  a severe  skirmish  below  the  Brooks  tavern,  on  the  old 
road,  north  of  the  school-house.  The  woods  lined  both  sides 
of  the  road  which  the  British  had  to  pass,  and  it  was  filled 
with  the  minute-men.  “The  enemy,”  says  Mr.  Foster,  “was 
now  completely  between  two  fires,  renewed  and  briskly 
kept  up.  They  ordered  out  a flank  guard  on  the  left,  to 
dislodge  the  Americans  from  their  posts  behind  large  trees,  but 
they  only  became  a better  mark  to  be  shot  at.”  A short  and 
sharp  battle  ensued.  And  for  three  or  four  miles  along  these 
woody  defiles  the  British  suffered  terribly.  Woburn  had 
“ turned  out  extraordinary;”  it  sent  out  a force  one  hundred 
and  eighty  strong,  “ well  armed  and  resolved  in  defence  of  the 
common  cause.”  Major  Loammi  Baldwin,  afterwards  Colo- 
nel Baldwin,  was  with  this  body.  At  Tanner  Brook,  at 
Lincoln  Bridge,  they  concluded  to  scatter,  make  use  of  the 
trees  and  walls  as  defences,  and  thus  attack  the  British.  And 
in  this  way  they  kept  on  pursuing  and  flanking  them.3  In 
Lincoln,  also,  Captain  Parker's  brave  Lexington  company 
again  appeared  in  the  field,  and  did  efficient  service.  “ The 

1 Ripley’s  History.  2 Mass.  Archives.  3 Tay’s  Petition  and  Baldwin’s 
Diary.  I am  indebted  to  George  R.  Baldwin,  Esq.,  for  the  Ms.  Diary. 


74 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


enemy,”  says  Colonel  Baldwin,  “marched  very  fast,  and  left 
many  dead  and  wounded,  and  a few  tired.”  Eight  were  buried 
in  Lincoln  grave-yard.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Captain 
Jonathan  Wilson,  of  Bedford,  Nathaniel  Wyman,  of  Billerica, 
and  Daniel  Thompson,  of  Woburn,  were  killed. 

In  Lexington,  at.  Fiske’s  Hill,  an  officer  on  a fine  horse, 
with  a drawn  sword  in  his  hand,  was  actively  engaged  in 
directing  the  troops,  when  a number  of  the  pursuers,  from 
behind  a pile  of  rails,  fired  at  him  with  effect.  The  officer 
fell,  and  the  horse,  in  affright,  leaped  the  wall,  and  ran  tow- 
ards those  who  had  fired.  It  was  here  that  Lieut-col.  Smith 
was  severely  wounded  in  the  leg.  At  the  foot  of  this  hill,  a 
personal  contest  between  James  Hayward,  of  Acton,  and  a 
British  soldier  took  place.  The  Briton  drew  up  his  gun, 
remarking,  “You  are  a dead  man!”  “And  so  are  you!.”' 
answered  Hayward.  The  former  was  killed.  Hayward  was 
mortally  wounded,  and  died  the  next  day.1 

The  British  troops,  when  they  arrived  within  a short  dis- 
tance of  Lexington  meeting-house,  again  suffered  severely 
from  the  close  pursuit  and  the  sharp  fire  of  the  provincials. 
Their  ammunition  began  to  fail,  while  their  light  companies 
were  so  fatigued  as  to  be  almost  unfitted  for  service.  The 
large  number  of  wounded  created  confusion,  and  many  of  the 
troops  rather  ran  than  marched  in  order.  For  some  time  the 
officers  in  vain  tried  to  restore  discipline.  They  saw  the  con- 
fusion increase  under  their  efforts,  until,  at  last,  they  placed 
themselves  in  front,  and  threatened  the  men  with  death  if 
they  advanced.  This  desperate  exertion,  made  under  a heavy 
fire,  partially  restored  order.  The  detachment,  however, 
must  have  soon  surrendered,  had  it  not,  in  its  extreme  peril, 
found  shelter  in  the  hollow  square  of  a reinforcement  sent  to 
their  relief.2 

1 Shattuck  ; Foster;  Essex  Gazette  ; Ripley. 

2 British  accounts  admit  that  the  position  of  Colonel  Smith,  when  Percy 

joined  him,  was  very  critical.  Lieut.  Carter,  in  his  letters,  says  : “ The  con- 
sequences must  have  proved  far  more  serious,  had  not  a brigade,  under  the 
command  of  Lord  Percy,  marched  to  our  support.”  Other  accounts  admit 
that  the  detachment  must  have  surrendered.  These  accounts  err  as  much  in 
making  the  numbers  of  the  provincials  too  large,  as  some  of  the  American  ac- 
counts do  in  making  them  too  small.  Thus,  one  letter  says,  April  30  : “ It 


lord  Percy’s  biarch. 


75 


General  Gage  received,  early  in  the  morning,  a request  from 
Colonel  Smith  for  a reinforcement.  About  nine  o’clock  he 
detached  three  regiments  of  infantry  and  two  divisions  of 
marines,  with  two  field-pieces,  under  Lord  Percy,  to  support 
the  grenadiers  and  light  infantry.  Lord  Percy  marched 
through  Roxbury,  to  the  tune  of  Yankee  Doodle,  to  the  great 
alarm  of  the  country.  To  prevent  or  to  impede  his  march, 
the  selectmen  of  Cambridge  had  the  planks  of  the  Old  Bridge, 
over  which  he  was  obliged  to  pass,  taken  up ; but  instead  of 
being  removed,  they  were  piled  on  the  causeway  on  the  Cam- 
bridge side  of  the  river.  Hence,  Lord  Percy  found  no  diffi- 
culty in  replacing  them  so  as  to  admit  his  troops  to  cross. 
But  a convoy  of  provisions  was  detained  until  it  was  out  of  the 
protection  of  the  main  body.  This  was  captured  at  West  Cam- 
bridge. According  to  Gordon,  Rev.  Dr.  Payson  led  this  party. 
David  Lamson,  a half  Indian,  distinguished  himself  in  the 

was  thought  there  were  about  six  thousand  at  first,  and  at  night  double  that 
number.”  Another  letter  says  : “ The  rebels  were  monstrous  numerous, 

and  surrounded  us  on  every  side  ; when  they  came  up  we  gave  them  a smart 
fire,  but  they  never  would  engage  us  properly.”  Another  says:  “As 
we  came  along,  they  got  before  us,  and  fired  at  us  out  of  the  houses,  and 
killed  and  wounded  a great  number  of  us,  but  we  levelled  their  houses  as  we 
came  along.”  Sernicre  says  that  Captain  Laurie  was  attacked  “by  about 
fifteen  thousand  rebels,”  and  yet  “ they  let  Captain  Parsons,  with  his  com- 
pany, return,  and  never  attacked  us.” 

The  Conduct  of  the  American  War  states:  “ Lieutenant-colonel  Smith’s 
party  would  have  been  destroyed  had  not  Lord  Percy  joined  him,  and  even 
he  was  almost  too  late,  from  two  stupid  blunders  we  committed.  The  general 
ordered  the  first  brigade  under  arms  at  four  in  the  morning ; these  orders, 
the  evening  before,  were  carried  to  the  brigade  major’s  ; he  was  not  at  home  ; 
the  orders  were  left ; no  inquiry  was  made  after  him  ; he  came  home  late ; 
his  servant  forgot  to  tell  him  there  was  a letter  on  his  table  ; four  o’clock 
came  ; no  brigade  appeared  ; at  five  o’clock  an  express  from  Smith,  desiring 
a reinforcement,  produced  an  inquiry  ; the  above  discovery  was  made  ; at  six 
o’clock  part  of  the  brigade  got  on  the  parade  ; there  they  waited,  expecting 
the  marines;  at  seven,  no  marines  appearing,  another  inquiry  commenced  ; 
they  said  they  had  received  no  orders  ; it  was  asserted  they  had  ; in  the 
altercation  it  came  out  that  the  order  had  been  addressed  to  Major  Pitcairn, 
who  commanded  the  marines,  and  left  at  his  quarters,  though  the  gentlemen 
concerned  in  this  business  ought  to  have  recollected  that  Pitcairn  had  been 
despatched  the  evening  before,  with  the  grenadiers  and  light  infantry,  under 
Lieut-eol.  Smith.  This  double  mistake  lost  us  from  four  till  nine  o’clock, 
the  time  we  marched  off  to  support  Col.  Smith.” 


76 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


affair.  Percy’s  brigade  met  the  harassed  and  retreating 
troops  about  two  o’clock,  within  half  a mile  of  the  Lexington 
meeting-house.  “ They  were  so  much  exhausted  with  fa- 
tigue,” the  British  historian,  Stedman,  writes,  “ that  they  were 
obliged  to  lie  down  for  rest  on  the  ground,  their  tongues  hang- 
ing out  of  their  mouths,  like  those  of  dogs  after  a chase.” 
The  field-pieces  from  the  high  ground  below  Monroe’s  tavern 
played  on  the  provincials,  and  for  a short  period  there  was, 
save  the  discharge  of  cannon,  a cessation  of  battle.  From 
this  time,  however,  the  troops  committed  the  most  wanton 
destruction.  Three  houses,  two  shops  and  a barn,  were  laid 
in  ashes  in  Lexington;  buildings  on  the  route  were  defaced 
and  plundered,  and  individuals  were  grossly  abused. 

At  this  time,  Dr.  Warren  and  General  Heath  were  active 
in  the  field,  directing  and  encouraging  the  militia.  General 
Heath  was  one  of  the  generals  who  were  authorized  to  take 
the  command  when  the  minute-men  should  be  called  out. 
On  his  way  to  the  scene  of  action,  he  ordered  the  militia  of 
Cambridge  to  make  a barricade  of  the  planks  of  the  bridge, 
take  post  there,  and  oppose  the  retreat  of  the  British  in  that 
direction  to  Boston.  At  Lexington,  when  the  minute-men  were 
somewhat  checked  and  scattered  by  Percy’s  field-pieces,  he 
labored  to  form  them  into  military  order.  Dr.  Warren,  about 
ten  o’clock,  rode  on  horseback  through  Charlestown.  He  had 
received  by  express  intelligence  of  the  events  of  the  morning, 
and  told  the  citizens  of  Charlestown  that  the  news  of  the  firing 
was  true.  Among  others,  he  met  Dr.  Welsh,  who  said,  “ Well, 
they  are  gone  out.”  “Yes,”  replied  the  Dr.,  “and  we ’ll  be 
up  with  them  before  night.” 

Lord  Percy  had  now  under  his  command  about  eighteen 
hundred  troops,  of  undoubted  bravery  and  of  veteran  disci- 
pline. He  evinced  no  disposition,  however,  to  turn  upon  his 
assailants,  and  make  good  the  insulting  boasts  of  his  associates. 
After  a short  interval  of  rest  and  refreshment,  the  British 
recommenced  their  retreat.  Then  the  provincials  renewed 
their  attack.  In  West  Cambridge  the  skirmishing  again 
became  sharp  and  bloody,  and  the  troops  increased  their  atroc- 
ities. Jason  Russell,  an  invalid  and  a non-combatant,  was 
barbarously  butchered  in  his  own  house.  In  this  town  a 


SKIRMISH  AT  WEST  CAMBRIDGE. 


77 


mother  was  killed  while  nursing  her  child.  Others  were 
driven  from  their  dwellings,  and  their  dwellings  were  pillaged. 
Here  the  Danvers  company,  which  marched  in  advance  of  the 
Essex  regiment,  met  the  enemy.  Some  took  post  in  a walled 
enclosure,  and  made  a breastwork  of  bundles  of  shingles ; 
others  planted  themselves  behind  trees  on  the  side  of  the  hill 
west  of  the  meeting-house.  The  British  came  along  in  solid 
column  on  their  right,  while  a large  flank  guard  came  up  on 
their  left.  The  Danvers  men  were  surrounded,  and  many 
were  killed  and  wounded.1  Here  Samuel  Whittemore  was 
shot  and  bayoneted,  and  left  for  dead.  Here  Dr.  Eliphalet 
Downer,  in  single  combat  with  a soldier,  killed  him  with  a 
bayonet.  Here  a musket  ball  struck  a pin  out  of  the  hair  of 
Dr.  Warren’s  earlock.2  The  wanton  destruction  of  life  and 
property  that  marked  the  course  of  the  invaders,  added  re- 
venge to  the  natural  bravery  of  the  minute-men.  “Indigna- 
tion and  outraged  humanity  struggled  on  the  one  hand ; vete- 
ran discipline  and  desperation  on  the  other.”  3 The  British 
had  many  struck  in  West  Cambridge,  and  left  an  officer 
wounded  in  the  house  still  standing  at  the  railroad  depot.4 

1 Address  of  Hon.  D.  P.  King.  2 Heath’s  Memoirs.  3 Hon.  Edward 
Everett. 

4 Dr.  Eliot  remarks  of  Dr.  Warren,  — “At  the  battle  of  Lexington  he  was, 
perhaps,  the  most  active  man  in  the  field.  His  soul  beat  to  arms,  as  soon  as 
he  learnt  the  intention  of  the  British  troops.”  He  said  to  the  last  person 
with  whom  he  conversed  in  Boston,  near  the  ferry,  just  as  he  was  about 
crossing,  in  reply  to  a question  about  the  political  aspect : “ Keep  up  a brave 
heart.  They  have  begun  it  — that  either  party  could  do  ; and  we  ‘II  end  it 
— that  only  one  can  do.”  A poem  was  printed  in  Boston,  1781,  by  John 
Boyle,  entitled,  “ An  Eulogium  on  Major-general  Joseph  Warren,  by 
a Columbian.”  After  describing  the  march  of  the  troops  to  Concord,  the 
alarm,  the  retreat,  and  the  rescue  by  Lord  Percy,  the  author  thus  describes 
the  feats  on  the  “ Plain,”  at  West  Cambridge  : 

“ Again  the  conflict  glows  with  rage  severe, 

And  fearless  ranks  in  combat  mixt  appear. 

Victory  uncertain  ! fierce  contention  reigns, 

And  purple  rivers  drench  the  slippery  plains. 

Column  to  column,  host  to  host  oppose, 

And  rush  impetuous  on  their  adverse  foes, 

When  lo  ! the  hero  Warren  from  afar 
Sought  for  the  battle,  and  the  field  of  war. 


78 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


The  British  troops  took  the  road  that  winds  round  Prospect 
Hill.  When  they  entered  this  part  of  Charlestown  their  situa- 
tion was  critical.  The  large  number  of  the  wounded  proved 
a distressing  obstruction  to  their  progress,  while  they  had  but 
few  rounds  of  ammunition  left.  Their  field-pieces  had  lost 
their  terror.  The  main  body  of  the  provincials  hung  closely 
on  their  rear ; a strong  force  was  advancing  upon  them  from 
Roxbury,  Dorchester,  and  Milton ; while  Colonel  Pickering, 
with  the  Essex  militia,  seven  hundred  strong,  threatened  to 
cut  off  their  retreat  to  Charlestown.1  Near  Prospect  Hill  the 
fire  again  became  sharp,  and  the  British  again  had  recourse 
to  their  field-pieces.  James  Miller,  of  Charlestown,  was  killed 
here.  Along  its  base,  Lord  Percy,  it  is  stated,  received  the 
hottest  fire  he  had  during  his  retreat.  General  Gage,  about 
sunset,  might  have  beheld  his  harassed  troops,  almost  on  the 
run,  coming  down  the  old  Cambridge  road  to  Charlestown 
Neck,  anxious  to  get  under  the  protection  of  the  guns  of 

Prom  rank  to  rank  the  daring  warrior  flies, 

And  bids  the  thunder  of  the  battle  rise. 

Sudden  arrangements  of  his  troops  are  made, 

And  sudden  movements  round  the  plain  displayed. 

Columbia’s  Genius  in  her  polished  shield 
Gleams  bright,  and  dreadful  o’er  the  hostile  field  ! 

Her  ardent  troops,  enraptured  with  the  sight, 

With  shock  resistless  force  the  dubious  fight. 

Britons,  astonished,  tremble  at  the  sight, 

And,  all  confused,  precipitate  their  flight. 

1 Dr.  Welsh,  who  was  on  Prospect  Hill  when  the  British  went  by,  saw 
Colonel  Pickering's  regiment  on  the  top  of  Winter  Hill,  near  the  front  of  Mr. 
Adams’  house,  the  enemy  being  very  near  in  Charlestown  road.  Washington 
writes,  May  31,  1775  : “If  the  retreat  had  not  been  as  precipitate  as  it  was,  — 
and  God  knows  it  could  not  well  have  been  more  so,  — the  ministerial  troops 
must  have  surrendered,  or  been  totally  cut  off.  For  they  had  not  arrived  in 
Charlestown,  (under  cover  of  their  ships,)  half  an  hour,  before  a powerful 
body  of  men  from  Marblehead  and  Salem  was  at  their  heels,  and  must,  if 
they  had  happened  to  be  up  one  hour  sooner,  inevitably  have  intercepted  their 
retreat  to  Charlestown.”  — Sparks’  Washington,  vol.  ii. , p.  407. 

Dr.  Welsh  says  that  cannon  fired  occasionally.  The  troops  kept  up  a 
steady  fire.  A Ms.  letter  of  Mr.  W.  B.  Shedd  states  that  in  a house  now 
in  Somerville,  at  the  foot  of  Prospect  Hill,  a regular  was  found,  on  the  return 
of  the  inmates,  laying  across  the  draw  of  a secretary,  dead,  having  been  shot 
through  the  window  as  he  was  pilfering. 


EVENTS  IN  CHARLESTOWN. 


79 


the  ships  of  war.  The  minute-men  closely  followed,  but 
when  they  reached  the  Charlestown  Common,  General  Heath 
ordered  them  to  stop  the  pursuit. 

Charlestown,  throughout  the  day,  presented  a scene  of  in- 
tense excitement  and  great  confusion.  It  was  known  early  in 
the  morning  that  the  regulars  were  out.  Rumors  soon  arrived 
of  the  events  that  had  occurred  at  Lexington.  The  schools 
were  dismissed,  and  citizens  gathered  in  groups  in  the  streets.1 
After  Dr.  Warren  rode  through  the  town,  and  gave  the  cer- 
tain intelligence  of  the  slaughter  at  Lexington,  a large  number 
went  out  to  the  field,  and  the  greater  part  who  remained  were 
women  and  children.  Hon.  James  Russell  received,  in  the 
afternoon,  a note  from  General  Gage,  to  the  effect,  that  he  had 
been  informed  that  citizens  had  gone  out  armed  to  oppose  his 
majesty’s  troops,  and  that  if  a single  man  more  went  out 
armed,  the  most  disagreeable  consequences  might  be  expected. 
It  was  next  reported,  and  correctly,  that  Cambridge  Bridge 
had  been  taken  up,  and  that  hence  the  regulars  would  be 
obliged  to  return  to  Boston  through  the  town.  Many  then 
prepared  to  leave,  and  every  vehicle  was  employed  to  carry 
away  their  most  valuable  effects.  Others,  however,  still 
believing  the  troops  would  return  the  way  they  went  out, 
determined  to  remain,  and  in  either  event  to  abide  the  worst. 
Just  before  sunset  the  noise  of  distant  firing  was  heard,  and 
soon  the  British  troops  were  seen  in  the  Cambridge  road.  The 
inhabitants  then  rushed  towards  the  Neck.  Some  crossed 
Mystic  River,  at  Penny  Ferry.  Some  ran  along  the  marsh, 
towards  Medford.  The  troops,  however,  soon  approached  the 
town,  firing  as  they  came  along.  A lad,  Edward  Barber,  was 
killed  on  the  Neck.  The  inhabitants  then  turned  back  into 
the  town,  panic-struck.  Word  ran  through  the  crowd  that 

1 The  late  Dr.  Prince,  of  Salem,  used  to  relate,  that  as  he  was  standing 
with  a party  of  armed  men  at  Charlestown  Neck,  a person  enveloped  in  a 
cloak  rode  up  on  horseback,  inquired  the  news,  and  passed  on  ; but  he  imme- 
diately put  spur  to  his  horse,  and  the  animal  started  forward  so  suddenly  as  to 
cause  the  rider  to  raise  his  arms,  throw  up  the  cloak,  and  thus  reveal  a 
uniform.  The  men  instantly  levelled  their  guns  to  fire,  when  Dr.  Prince 
struck  them  up,  exclaiming,  “Don’t  fire  at  him  — he  is  my  friend  Small,  a 
fine  fellow.”  It  was  Major  Small,  an  express  from  the  army,  who  got  safe 
into  Boston. 


7# 


80 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


“The  Britons  were  massacring  the  women  and  children!” 
Some  remained  in  the  streets,  speechless  with  terror  ; some  ran 
to  the  clay-pits,  back  of  Breed’s  Hill,  where  they  passed  the 
night.  The  troops,  however,  offered  no  injury  to  the  inhab- 
itants. Their  officers  directed  the  women  and  children,  half- 
distracted  with  fright,  to  go  into  their  houses,  and  they  would 
be  safe,  but  requested  them  to  hand  out  drink  to  the  troops. 
The  main  body  occupied  Bunker  Hill,  and  formed  a line 
opposite  the  Neck.  Additional  troops  also  were  sent  over 
from  Boston.  The  officers  flocked  to  the  tavern  in  the  square, 
where  the  cry  was  for  drink.  Guards  were  stationed  in  vari- 
ous parts  of  the  town.  One  was  placed  at  the  Neck,  with 
orders  to  permit  no  one  to  go  out.  Everything,  during  the 
night,  was  quiet.1  Some  of  the  wounded  were  carried  over 
immediately,  in  the  boats  of  the  Somerset,2  to  Boston.  Gen- 
eral Pigot  had  the  command  in  Charlestown  the  next  day, 
when  the  troops  all  returned  to  their  quarters. 

The  Americans  lost  forty-nine  killed,  thirty-nine  wounded, 
and  five  missing.3  A committee  of  the  Provincial  Congress 

1 Of  the  notices  of  the  arrival  of  the  troops  in  Charlestown,  I select  the 
following.  The  Salem  Gazette,  April  25,  says  : The  consternation  of  the 
people  of  Charlestown,  when  our  enemies  were  entering  the  town,  is  inex- 
pressible ; the  troops,  however,  behaved  tolerably  civil,  and  the  people  have 
since  nearly  all  left  the  town.  Stiles,  in  his  diary,  April  24,  1775,  writes  : 
“ In  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  by  order  of  General  Gage,  a proclama- 
tion was  read  to  the  inhabitants  of  Charlestown,  purporting  that  he  would  lay 
that  town  in  ashes  if  they  obstructed  the  king’s  troops.”  Clark  says  : The 
firing  continued,  “ with  hut  little  intermission,  to  the  close  of  the  day,  when 
the  troops  entered  Charlestown,  where  the  provincials  could  not  follow  them, 
without  exposing  the  worthy  inhabitants  of  that  truly  patriotic  town  to  their 
rage  and  revenge.”  Jacob  Rogers’  petition  gives  a minute  detail  of  the 
town  during  the  evening. 

2 On  the  14th  of  April,  the  Somerset  man-of-war,  of  sixty-four  guns,  was 
hauled  into  Charles  River,  and  now  lays  between  the  ferry  ways.  — Essex 
Gazette,  April  18. 

3 Several  lists  of  the  killed  and  wounded  were  published  in  the  journals  of 
the  day.  One  of  them  was  corrected  by  John  Farmer,  and  was  published 
in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Collections,  vol.  xvm.  I have  added  a few  names. 

Lexington.  — Killed,  Jonas  Parker,  Robert  Monroe,  Samuel  Hadley,  Jon- 
athan Harrington,  jr. , Isaac  Muzzy,  Caleb  Harrington,  John  Brown,  Jede- 
diah  Monroe,  John  Raymond,  Nathaniel  Wyman,  10.  Wounded,  John 
Robbins,  Solomon  Pierce,  John  Tidd,  Joseph  Comee,  Ebenezer  Monroe,  jr., 


LOSS  OF  THE  AMERICANS. 


81 


estimated  the  value  of  the  property  destroyed  by  the  ravages 
of  the  troops,  to  be  — in  Lexington,  £1761  15s.  -5d. ; in  Con- 
cord, £274  16s.  7d. ; in  Cambridge,  £1202  8s.  7d.  Many 
petitions  of  persons  who  engaged  the  enemy  on  this  day  are 
on  file.  They  lost  guns  or  horses,  or  suffered  other  damage. 
The  General  Court  indemnified  such  losses. 

Thomas  Winship,  Nathaniel  Farmer,  Prince  Estabrook,  Jedediah  Monroe, 
Francis  Brown,  10. 

Concord.  — Wounded,  Charles  Miles,  Nathan  Barrett,  Abel  Prescott,  jr. , 
Jonas  Brown,  George  Minot,  5. 

Cambridge. — Killed,  William  Marcy,  Moses  Richardson,  John  Hicks, 
Jason  Russell,  Jabez  Wyman,  Jason  Winship,  6.  Wounded,  Samuel  Whit- 
ternore,  1.  Missing,  Samuel  Frost,  Seth  Russell,  2. 

Needham. — Killed,  John  Bacon,  Elisha  Mills,  Amos  Mills,  Nathaniel 

Chamberlain,  Jonathan  Parker,  5.  Wounded,  Eleazer  Kingsbury, 

Tolman,  2. 

Sudbury. — Killed,  Josiah  Haynes,  Asahel  Reed,  2.  Wounded,  Joshua 
Haynes,  jr.,  1. 

Acton. — Killed,  Isaac  Davis,  Abner  Hosmer,  James  Hayward,  3. 
Wounded,  Luther  Blanchard,  1. 

Bedford.  — Killed,  Jonathan  Wilson,  1.  Wounded,  Job  Lane,  1. 

Woburn.  — Killed,  Daniel  Thompson,  Asahel  Porter,  2.  Wounded, 
George  Reed,  Jacob  Bacon, Johnson,  3. 

Medford.  — Killed,  Henry  Putnam,  William  Polly,  2. 

Charlestown.  — Killed,  James  Miller,  Edward  Barber,  2. 

Watertown.  — Killed,  Joseph  Coolidge,  1. 

Framingham.  — Wounded,  Daniel  Hemminway,  1. 

Dedham.  — Killed,  Elias  Haven,  1.  Wounded,  Israel  Everett,  1. 

Stow.  — Wounded,  Daniel  Conant,  1. 

Roxbury. — Missing,  Elijah  Seaver,  1. 

Brookline. — Killed,  Isaac  Gardner,  1. 

Billerica.  — Wounded,  John  Nichols,  Timothy  Blanchard,  2. 

Chelmsford.  — Wounded,  Aaron  Chamberlain,  Oliver  Barron,  2. 

Salem.  — Killed,  Benjamin  Pierce,  1. 

Newton. — Wounded,  Noah  Wiswell,  1. 

Danvers.  — Killed,  Henry  Jacobs,  Samuel  Cook,  Ebenezer  Goldthwait, 
George  Southwick,  Benjamin  Deland,  Jotham  Webb,  Perley  Putnam,  7. 
Wounded,  Nathan  Putnam,  Dennis  Wallace,  2.  Missing,  Joseph  Bell,  1. 

Beverly. — Killed,  Reuben  Kennison,  1.  Wounded,  Nathaniel  Cleves, 
Samuel  Woodbury,  William  Dodge,  3d,  3. 

Lynn. — Killed,  Abednego  Ramsdell,  Daniel  Townsend,  William  Flint, 
Thomas  Hadley,  4.  Wounded,  Joshua  Felt,  Timothy  Monroe,  2.  Mis- 
sing, Josiah  Breed,  1. 

Total.  — Killed,  49.  Wounded,  39.  Missing,  5.  = 93. 


82 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


The  British  lost  seventy-three  killed,  one  hundred  and  sev- 
enty-four wounded,  and  twenty-six  missing,  — the  most  of 
whom  were  taken  prisoners.  Of  these,  eighteen  were  officers, 
ten  sergeants,  two  drummers,  and  two  hundred  and  forty  were 
rank  and  file.  Lieutenant  Hall,  wounded  at  the  North  Bridge, 
was  taken  prisoner  on  the  retreat,  and  died  the  next  day.  His 
remains  were  delivered  to  General  Gage.  Lieutenant  Gould 
was  wounded  at  the  bridge,  and  taken  prisoner,  and  was 
exchanged,  May  28,  for  Josiah  Breed,  of  Lynn.  He  had  a 
fortune  of  £1900  a year,  and  is  said  to  have  offered  £2000  for 
his  ransom.  The  prisoners  were  treated  with  great  humanity, 
and  General  Gage  was  notified  that  his  own  surgeons,  if  he 
desired  it,  might  dress  the  wounded. 

In  Lexington,  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  was  appro- 
priately noticed  for  several  years.  In  1776,  Rev.  Jonas 
Clark  delivered  the  sermon,  which  was  printed.  Seven  ser- 
mons, by  Reverends  Samuel  Cook,  1777,  Jacob  Cushing,  1778, 
Samuel  Woodward,  1779,  Isaac  Morrill,  1780,  Henry  Cum- 
mings, 1781,  Phillips  Payson,  1782,  and  Zabdiel  Adams,  in 
1783,  were  also  published.  The  Legislature  granted  four 
hundred  dollars  to  build  a monument  in  this  town ; and  hence 
the  one  erected  in  1779  states  it  was  erected  by  the  town, 
“under  the  patronage,  and  at  the  expense,  of  the  common- 
wealth,” to  the  memory  of  the  eight  men  who  fell  at  the 
fire  of  the  British  troops.  It  is  of  granite,  twenty  feet  high, 
stands  near  the  place  where  they  were  killed,  and  bears  an 
inscription  written  by  Rev.  Jonas  Clark.  In  1825,  Major 
Elias  Phinney  prepared  a history  of  the  battle,  and  in  1835, 
Hon.  Edward  Everett  delivered  an  oration  on  the  anni- 
versary. 

In  Concord,  a monument  has  been  erected  near  the  place 
where  the  two  soldiers,  who  were  killed  on  the  bridge,  were 
buried.  In  1824,  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Association 
appropriated  five  hundred  dollars  to  build  one  in  this  town ; 
and  at  its  suggestion,  the  corner  stone,  in  1825,  was  laid,  with 
great  parade.  Sixty  of  the  survivors  joined  in  the  celebra- 
tion. Hon.  Edward  Everett  delivered  the  address.  Sub- 
sequently this  association  pledged  one  thousand  dollars  more 
for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  completion  of  this  monument. 


THE  MINUTE-MEN. 


83 


In  1S27,  Dr.  Ripley  and  others  published  “A  History  of  the 
Fight  at  Concord.” 

In  Danvers,  on  Monday,  April  20,  1835,  the  corner-stone 
was  laid  of  a monument  to  the  memory  of  seven  of  its  cit- 
izens, who  fell  on  that  day.  General  Gideon  Foster,  one.  of 
the  survivors,  made  the  address  at  the  site  of  the  monument, 
in  which  he  stated  that  over  a hundred  of  his  townsmen 
went  with  him  to  the  field  this  day.  A procession  proceeded 
to  the  church,  where  an  address  was  delivered  by  Hon.  Daniel 
P.  King. 

In  West  Cambridge,  a monument  was  erected,  June  24, 
1S4S,  over  the  remains  of  twelve  of  the  patriots  slain  on  this 
day,  — the  names  of  only  three  of  whom,  belonging  to  what 
is  now  West  Cambridge,  are  known,  viz : Jason  Russell, 
Jason  Winship,  and  Jabez  Wyman.  The  twelve  were  buried 
in  a common  grave.  Their  remains  were  disinterred,  and 
placed  in  a stone  vault,  now  under  the  monument,  April  22, 
184S.  This  is  a simple  granite  obelisk,  nineteen  feet  in  height, 
enclosed  by  a neat  iron  fence.  It  was  done  by  the  voluntary 
contributions  of  the  citizens  of  West  Cambridge.1 

The  work  so  worthy  of  commemoration  — the  commence- 
ment OF  THE  WAR  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION CaiTllOt  be 

satisfactorily  accounted  for,  without  taking  into  view  previous 
effort.  Nothing  is  clearer  than  that  it  obeyed  the  great-  law 
of  production.  It  was  the  result  of  labor.  It  took  the  people 
years  of  deliberation  to  arrive  at  the  point  of  forcible  resist- 
ance ; and  after  this  point  had  been  reached,  it  took  months 
of  steady  preparation  to  meet  such  a crisis  worthily.  This 
crisis  did  not  come  unexpected,  nor  was  it  left  to  shift  for 
itself  when  it  did  come.  The  leading  patriots  were  not  quite 
so  dull  and  rash  as  to  leave  this  unprovided  for.  They  were 
men  of  sound  common  sense,  who  well  discerned  the  signs  of 
the  times.  If  they  trusted  to  the  inherent  goodness  of  their 
cause,  they  also  looked  sharp  to  have  their  powder  dry.  Indi- 
vidual volunteers,  it  is  true,  appeared  on  this  day  in  the  field. 
But  still  the  power  that  was  so  successful  against  a body  of 
British  veterans  of  undoubted  bravery,  finely  officered  and 

1 Hon.  James  Russell,  Ms.  letter,  who  took  a prominent  part  in  this  pat- 
riotic work. 


84 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


finely  disciplined,  that  twice  put  them  in  imminent  peril  of 
entire  capture,  was  not  an  armed  mob,  made  up  of  individuals, 
who,  on  a new-born  impulse,  aroused  by  the  sudden  sound  of 
the  tocsin,  seized  their  rusty  firelocks,  and  rushed  to  the 
“tented  field.”  But  it  was  an  organized  power,  made  up  of 
militia  who  had  associated  themselves  — often  by  written 
agreements  — to  meet  such  an  exigence;  who  had  been  dis- 
ciplined1 to  meet  it,  who  were  expected  to  meet  it,  and  who 
had  been  warned 2 that  it  was  close  at  hand.  They  were  the 
minute-men.  It  is  enough  to  say,  that  they  came  so  near  up 
to  their  own  ideal  of  hazardous  duty,  and  to  the  high  expect- 
ation of  their  fellow-patriots,  as  to  win  praise  from  friend  and 
foe.3  They  did  a thorough,  a necessary,  and  an  immortal 
work.  They  should  have  the  credit  of  it.  This  battle  should 
be  called  the  battle  of  the  minute-men. 

The  effect  of  the  news  of  the  commencement  of  hostilities, 
both  in  the  colonies  and  in  Great  Britain,  was  very  great. 

In  the  colonies  the  intelligence  spread  with  wonderful  rapid- 
ity. In  almost  every  community  in  New  England,  on  its 
reception,  the  minute-men  rushed  to  arms.  Hundreds  of  the 
muster-rolls  — thousands  of  individual  accounts  of  the  sol- 
diers of  the  revolution  — date  from  “ The  Lexington  Alarm.” 
And  the  same  spirit  prevailed  out  of  New  England.  Nothing 
could  exceed  the  shock  which  it  gave  to  the  public  mind.  To 
detail,  however,  the  manner  in  which  it  was  received  through- 
out the  colonies,  would  be  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  this 
work.  In  every  quarter  the  people  assembled,  and  prepared 
to  join  their  brethren  of  Massachusetts  in  defence  of  their  lib- 
erties.4 

lrThe  discipline  described,  pages  42 — 3,  continued  to  this  day.  Thus 
Rev.  Mr.  Emerson,  March  13,  at  a review  in  Concord,  preached  to  the 
minute-men.  Rev.  Mr.  Marett  writes  in  his  diary,  April  4 : Rode  to  Read- 
ing, and  heard  Mr.  Stone  preach  a sermon  to  the  minute-men.  On  the  19th, 
he  writes  : Fair,  windy,  and  cold. 

2 See  the  order  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  page  54.  3 “ Lord  Percy  said 

at  table,  he  never  saw  anything  equal  to  the  intrepidity  of  the  New  England 
minute-men.”  — Remembrancer,  vol.  i.,  111. 

4 It  was  the  battle  of  Lexington  that  elicited,  in  North  Carolina,  the  Meck- 
lenburg County  series  of  Resolves,  about  which  so  much  has  been  written. 
This  Proceeding  is  alluded  to  in  tire  journals  of  the  time.  Thus  the  Penn- 


LETTER  TO  ENGLAND. 


85 


In  Massachusetts  the  leading  patriots  regarded  it  to  be 
important  to  present,  as  early  as  possible,  an  accurate  account 
of  the  events  of  the  day  to  the  people  of  England.  The 
Provincial  Congress,  which  was  immediately  summoned, 
appointed,  on  the  day  of  its  meeting,  April  22,  a committee 
to  take  depositions  in  relation  to  the  transactions  of  the  troops 
in  their  route  to  and  from  Concord.  On  the  next  day  Doctor 
Church,  Mr.  Gerry,  and  Mr.  Cushing,  were  appointed  a com- 
mittee to  draw  up  a “narrative  of  the  massacre.”  The  com- 
mittee on  depositions,  on  the  23d  and  25th  of  April,  held 
sessions  at  Concord  and  Lexington,  and  took  a large  number 
of  affidavits.  On  the  25th,  a letter  was  read  in  Congress, 
urging  the  expediency  of  sending  an  account  immediately  to 
England.  On  the  26th,  a committee,  consisting  of  the  presi- 
dent, Doctor  Warren,  Mr.  Freeman,  Mr.  Gardner,  and  Colonel 
Stone,  were  chosen  to  prepare  a letter  to  the  colonial  agent. 
This  committee,  on  the  same  day,  reported  the  letter,  and 
an  account  of  the  battle,  addressed  “ To  the  Inhabitants 
of  Great  Britain;”  and  the  committee  of  supplies  was 
ordered  to  send  these  papers,  with  others  in  preparation, 
to  England.  This  committee  engaged  the  Hon.  Richard 
Derby,1  of  Salem,  to  fit  out  his  vessel  as  a packet.  This  ves- 
sel arrived  in  London  on  the  29th  of  May,  and  carried,  besides 
the  official  papers,  copies  of  the  Essex  Gazette,  containing  the 
published  accounts  of  the  events  of  the  day.  The  address, 

sylvania  Ledger,  November  4,  1775,  contains  Governor  Martin’s  proclama- 
tion, which  reviews  it,  and  denounces  it.  The  point  of  actual  forcible 
resistance  had  been  reached  in  Massachusetts  nine  months  previous.  To  go 
further  back,  the  bold  Abington  resolves  of  1770,  declaring  acts  of  Parlia- 
ment “a  mere  nullity,”  produced  a great  effect  through  the  colonies.  They 
were  a virtual  declaration  of  independence.  Other  towns  were  equally  bold. 

1 The  order  to  Captain  Derby  was  as  follows  : — In  Committee  of  Safety, 
April  27,  1775.  Resolved,  That  Captain  Derby  be  directed,  and  he  hereby 
is  directed,  to  make  for  Dublin,  or  any  other  good  port  in  Ireland,  and  from 
thence  to  cross  to  Scotland  or  England,  and  hasten  to  London.  This  direc- 
tion is  given,  that  so  he  may  escape  all  cruisers  that  may  be  in  the  chops  of 
the  channel,  to  stop  the  communication  of  the  provincial  intelligence  to  the 
agent.  He  will  forthwith  deliver  his  papers  to  the  agent  on  reaching  Lon- 
don. J.  Warren,  Chairman.  P.  S.  — You  are  to  keep  this  order  a pro- 
found secret  from  every  person  on  earth. 


86 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


after  a brief  relation  of  the  battle,  and  of  the  outrages  of  the 
troops,  stated,  that  these  “marks  of  ministerial  vengeance 
had  not  yet  detached  us  from  our  royal  sovereign  that  the 
colonists  were  still  ready  to  “ defend  his  person,  family,  crown, 
and  dignity  that  they  would  not  tamely  submit  to  the  perse- 
cution and  tyranny  of  this  cruel  ministry,  but,  appealing  to 
Heaven  for  the  justice  of  their  cause,  they  were  determined 
to  die  or  be  free ; and  in  closing  said,  that  in  a constitutional 
connection  with  the  mother  country,  they  hoped  soon  to  be 
altogether  a free  and  happy  people.1  In  the  letter  to  the 
agent,  he  is  requested  to  have  the  papers  printed,  and  dis- 
persed through  every  town  in  England.  Accordingly,  on  the 
day  after  the  arrival  of  Captain  Derby,  the  address  was 
printed  and  circulated,  and  gave  the  first  intelligence  of  the 
battle  of  Lexington  and  Concord  to  the  British  public. 

The  news  was  astounding.  The  government  had  informa- 
tion of  the  state  of  things  in  America  that  was  accurate,  but  it 
refused  to  credit  it.  Speeches  were  made  in  Parliament  por- 
traying the  consequences  of  political  measures  with  a foresight 
and  precision  that  to-day  appear  wonderful,  but  the  ministry 
listened  to  them  with  dull  ears.  It  preferred  to  rely  on  repre- 
sentations from  the  colonies,  made  by  adherents  of  the  gov- 
ernment blinded  by  passion  or  swayed  by  interest,  or  on 
language  in  Parliament  dictated  by  ignorance  or  pride,  which 
described  the  great  patriot  party  as  a mere  faction,  and  the 
colonists  as  cowards,  and  five  thousand  regulars  as  invincible. 
Hence,  they  looked  to  see  their  imposing  military  and  naval 
preparations  strike  fear  into  “a  rude  rabble,”  and  produce 
submission.  Such  ignorance  and  expectation  were  shared  by 
the  British  nation.  How  great,  then,  was  the  astonishment  to 
hear  that  a collection  of  country  people,  hastily  assembled, 
had  compelled  the  veterans  of  England  to  retreat  to  their 
strong  holds ! The  news  agitated  London  to  its  centre.  It 
engrossed  the  attention  of  all  classes.  It  seemed  not  merely 
improbable,  but  almost  incredible. 

On  learning  the  intelligence,  the  government,  which  had 
received  no  despatches,  issued  the  following  card  : — 


* This  address  appeared  in  the  London  Chronicle  for  May  27 — 30. 


EFFECT  IN  ENGLAND. 


87 


“ Secretary  of  State's  Office,  Whitehall,  May  30,  1775. 

“A  report  having  been  spread,  and  an  account  having  been 
printed  and  published,  of  a skirmish  between  some  of  the 
people  in  the  province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  a 
detachment  of  his  majesty’s  troops,  it  is  proper  to  inform  the 
public,  that  no  advices  have  as  yet  been  received  in  the 
American  department  of  any  such  event. 

“There  is  reason  to  believe  that  there  are  despatches  from 
General  Gage  on  board  the  Sukey,  Capt.  Brown,  which,  though 
she  sailed  four  days  before  the  vessel  that  brought  the  printed 
accounts,  is  not  yet  arrived.” 

Arthur  Lee  immediately  issued  the  following  note  : — 1 

“ TO  THE  PUBLIC. 

“ Tuesday,  May  30,  1775. 

“As  a doubt  of  the  authenticity  of  the  account  from  Salem, 
touching  an  engagement  between  the  king’s  troops  and  the 
provincials,  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  may  arise  from  a para- 
graph in  the  Gazette  of  this  evening,  I desire  to  inform  all  those 
who  wish  to  see  the  original  affidavits  which  confirm  that 
account,  that  they  are  deposited  at  the  Mansion  House,  with 
the  right  honorable  the  Lord  Mayor,  for  their  inspection. 

“Arthur  Lee, 

“ Agent  for  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay." 

General  Gage’s  despatches  did  not  arrive  until  eleven  days 
after  the  arrival  of  Captain  Derby.  The  excitement  on  their 
reception  increased.  The  clamor  against  the  ministers  grew 
louder,  because  it  was  presumed  that  they  concealed  the 
official  accounts,  and  intended  to  keep  the  people  in  ignorance. 
As  soon,  however,  as  General  Gage’s  report  reached  Whitehall, 
on  the  10th  of  June,  it  was  published.  This  account  was 
severely  criticised  in  the  journals,  while  Lord  Dartmouth,  in 

1 This  note  was  published  in  the  London  Chronicle  for  June  1,  1775 
Some  of  the  affidavits  appear  in  full  in  this  number.  The  original  papers  are 
now  in  Harvard  College  Library.  Captain  Derby  declined  to  go  to  Lord 
Dartmouth’s  office.  Mr.  De  Berdt  communicated  to  the  minister  the  details. 
“ He  was  too  much  affected  to  say  much,”  writes  Mr.  De  Berdt. 

8 


88 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


a letter  to  General  Gage,  dated  July  1,  hesitates  to  approve  of 
the  step,  which  was  certainly  warranted,  if  not  expressly 
commanded,  in  his  previous  despatches,  and  which  was  only 
carrying  out  his  idea  of  disarming  the  province.1  “ I am  to 
presume  that  the  measure  of  sending  out  a detachment  of 
troops  to  destroy  the  magazines  at  Concord  was  taken  after 
the  fullest  consideration  of  the  advantages  on  the  one  hand, 
and  hazards  on  the  other,  of  such  an  enterprise,  and  of  all  the 
probable  consequences  that  were  to  result  from  it.  It  is 
impossible  for  me  to  reflect  upon  this  transaction,  and  upon  all 
its  consequences,  without  feelings,  which,  although  I do  not 
wish  to  conceal  them,  it  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  express ; 
but  I believe  every  man  of  candor  will  agree  with  me  in 
opinion,  that,  let  the  event  be  what  it  may,  the  rashness  and 
rebellious  conduct  of  the  provincials  on  this  occasion  evince 
the  necessity,  and  will  manifest  to  all  the  world  the  justice,  of 
the  measures  which  the  king  has  adopted  for  supporting  the 
constitution,  and  in  which  his  majesty  will  firmly  persevere.” 

The  excitement  was  not  allayed  by  the  publication  of  the 
official  despatches.  The  ministry,  in  virtually  asking  a sus- 
pension of  judgment  until  their  arrival,  evidently  hoped  that 
the  American  narrative  might  prove  fictitious,  or  at  least 
might  be  exaggerated.  Gage’s  account,  however,  substan- 
tially agreed  with  it.  It  admitted  that  a people  who  had  been 
represented  as  “too  cowardly  ever  to  face  the  regulars,”  had 
attacked  the  king’s  troops  : it  admitted  the  galling  annoyance, 

1 Extracts  from  Lord  Dartmouth’s  letters  to  General  Gage,  already  given, 
show  how  positive  were  the  instructions  sent  to  direct  the  conduct  of  the 
governor.  In  a letter,  dated  April  15,  1775,  on  its  way  to  Boston  when  the 
battle  was  fought,  Lord  Dartmouth  says:  “ It  would  appear  necessary  and 
expedient,  that  all  fortifications  should  be  garrisoned  by  the  king's  troops,  or 
dismantled  and  destroyed  ; that  all  cannon,  small  arms,  and  military  stores  of 
every  kind,  that  may. be  either  in  any  magazine,  or  secreted  for  the  purpose 
of  aiding  the  rebellion,  should  also  be  seized  and  secreted  ; and  that  the  per- 
sons of  such  as,  according  to  the  opinion  of  his  majesty’s  attorney  and  solicitor 
general,  have  committed  themselves  in  acts  of  treason  and  rebellion,  should 
be  arrested  and  imprisoned.”  This  letter  authorized  General  Gage  to  offer  a 
reward  for  the  apprehension  of  the  patriot  leaders,  and  a pardon  to  those  who 
should  return  to  obedience.  Hence,  the  subsequent  proclamation  of  General 
Gage. 


GREATNESS  OF  THE  DAY. 


89 


and  that  many  were  killed  and  wounded.  I have  only  room 
for  a single  specimen  of  the  sharp  strictures  these  despatches 
elicited.  “Let  us,”  says  one  of  them,  “accompany  the  army 
in  its  return,  and  we  find  them  met  by  Lord  Percy,  at  Lex- 
ington, with  sixteen  companies  and  the  marines,  amounting 
in  all  to  about  twelve  hundred  men,  with  two  pieces  of  can- 
non. We  have  now  almost  the  whole  army  that  was  collected 
at  Boston,  under  so  active  a leader  as  Lord  Percy,  with  the 
assistance  of  Colonel  Smith  and  Major  Pitcairn,  ‘ doing  every- 
thing (so  says  the  Gazette)  that  men  could  do,’  and  two  pieces 
of  cannon.  We  may  expect  that  not  a man  of  the  unheaded 
poltroon  provincials  will  be  left  alive.  Not  quite  so  bad.  The 
Gazette  tells  us,  dryly,  that  ‘the  rebels  were  for  a while  dis- 
persed.’ They  were  so  dispersed,  however,  that  ‘ as  soon  as 
the  troops  resumed  their  march,’  (not  their  flight,)  they  began 
again  to  fire  on  them,  and  continued  it  during  the  whole  of 
fifteen  miles’  march,  ‘ by  which  means  several  were  killed 
and  wounded.’  If  this  was  not  a flight,  and  if  Lord  Percy’s 
activity  was  not  in  running  away,  I should  be  glad  to  know 
where  were  the  flanking  parties  of  this  army  on  its  march, 
with  all  this  light  infantry!  Would  any  commanding  officer 
suffer  such  an  enemy  to  continue  killing  and  wounding  his 
troops,  from  stone  walls  and  houses,  if  it  was  not  a defeat  and 
flight  ?” 1 

Such  was  the  effect,  in  the  colonies  and  in  England,  of  this 
manifestation  of  the  resolute  spirit  that  animated  the  American 
patriots.  Those  who  stood  in  the  breach  at  the  breaking  of 
this  day  of  blood  at  Lexington,  those  who  joined  in  battle  and 
died  honorably  facing  the  foe  at  Concord,  those  who  so  gal- 

1 One  hundred  pounds  sterling-  were  contributed  in  England  for  the  relief 
of  those  who  were  wounded  in  this  battle,  and  of  the  widows  and  children 
of  those  who  were  slain.  This  was  paid  to  a committee  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Assembly,  by  Dr.  Franklin,  in  the  following  October. 

Stedman,  a British  historian,  remarks  : “ The  conduct  of  Colonel  Smith, 
in  this  unfortunate  expedition,  was  generally  censured  ; but  Lord  Percy 
gained  on  this  occasion,  what  he  afterwards  uniformly  sustained,  great  repu- 
tation as  an  active,  brave,  and  intelligent  officer.”  A British  journal  says: 
“ He  was  in  every  place  of  danger,  and  came  off  unhurt.”  He  had,  how 
ever,  a narrow'  escape.  A musket  ball  struck  one  of  the  buttons  of  his 
waistcoat. 


90 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


lantly  pursued  the  flying  veterans,  deserve  the  tribute  of 
grateful  admiration.1  Their  efforts  were  in  behalf  of  the 
cause  of  ihe  freedom  of  America,  and  their  success  was 
typical  of  its  final  triumph.  It  is  this  that  clothes  their 
valor  on  this  remarkable  day  with  such  beauty  and  dignity. 
“ In  other  circumstances,”  Dr.  Dwight  writes,  “ the  expedi- 
tion to  Concord,  and  the  contest  which  ensued,  would  have 
been  merely  little  tales  of  wonder  and  woe,  chiefly  recited 
by  the  parents  of  the  neighborhood  to  their  circles  at  the 
fireside,  commanding  a momentary  attention  of  childhood, 
and  calling  forth  the  tear  of  sorrow  from  the  eyes  of  those 
who  were  intimately  connected  with  the  sufferers.  Now, 
the  same  events  preface  the  history  of  a nation,  and  the 
beginning  of  an  empire;  and  are  themes  of  disquisition 
and  astonishment  to  the  civilized  world.”2 

1 Hon.  Edward  Everett’s  Concord  Address,  53. 

2 Dwight’s  Travels,  i.,  p.  387. 


LEXINGTON  MONUMENT. 


- 


liHtlrits  Q:nO  irons 


■in,-  II inter/ fitf Fl. 


SpinnyFer. 


Redoubt 

edeubt 

rtmil 

y^Xtedeubt^  S 
S /‘•out  Worksjy^ 


hr,  tn  Lcxuwtk  n Ac  Cchc&rt 
■ ^ 


Oil 

(nar/efinan  A V * 

J,  ■'? 


Witmisimet 


>F,rt  CabblfJli, 


tiara. 


(ortons. 


wdfihc  ® 
Mattery 


o WN 


Ji  Kh  KItKN  C f:  s. 

J State  tY  rmerlrhi/wStrei 

2 Ian  cm/  Hat 7 of  Jock  St/nai 

3 Oh/  South  Merff/ioUouse 
•I  BeaconBill 

5 Fort  Hill 

6 CoppsJflll . 

7 Fort  r/i , Yoddlesl.  ereited 
afterBoston  w as  evacuate 


Wm  , 

m Bartons  I&i 


?rth 

mtte/y 


fait aht 

BAT 


Woof 


fewdef 


S/urlcy  ft. 
full  in  oft 


Mini  Islam/ 


wnth  fatten 


BroekliJicFerf^^^Ih  ,re  r 
Cedcr  S^Oim  Battery 

s™mp%ARMr\ 


Floittfio- 


' CnnBattcry 


**3Gwri 


yyor9e  *//  A? 
Tavern 


r Chester 


Nicies Ma 


'^fe doubt 


SASTISR 

BOAT) 


Kam5for4v^' ot 


1775  & 1770  » 

Scale  of  Miles 


GATHERING  OF  AN  ARMY. 


91 


CHAPTER  III. 

Gathering;  of  an  Army.  Proceedings  of  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire, 

Connecticut,  Rhode  Island.  The  American  Army.  Skirmishes.  The 

British  Army.  Resolve  to  fortify  Bunker  Hill. 

The  intelligence  of  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  was  imme- 
diately followed  by  circulars  from  the  Massachusetts  committee 
of  safety,  calling  out  the  militia.  One  addressed  to  the  towns, 
dated  April  20,  urged  them  “ to  hasten  and  encourage,  by  all 
possible  means,  the  enlistment  of  men  to  form  an  army,”  and 
to  send  them  forward  without  delay.  “Our  all,”  it  reads, 
“ is  at  stake.  Death  and  devastation  are  the  certain  conse- 
quences of  delay.  Every  moment  is  infinitely  precious.  An 
hour  lost  may  deluge  your  country  in  blood,  and  entail  perpet- 
ual slavery  upon  the  few  of  our  posterity  that  may  survive 
the  carnage.” 1 Another  circular,  addressed  to  the  other  New 
England  colonies,  (April  26,)  applied  for  as  many  troops  as 
could  be  spared,  to  march  forthwith  to  the  assistance  of 
Massachusetts.2  One  spirit,  however,  animated  the  country. 
Companies  of  minute-men  and  individual  volunteers  rushed 
from  every  quarter  to  the  seat  of  hostilities ; and,  joining  the 
intrepid  bands  that  fought  the  British  troops  on  their  way 
from  Concord,  commenced  the  memorable  siege  of  Boston.3 

The  committee  of  safety  and  the  general  officers  had  an 
arduous  task,  to  keep  so  large  a body  of  men  together,  and  to 
provide  for  them  ; and  until  there  were  regular  enlistments, 
there  was,  unavoidably,  much  confusion.  General  Heath 
continued  to  issue  orders  until  the  arrival  of  General  Ward, 
in  the  afternoon  of  April  20,  who  then  took  the  command. 
Other  general  officers  were  early  on  the  ground.  At  the  first 
council  of  war  (April  20)  there  were  present,  Generals  Ward, 
Heath,  and  Whitcomb ; Colonels  Bridge,  Frye,  James  Pres- 

1 Journals  of  Provincial  Congress,  p.  518.  2 lb. , p.  254.  3 Stiles,  in  his 

Ms.  Diary,  writes  that,  on  Friday,  April  21,  an  American  army  of  20,000 
men  was  assembled. 

8# 


92 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


cutt,  William  Prescott,  Bullard,  and  Barrett;  and  Lieutenant- 
colonels  Spaulding,  Nixon,  Whitney,  Mansfield,  and  Wheelock. 
On  this  day  Colonel  William  Prescott  was  ordered  to  the 
command  of  a guard  of  five  companies,  — two  of  which  were 
posted  on  Charlestown  road,  one  towards  Phipps’  Farm,  one 
towards  Menotomy,  (West  Cambridge,)  and  the  remainder  at 
other  points.  On  the  next  day  the  guards  were  posted  in  the 
same  manner;  but  Colonels  Prescott,  Learned,  and  Warner, 
were  ordered  to  march  their  regiments  to  Roxbury,  to  join 
General  Thomas.1 

The  army  was  soon  joined  by  General  Israel  Putnam,  and 
Colonels  John  Stark  and  Paul  Dudley  Sargent,  who  rendered 
valuable  service  in  this  trying  season.  On  the  22d,  Colonel 
Stark  was  ordered  to  march  to  Chelsea,  with  three  hundred 
men,  to  defend  the  inhabitants.  But  no  public  character  had 
more  influence  than  Dr.  Warren.  He  was  judicious,  as  well 
as  zealous  and  energetic.  “ He  did  wonders,”  Dr.  Eliot 
writes,  “ in  preserving  order  among  the  troops ; ” and  at  a 
time  when  thetre  was  extreme  difficulty  in  maintaining  dis- 
cipline. The  alarm  of  the  people  was  still  great.  Many  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Cambridge  had  left  their  homes;  and  a 
general  order  of  the  22d  threatened  punishment  to  any  soldier 
who  should  injure  property.  At  this  date  many  of  the  regi- 
ments were  at  Waltham  and  Watertown  ; but  on  the  26th,  they 
were  ordered  to  march  forward  to  Cambridge.  On  the  27th, 
Mr.  Huntington,  of  Connecticut,  writes,  that  General  Ward 
was  in  Roxbury,  and  General  Putnam  commanded  in  Cam- 
bridge, “ with  too  much  business  on  their  hands.”  At  this 
time  Colonel  Stark  was  in  Medford.  In  a short  time  each 
colony  made  separate  provision  for  its  troops, — enlisting  men, 
establishing  their  pay,  supplying  them  with  provisions,  and 
appointing  and  commissioning  their  officers.2 

Before  this,  however,  could  be  done,  many  of  the  minute- 
men,  after  a few  days’  continuance  before  Boston,  returned 
home,  — some  to  look  after  their  private  affairs,  and  others  to 
make  permanent  arrangements  to  join  the  army.  This  left 
some  of  the  avenues  into  the  country  but  slightly  guarded. 
Gordon  writes,  that  “during  the  interval  between  their  return 
1 Ward’s  Orderly  Book.  2 Mass.  Archives  ; Orderly  Books. 


THE  INHABITANTS  OF  BOSTON. 


93 


and  the  provincials’  resorting  afresh  to  the  place  of  rendez- 
vous, the  land  entrance  into  and  out  of  the  town,  by  the  Neck, 
was  next  to  unguarded.  Not  more  than  between  six  and 
seven  hundred  men,  under  Colonel  Robinson,  of  Dorchester, 
were  engaged  in  defending  so  important  a pass,  for  several 
days  together.  For  nine  days  and  nights  the  colonel  never 
shifted  his  clothes,  nor  lay  down  to  sleep ; as  he  had  the 
whole  duty  upon  him,  even  down  to  the  adjutant,  and  as 
there  was  no  officer  of  the  day  to  assist.  The  officers,  in 
general,  had  left  the  camp,  in  order  to  raise  the  wanted  num- 
ber of  men.  The  colonel  was  obliged,  therefore,  for  the  time 
mentioned,  to  patrol  the  guards  every  night,  which  gave  him 
a round  of  nine  miles  to  traverse.”  1 

The  inhabitants  of  Boston,  by  the  order  of  General  Gage, 
were  now  cut  off  from  intercourse  with  the  country,  and  con- 
sequently were  suddenly  deprived  of  their  customary  supplies 
of  provisions,  fuel,  and  necessaries  of  life.  This  exposed  them 
to  great  distress.  Civil  war,  in  all  its  complicated  horrors, 
was  at  their  doors,  — the  sundering  of  social  ties,  the  burning 
of  peaceful  homes,  the  butchery  of  kindred  and  friends,  — and 
all  was  uncertainty  respecting  their  own  fate.  It  was  amidst 
such  scenes,  when  the  metropolis  was  surrounded  by  multi- 
tudes of  armed  men,  exasperated  to  the  last  degree  by  the 
recent  destruction  and  massacre,  that  General  Gage  requested 
an  interview  with  the  selectmen.  He  did  not  feel  safe  in  his 
position.  He  was  apprehensive  that  the  people  without  would 
attack  the  town,  that  the  inhabitants  within  would  join  them, 
and  that  this  combination  would  prove  too  much  for  his  troops. 
He  represented  to  the  selectmen  that  such  an  attack  might 
result  in  unhappy  consequences  to  the  town ; but  that  he 
would  do  no  violence  to  it,  provided  the  inhabitants  would  con- 
duct peaceably.  An  understanding  to  this  effect  was  entered 

Gordon’s  History,  i.,  349.  General  Ward  wrote,  April  24,  1775,  to 
the  Provincial  Congress,  as  follows  : “Gentlemen,  — My  situation  is  such, 
that  if  I have  not  enlisting  orders  immediately,  1 shall  be  left  all  alone.  It  is 
impossible  to  keep  the  men  here,  except  something  be  done.  1 therefore 
pray  that  the  plan  may  be  completed,  and  handed  to  me  this  morning,  that 
you,  gentlemen  of  the  Congress,  issue  orders  for  enlisting  men.  I am,  gen- 
tlemen, yours,  &c.,  A.  Ward.” 


94 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


into  between  the  general  and  the  selectmen.  A town-meet- 
ing was  held  on  the  22d  of  April,  at  which  Hon.  James 
Bowdoin  presided,  when  the  arrangement  was  confirmed  by 
a vote  of  the  citizens.  After  instructing  a committee  to  con- 
fer with  General  Gage  in  relation  to  opening  a communication 
with  the  country,  the  meeting  adjourned  to  the  next  day, 
Sunday,  at  ten  o’clock. 

The  meeting  was  held,  according  to  the  adjournment,  on 
Sunday,  when  the  committee  reported  that  General  Gage, 
after  a long  conference,  agreed  : “ That  upon  the  inhabitants 
in  general  lodging  their  arms  in  Faneuil  Hall,  or  any  other 
convenient  place,  under  the  care  of  the  selectmen,  marked 
with  the  names  of  the  respective  owners,  that  all  such  inhab- 
itants as  are  inclined  might  depart  from  the  town,  with  their 
families  and  effects,  and  those  who  remain  might  depend  on 
his  protection ; and  that  the  arms  aforesaid,  at  a suitable  time, 
would  be  returned  to  the  owners.”  The  town  voted  to  accept 
these  proposals.  A committee  waited  upon  the  general  with 
the  vote,  who,  in  addition,  promised  to  request  the  admiral  to 
lend  his  boats  to  facilitate  the  removal ; and  to  allow  carriages 
to  pass  and  repass  for  this  purpose.  He  likewise  promised 
that  the  poor  should  not  suffer  from  want  of  provisions,  and 
requested  that  a letter  might  be  written  to  Dr.  Warren,  to  the 
effect : “ That  those  persons  in  the  country  Avho  might  incline 
to  remove  into  Boston  with  their  effects,  might  have  liberty  to 
do  so  without  molestation.”  The  town  voted  unanimously  to 
accede  to  these  conditions,  and  to  request  the  inhabitants  to 
deposit  their  arms  promptly  with  the  selectmen.1 

1 Proceedings  of  the  Town  of  Boston.  This  arrangement  was  made  with 
the  sanction  and  advice  of  the  committee  of  safety.  It  sent  the  following 
letter  to  the  inhabitants  : Cambridge,  April  22,  1775.  Gentlemen,  — The 
committee  of  safety  being  informed  that  General  Gage  has  proposed  a treaty 
with  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston,  whereby  he  stipulates  that  the 
women  and  children,  with  all  their  effects,  shall  have  safe  conduct  without 
the  garrison,  and  their  men  also,  upon  condition  that  the  male  inhabitants 
within  the  town  shall,  on  their  part,  solemnly  engage  that  they  will  not  take 
up  arms  against  the  king’s  troops  within  the  town,  should  an  attack  be  made 
from  without,  — we  cannot  but  esteem  those  conditions  to  be  just  and  reason- 
able ; and  as  the  inhabitants  are  in  danger  from  suffering  from  want  of  pro- 
visions, which,  in  this  time  of  general  confusion,  cannot  be  conveyed  into  the 


REMOVAL  FROM  BOSTON. 


95 


This  arrangement,  which  appears  to  have  been  as  earnestly- 
desired  by  the  British  commander  as  it  was  by  the  distressed 
inhabitants,  was  carried  out,  for  a short  time,  in  good  faith. 
On  the  27th  of  April  the  people  delivered  to  the  selectmen 
1778  fire-arms,  634  pistols,  973  bayonets,  and  38  blunder- 
busses  ; and  on  the  same  day  it  was  announced  in  a town- 
meeting, that  General  Gage  had  given  permission  to  the 
inhabitants  to  remove  out  of  town,  with  their  effects,  either 
by  land  or  by  water ; and  applications  for  passes  were  to  be 
made  to  General  Robertson.  Accordingly,  thousands  applied 
for  passes,  and  hundreds  immediately  removed  to  the  country, 
taking  with  them  their  valuable  effects.1  The  Provincial 
Congress  met  the  liberality  of  General  Gage  rvith  appropriate 
measures  : they  resolved  (April  30)  that  any  inhabitants 
inclining  to  go  into  Boston  should  be  permitted  to  do  so ; and 
officers  to  give  them  permits  were  stationed  at  the  Sign  of  the 
Sun,  in  Charlestown,  (at  the  Neck,)  and  at  Mr.  Greaton’s 
house,  in  Roxbury.  The  number  unable  to  bear  the  expense 
of  removal,  and  of  supporting  themselves,  was  estimated  at 
five  thousand ; and  the  Congress  ordered  that  the  several 
towns  should  provide  for  them,  according  to  their  popula- 
tion,— delicately  resolving,  that  such  inhabitants  should  not, 
in  future,  be  considered  as  the  poor  of  the  several  towns. 

But  this  removal  became  so  general  as  to  alarm  the  Tories, 
and  to  give  uneasiness  to  the  British  commander.  The  for- 
mer were  prompt  in  this  crisis  to  manifest  their  loyalty.  On 
the  day  of  the  battle  about  two  hundred,  merchants  and 
traders,  sent  their  names  in  to  General  Gage,  and  offered  to 
arm  as  volunteers  in  his  service.  The  offer  was  thankfully 
accepted.  The  corps  was  enrolled  under  General  Ruggles. 
and  was  immediately  put  on  duty.  This  treaty,  however, 

town,  we  are  willing-  you  shall  enter  into  and  faithfully  keep  the  engagement 
aforementioned,  said  to  be  required  of  you,  and  to  remove  yourselves,  and 
your  women,  children,  and  effects,  as  soon  as  may  be.  We  are,  &c. 

1 1 have  one  of  the  original  passes  given  by  General  Gage.  It  shows  that 
everything  but  arms  and  ammunition  was  allowed  to  pass  : — Boston,  April, 

1775.  Permit , together  with  — — family,  consisting  of persons, 

and effects,  to  pass between  sunrise  and  sunset.  By  order  of  his 

Excellency  the  Governor.  No  arms  nor  ammunition  is  allowed  to  pass. 


96 


SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


caused  great  excitement  among  them.  They  remonstrated 
against  the  bad  policy  of  the  measure.  They  explained  the 
“ pernicious  tendency  of  such  an  indulgence.”  They  regarded 
the  presence  of  the  inhabitants  as  necessary  to  save  the  town 
from  assault  and  from  conflagration.  For  several  days  no 
answer  was  given  by  General  Gage.  They  then  threatened 
to  lay  down  their  arms,  and  to  leave  the  town.  The  impor- 
tunity of  interest  or  fear  proved  too  strong  for  a treaty  obli- 
gation with  “rebels.”  This  agreement,  on  various  pretexts, 
was  shamefully  violated.  Obstructions  were  thrown  in  the 
way  of  a removal.  “All  merchandise  was  forbid,”  says  a 
letter,  May  21  ; “ after  a while  all  provisions  were  forbid  ; and 
now  all  merchandise,  provisions,  and  medicine.  Guards  were 
appointed  to  examine  all  trunks,  boxes,  beds,  and  everything 
else  to  be  carried  out.”  None  but  the  patriots,  the  Tories 
alleged,  would  be  in  favor  of  removing ; and  when  they  had 
removed,  and  had  carried  their  property  away,  the  town 
would  be  set  on  fire ; merchandise  carried  out  would  strength- 
en the  rebels  in  their  resistance,  and  hence  this  ought  to  be 
retained.  At  length  passes  were  refused ; and  many  who 
obtained  them  were  obliged  to  leave  their  property,  which 
deprived  them  of  their  accustomed  resources  for  living.  Be- 
sides, in  a variety  of  instances,  the  passports  were  so  framed 
that  families  were  cruelly  divided  ; wives  were  separated  from 
their  husbands,  children  from  their  parents,  and  the  aged  and 
sick  from  their  relations  and  friends,  who  wished  to  attend 
and  comfort  them.  The  general  was  very  averse  to  allow 
women  and  children  to  leave  Boston,  as  he  thought  they  con- 
tributed to  its  safety,  and  prevented  his  being  attacked.  Num- 
bers of  the  poor  and  the  helpless  — some  infected  with  the 
small-pox  — were  sent  out.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  select- 
men, the  inhabitants,  and  the  Provincial  Congress,  remon- 
strated against  this  bad  faith  on  the  part  of  the  British 
commander.  It  occasioned  severe  and  just  denunciations  in 
the  documents  of  the  time.' 

1 Proceedings  of  Town  of  Boston  ; Mass.  Com.  Safety  ; Journals  of  the 
time  ; Gordon’s  History,  i.,  354.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  idea  of  burning 
the  town  is  referred  by  General  Howe  in  his  speech  to  his  army  before 
the  Bunker  Hill  battle.  A letter  from  Boston,  dated  April  23,  says  : — “On 


STATE  OF  CHARLESTOWN. 


97 


The  distresses  of  the  inhabitants  of  Charlestown  also  were 
great.  The  British  troops,  on  the  20th  of  April,  crossed  over  the 
ferry  to  Boston.  But  the  peculiar  situation  of  the  town,  added 
to  the  threats  of  the  British  commander,  created  the  belief  that 
its  fate  was  sealed.  Hence  the  greater  part  of  its  inhabitants 
removed  out  of  it  with  their  effects.  A guard  was  stationed 
at  the  Neck,  and  no  one  was  allowed,  without  a pass,1  to  go 
into  it.  So  deserted  had  it  become,  that  early  in  June  a peti- 
tion to  the  Provincial  Congress  represented  that  there  remained 
but  few,  who,  by  their  extreme  poverty,  were  wholly  unable 
to  do  anything  toward  removing  themselves  from  the  “extreme 
hazardous  situation”  they  were  in,  and  that  it  was  “truly 
deplorable.”  After  reminding  the  Congress  that  their  distress 
flowed  from  the  same  causes  as  that  of  their  brethren  of  Bos- 
ton, the  petitioners  requested  that  the  same  disposition  might 
be  made  of  the  poor,  by  sending  them  to  the  interior  towns. 
This,  accordingly,  was  done.  Charlestown,  in  a short  time, 
was  nearly  deserted.  A few  of  its  citizens  went  into  it  to 
look  after  their  effects,  or  to  plant  their  gardens,  or  to  mow 
their  grass ; but  so  general  was  the  belief  that  it  would  be 

Wednesday  last  about  two  hundred  merchants  and  traders,  friends  to  govern- 
ment, sent  in  their  names  to  the  general,  offering  to  take  up  arms  as  volun- 
teers at  his  service,  which  he  thankfully  accepted  of.  Everything  here  is  in 
great  confusion.  We  hourly  expect  an  attack.”  A British  paper,  Septem- 
ber 14,  says  of  the  removal:  — “The  bad  policy  of  the  measure  excited 
great  commotions  among  the  gentlemen  volunteers,  under  the  command  of 
General  Ruggles.  They  explained  to  the  general  the  pernicious  tendency  of 
such  an  indulgence  ; and  not  receiving  a distinct  answer  for  some  days,  they 
threatened  to  lay  down  their  arms,  and  leave  the  town.  This  spirited  exer- 
tion of  the  volunteers  at  last  compelled  the  general  to  detain  all  the  effects 
and  merchandise  of  the  rebel  emigrants,  except  their  household  furniture.” 

May  13.  — The  inhabitants  of  Boston  are  permitted  to  come  out,  but  very 
slow  ; numbers  are  not  permitted  to  come  out  on  any  terms.  The  distress 
of  the  inhabitants,  on  account  of  provisions,  is  shocking  indeed.  — Newspaper. 

1 May  6.  — General  Orders.  — That  the  commanding  officer  of  the  guard 
at  Charlestown  permit  no  person  to  go  into  Charlestown  with  any  provisions 
whatever,  with  or  without  a pass. 

May  13.  — Ordered,  That  Captain  Isaac  Foster  be  permitted  to  carry  pro- 
visions into  Charlestown,  for  the  benefit  only  of  such  persons  as  have  moved 
out  of  Boston,  and  are  going  into  the  country,  and  our  friends  in  said  town. 
— Ward’s  Orderly  Book. 


98 


SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


destroyed,1  that,  on  the  17th  of  June,  not  more  than  one  or 
two  hundred  remained,  out  of  a population  of  between  two 
and  three  thousand. 

In  the  mean  time  the  several  colonies,  with  noble  despatch, 
adopted  measures  for  the  general  defence.  In  Massachusetts, 
the  Provincial  Congress  assembled  at  Concord,  April  22,  and 
on  the  next  day,  Sunday,  resolved  that  an  army  of  thirty 
thousand  was  necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  country.  It 
resolved  to  raise,  as  the  proportion  of  this  colony,  thirteen 
thousand  six  hundred  troops.  In  the  plan  for  its  organization, 
fifty-nine  men  were  to  form  a company,  and  ten  companies  a 
regiment ; and  to  promote  rapid  enlistments,  those  who  raised 
companies  or  regiments  were  promised  commissions  to  com- 
mand them.  Artemas  Ward  was  appointed  commander-in- 
chief; John  Thomas,  lieutenant-general : and  Richard  Gridley, 
the  chief  engineer.  Congress  took  measures  — April  30  — to 
raise  a train  of  artillery,  but  it  was  not  fully  organized  when 
the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  took  place.  Indeed,  so  slowly  did 
the  work  of  general  organization  go  on,  that  General  Ward, 
in  a letter  to  Congress,  May  19,  stated,  that  to  save  the  coun- 
try, “it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  the  regiments  be  imme- 
diately settled,  the  officers  commissioned,  and  the  soldiers 
mustered.”  Even  his  own  commission  had  not  been  issued. 
On  this  day  Congress  adopted  the  form  of  one  for  the  com- 
mander, and  passed  orders  relative  to  the  ranks  of  the  regi- 
ments and  the  officers.  The  settlement  of  the  ranks  of  the 
officers,  however,  was  referred  to  a future  time.  It  also 
revised  the  powers  of  the  committee  of  safety,  and  clothed 

1 A midshipman  on  board  of  the  Nautilus  man-of-war,  then  lying  at  Bos- 
ton, about  May,  1775,  writes  : “ My  situation  here  is  not  very  pleasant,  for  I 
am  stationed  in  an  open  boat,  at  the  mouth  of  Charles  River,  to  watch  the 
Americans,  who  are  busily  employed  in  making  fire-stages,  to  send  down  the 
stream  to  burn  our  ships.  I have  command  of  six  men,  and  a six-pounder  is 
fixed  to  the  bow  of  our  boat,  which  we  are  to  fire  to  alarm  the  camp  and 
fleet,  as  soon  as  we  observe  the  fire-stages.  The  inhabitants  of  Boston  are 
delivering  up  their  arms,  and  leaving  the  town.  The  Somerset,  of  74  guns, 
lays  between  Boston  and  Charlestown,  which  are  only  separated  by  a chan- 
nel about  a mile  broad,  and  our  ship  lays  about  half  a mile  above  her  ; and 
if  she  sees  a particular  signal  hung  out,  she  is  to  fire  on  Charlestown.”  — Re- 
membrancer, vol.  i.,  Ill 


ACTION  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 


99 


this  body  with  full  authority  to  direct  the  movements  of  the 
army.  The  work  of  organization  then  went  on  more  rapidly, 
though  it  was  far  from  being  complete  when  the  battle  of 
Bunker  Hill  was  fought.1 

The  New  Hampshire  troops  were  peculiarly  situated.  They 
assembled  at  Medford,  where  the  field  officers,  April  26,  held 
a meeting,  and  advised  the  men  to  enlist  in  the  service  of  the 
Massachusetts  colony.  They  also  recommended  Colonel  John 
Stark  to  take  the  charge  of  them  until  the  Provincial  Congress 
of  New  Hampshire  should  act.2  This  was  accordingly  done. 
The  New  Hampshire  Congress,  May  20,  voted  to  raise  two 
thousand  men,  adopted  those  that  had  already  enlisted,  and 
voted  that  “ the  establishment  of  officers  and  soldiers  should 
be  the  same  as  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay.’-’3  They  were 
organized  into  three  regiments,  and  placed  (May  23)  under 
the  command  of  Nathaniel  Folsom,  with  the  rank  of  briga- 
dier-general. Two  regiments  were  organized  previous  to  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  under  Colonels  John  Stark  and  James 
Reed.  On  the  2d  of  June,  General  Folsom  ordered  Colonel 
Reed  to  collect  his  companies,  — part  of  which  were  at  Med- 
ford, under  Colonel  Stark,  — and  “ put  himself  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Ward,  until  further  order.”  On  the  13th  of 
June,  by  order  of  Ward,  this  regiment,  fully  officered,  took 
post  at  Charlestown  Neck.4  Colonel  Enoch  Poor  was  ap- 
pointed to  command  the  third  regiment,  which,  however,  did 
not  arrive  at  the  camp  until  after  June  17.  Nor  did  General 
Folsom  arrive  at  Cambridge  until  June  20. 

1 Journals  of  Provincial  Congress  ; Mass.  Archives.  The  committee  of 
safety,  elected  May  18,  were  : — John  Hancock,  Joseph  Warren,  Benjamin 
Church,  Benjamin  White,  Joseph  Palmer,  Richard  Devens,  Abraham  Wat- 
son, John  Pigeon,  Azor  Orne,  Benjamin  Greenleaf,  Nathan  Cushing,  Samuel 
Holten,  Enoch  Freeman.  On  the  next  day  Congress  enlarged  the  powers  of 
this  committee.  They  had  authority  to  call  out  the  militia,  to  nominate  offi- 
cers to  the  Congress,  to  commission  them,  and  to  direct  the  operations  of  the 
army. 

2 Mass.  Archives,  where  are  the  records  of  this  meeting.  3 Journals  of 
New  Hampshire  Provincial  Congress.  4 Reed’s  letter,  Ms.,  in  New  Hamp- 
shire Archives.  Difficulties  occurred  in  organizing  the  regiments.  On  the 
3lst  of  May,  Colonel  Stark  was  ordered  to  repair  to  Exeter,  to  receive  the 
orders  of  the  Congress.  After  General  Folsom  was  appointed,  Stark  refused, 
for  a short  time,  to  obey  his  orders. 

9 


100 


SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Connecticut  was  so  prompt  in  its  action,  that,  a few  days 
after  the  nineteenth  of  April,  it  had  but  few  towns  not  repre- 
sented in  the  army.  A large  portion  of  these  minute-men 
soon  returned  to  their  homes.  That  colony  voted,  April  26, 
to  raise  six  thousand  men,  and  organized  them  into  six 
regiments,  of  ten  companies  each,  — one  hundred  men  con- 
stituting a company.  Joseph  Spencer,  with  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general,  was  the  senior  officer  in  command,1  who 
arrived  with  one  regiment  early  in  May,  and  took  post  at 
Roxbury.2  Captain  John  Chester’s  fine  company  formed  part 
of  it.  Another  regiment,  commanded  by  Israel  Putnam,  with 
the  rank  of  brigadier-general,  was  stationed  at  Cambridge. 
The  sixth  regiment  was  under  Colonel  Samuel  Holden  Par- 
sons; two  companies  of  which  — his  own  and  Chapman’s  — 
were  ordered,  June  7,  to  the  camp,  and  subsequently,  one 
other,  Captain  Coit’s ; the  remainder  of  it  being  stationed, 
until  after  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  at  New  London.3  The 
disposition  of  these  troops  was  directed  by  a “committee  of 
war,”  which  supplied  them  with  ammunition  and  provisions. 

The  Rhode  Island  Assembly,  April  25,  voted  to  raise  fifteen 
hundred  men,  to  constitute  “ an  army  of  observation,”  and 
ordered  it  to  “join  and  cooperate  with  the  forces  of  the  neigh- 
boring colonies.” 4 This  force  was  organized  into  three 
regiments,  of  eight  companies  each,  under  Colonels  Varnum, 
Hitchcock,  and  Church,  and  placed  under  the  command  of 
Nathaniel  Greene,  Avith  the  rank  of  brigadier-general.5  One 
of  the  companies  was  a train  of  artillery,  and  had  the  col- 
ony’s field-pieces.  General  Greene,  on  arriving  at  the  camp, 
Jamaica  Plains,  found  his  command  in  great  disorder ; and  it 
was  only  by  his  judicious  labors,  and  great  personal  influence, 
that  it  was  kept  together.6  In  the  rules  and  regulations  for 
the  government  of  this  force,  it  is  called  “ The  Rhode  Island 

1 Hinman’s  War  of  the  Revolution,  p.  547.  2 Trumbull's  Memoirs.  3 Rec- 
ords of  the  Council  of  War.  A company  is  also  named,  under  Captain  Perit. 
The  general  officers  were  also  captains.  Thus  General  Putnam  was  brig- 
adier-general, colonel  of  a regiment,  and  captain  of  a company. 

4 The  act  is  in  Force's  Archives,  vol.  n.,  p.  390.  5 Proceedings  of  Rhode 

Island  Assembly.  6 General  Greene’s  letter,  June  2.  “ Several  companies 

had  clubbed  their  muskets,  in  order  to  return  home.”  Colonel  Varnum’s 
regiment  had  not,  June  2,  arrived  in  camp. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  ARMY. 


101 


army.”  They  provide  that  “all  public  stores,  taken  in  the 
enemy’s  camp  or  magazines,”  should  be  “ secured  for  the  use 
of  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island.”  1 It  was  not  until  June  28 
that  this  colony  passed  an  act  putting  its  troops  under  the 
orders  of  the  general  of  the  combined  army.2 

The  official  returns  of  the  army,  until  the  arrival  of  Gen- 
eral Washington,  are  so  defective  and  inaccurate,  that  it  is 
impossible  to  ascertain,  with  precision,  its  numbers.  The 
“grand  American  army,”3  as  it  is  called  in  the  newspapers, 
consisted  of  about  sixteen  thousand  men.  Massachusetts  fur- 
nished about  11,500,  Connecticut  2300,  New  Hampshire  1200, 
Rhode  Island  1000.  It  was  so  peculiarly  constituted,  each 
colony  having  its  own  establishment,  supplying  its  troops  with 
provisions4  and  ammunition,  and  directing  their  disposition, 
that  its  only  element  of  uniformity  was  the  common  purpose 
that  called  it  together.  General  Ward  was  authorized  to  com- 
mand only  the  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire  forces, 
though  the  orders  of  the  day  were  copied  by  all  the  troops; 
and  a voluntary  obedience,  it  is  stated,  was  yielded  to  him  by 
the  whole  army,  as  the  commander-in-chief.  Nor  was  it  until 
after  the  experience  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  that  the 
committee  of  war  of  Connecticut,  to  remedy  the  evils  of  the 
want  of  “a  due  subordination,”  and  “of  a general  and  com- 
mander-in-chief,”  instructed  Generals  Spencer  and  Putnam  to 
yield  obedience  to  General  W ard,  and  advised  the  colonies  of 
Rhode  Island  and  New  Hampshire  to  do  the  same  respecting 

1 Article  xxviii.  2 The  preamble  reads,  — “ Whereas,  it  is  absolutely 

necessary,  for  the  well-governing  and  exerting  the  force  of  an  army,  that  the 
same  should  be  under  the  direction  of  a cOmmander-in-chief.” 

3 We  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  thfe  public  that  the  grand  American 
army  is  nearly  completed.  Great  numbers  of  the  Connecticut,  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  Rhode  Island  troops  are  arrived  ; among  the  latter  is  a fine  com- 
pany of  artillery,  with  four  excellent  field-pieces.  — Essex  Gazette,  June  8. 

4 Connecticut  Assembly.  Force's  Archives,  vol.  n. , 418.  The  New 
Hampshire  regiments  were  first  enlisted  under  the  authority  of  Massachu- 
setts. Hence  a general  order  of  April  27  directs  : “ That  the  Hampshire 
troops  be  supplied  with  provisions  in  the  same  manner,  by  Mr.  Commissary 
Pigeon,  as  the  Massachusetts  troops  are  supplied,  until  further  orders.”  — 
Ward's  Orderly  Book.  On  the  8th  of  June,  the  New  Hampshire  commit- 
tee of  safety  authorized  large  purchases  for  the  troops.  — Mss. 


102 


SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


their  troops.1  This  measure  indicates  the  confusion  that 
existed,  as  to  rank,  among  the  officers  of  the  different  col- 
onies. In  addition  to  this  want  of  subordination,  so  vital  to 
success  in  military  operations,  the  army  was  inadequately 
supplied  with  bayonets,  powder,  horses,  clothing,  and  tents  or 
commodious  barracks.  No  measure  of  bravery  or  of  patriot- 
ism could  make  up,  in  a day  of  trial,  foil  such  deficiencies.2 

But  this  ill-appointed  army  was  not  entirely  unpreparedTor 
an  encounter.  Some  of  its  officers,  and  not  a few  of  the  pri- 
vates, had  served  in  the  French  wars,  — an  invaluable  mili- 
tary school  for  the  colonies;  a martial  spirit  had  been  excited 
in  the  frequent  trainings  of  the  minute-men,  while  the  habitual 
use  of  the  fowling-piece  made  these  raw  militia  superior  to 

1 Force’s  Archives,  11. , 1039.  “ On  motion  of  the  difficulties  the  army  are 

and  must  be  under,  for  want  of  a general  and  commander-in-chief  of  the 
whole  b»dy,  raised  by  different  colonies,  &c.,  and  a due  subordination,”  &c. 
The  news  of  the  Bunker  Hill  battle  arrived  June  18,  about  10  o'clock.  — lb. 

2 It  is  stated  in  an  inscription  on  the  “ Adams  ” cannon,  one  of  the  Ancient 
and  Honorable  artillery  pieces,  that  “ four  cannon  constituted  the  whole  train 
of  field  artillery  possessed  by  the  British  colonies  of  North  America  at  the 
commencement  of  the  war,  on  the  19th  of  April,  1775.” — Tudor's  Otis, 
p.  456.  This  is  certainly  doing  injustice  to  the  foresight  of  the  patriots. 
They  did  not  throw’  down  the  gauntlet  to  Great  Britain  so  rashly  as  this.  In 
the  committee  of  safety,  and  in  the  newspapers,  previous  to  April  19,  there 
are  frequent  allusions  to  cannon  of  various  calibre,  — to  two-pounders,  to  six- 
pounders,  both  iron  and  brass.  Also  to  mortars.  I have  not  met  with  a 
statement  of  the  number  on  hand  previous  to  the  19th  of  April.  On  the  18th 
of  April,  however,  the  committee  order  thirty-three  rounds  of  round-shot  and 
grape-shot,  with  pow'der,  to  be  lodged  “ with  each  of  the  twelve  field-pieces 
belonging  to  the  province.”  There  were  then,  certainly,  twelve  field-pieces, 
besides  other  cannon  and  mortars,  in  Massachusetts  alone.  On  the  29th, 
a report  states  there  were  in  Cambridge  one  six-pounder,  six  three-pounders  ; 
and  in  Watertown,  sixteen  pieces  of  artillery. 

In  the  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  i.,  p.  232.  there  is  the  following  account  of 
stores  in  Massachusetts,  April  14,  1775: — Fire-arms,  21,549  ; pounds  of 
powder,  17,441  ; of  ball,  22,191  ; flints,  144,699  ; bayonets,  10,108  ; pouches, 
11,979.  Shattuck's  Concord,  p.  97,  contains  extracts  from  a document  found 
among  Colonel  Barrett's  papers,  which  shows  that  no  small  progress  had 
been  made  in  collecting  material  for  an  army  and  its  support,  previous  to  the 
19th  of  April.  Among  the  items  are  20,000  pounds  of  musket  balls  and 
cartridges,  15,000  canteens,  17,000  pounds  salt  fish,  35,000  pounds  of  rice, 
and  large  quantities  of  beef,  pork,  a great  number  of  tents,  working  tools,  &c. 


AMERICAN  COLORS. 


103 


veteran  troops  in  aiming  the  musket.  They  were  superior  to 
them,  also,  in  character,  being  mostly  substantial  farmers  and 
mechanics,  who  had  left  their  homes  and  pursuits,  not  for 
want  of  employment  or  to  make  war  a trade,  but  because  they 
were  animated  by  a fresh  enthusiasm  for  liberty.  The  British 
general  paid  dearly  for  despising  such  preparation. 

The  army,  also,  reposed  great  confidence  in  its  officers.  If 
it  be  true  that  this,  in  some  cases,  was  bestowed  on  men 
unworthy  of  it,  still  no  occasion  had  arisen  to  prove  it,  and 
they  were  the  free  choice  of  the  men.  Many  in  high  com- 
mand had  been  tried  in  important  civil  and  military  service, 
and  had  that  influence  over  their  fellow-men  that  ever  accom- 
panies character.  Ward  had  served  under  Abercrombie,  was 
a true  patriot,  had  many  private  virtues,  and  was  prudent  and 
highly  esteemed ; Thomas  was  an  excellent  officer,  of  a chiv- 
alrous spirit  and  noble  heart,  and  was  much  beloved ; Put- 
nam, widely  known,  not  less  for  his  intrepid  valor  than  for  his 
fearless  and  energetic  patriotism,  was  frank  and  warm-hearted, 
and  of  great  popularity;  Pomeroy  had  fought  well  at  Louis- 
burg,  where  Gridley  had  won  laurels  as  an  accomplished 
engineer;  Prescott,  in  the  French  war,  had  exhibited  great 
bravery,  and  military  skill  of  a high  order ; and  Stark,  hardy, 
independent,  brave,  was  another  of  these  veterans.  This  list 
might  easily  be  extended.  Officers  of  such  experience  consti- 
tuted no  mean  element  of  efficiency. 

The  histories  of  this  period  do  not  describe  the  colors  under 
which  the  troops  of  the  several  colonies  took  the  field.  Was 
there  a common  flag?  If  so,  was  it  the  old  New  England 
ensign?  As  early  as  1686  there  are  notices  of  such  a flag. 
A representation  of  one  in  1701  is  simply  an  English  ensign, 
with  a quarter  divided  into  four  by  a cross,  and  having  in  one 
of  the  corners  the  figure  of  a pine  tree.  This  tree  was  a favor- 
ite emblem  of  Massachusetts.  It  appears,  for  instance,  on  its 
coin.  It  is  more  probable,  however,  that  there  was  no  com- 
mon flag  thus  early,  but  that  the  troops  of  each  colony  marched 
into  the  camp  under  their  own  local  flag.  Thus  a letter, 
April  23,  1775,  says  of  the  Connecticut  troops:  “We  fix  on 
our  standards  and  drums  the  colony  arms,  with  the  motto, 
‘ qui  transtulit  sustinet  ’ round  it  in  letters  of  gold,  which  we 
g#  • 


104 


SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


construe  thus  : ‘God,  who  transplanted  us  hither,  will  support 
us.’  ” 1 

While  thus  war  was  settling  down  over  Massachusetts,  and 
nothing  but  resistance  was  thought  of  by  its  patriots,  hopes 
of  peace  and  reconciliation  still  existed  in  other  colonies.  At 
this  time  an  embassy  and  letter,  sent  by  the  Assembly  of  Con- 
necticut to  General  Gage,  excited  no  small  uneasiness,  and 
drew  forth  some  of  the  most  remarkable  documents  of  the 
time.  The  committee  appointed  to  confer  with  the  British 
general  were  Dr.  Johnson  and  Colonel  Wolcott.  The  object 
of  this  mission  — to  procure  a suspension  of  hostilities — met 
with  a decided  rebuke  from  the  Massachusetts  patriots.  After 
holding,  on  the  1st  of  May,  a conference  with  the  embassy, 
the  committee  of  safety  sent  a strong  letter  to  Governor  Trum- 
bull, in  which  they  frankly  express  their  uneasiness  at  the 
proposed  cessation  of  hostilities.  This  letter  is  dated  Cam- 
bridge, May  2,  1775,  and  gives  a striking  picture  of  the  firm- 
ness and  designs  of  the  patriots.  “We  fear,”  it  says,  “that 
our  brethren  in  Connecticut  are  not  even  yet  convinced  of  the 
cruel  designs  of  administration  against  America,  nor  thor- 
oughly sensible  of  the  miseries  to  which  General  Gage’s  army 
have  reduced  this  wretched  colony.”  After  a description  of  the 
country,  the  letter  goes  on  : “ No  business  but  that  of  war  is 
either  done  or  thought  of  in  this  colony.  No  agreement  or 
compact  with  General  Gage  will  in  the  least  alleviate  our 
distress,  as  no  confidence  can  possibly  be  placed  in  any  assur- 
ance he  can  give  to  a people  he  has  deceived  in  the  matter, 
taking  possession  of  and  fortifying  the  town  of  Boston,  and 
whom  he  has  suffered  his  army  to  attack  in  the  most  inhuman 
and  treacherous  manner.  Our  relief  must  now  arise  from 
driving  General  Gage,  with  his  troops,  out  of  the  country, 
which,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  we  are  determined  to  accom- 
plish, or  perish  in  the  attempt;  as  we  think  an  honorable 
death  in  the  field,  whilst  fighting  for  the  liberties  of  all  America, 
far  preferable  to  being  butchered  in  our  own  houses,  or  to  be 
reduced  to  an  ignominious  slavery.  We  must  entreat  that 

1 In  1774  there  are  frequent  notices  of  “ union  flags”  in  the  newspapers, 
but  I have  not  met  with  any  description  of  the  devices  on  them.  Thus  Liberty 
Tree  had  its  flag,  and  there  were  flags  flying  from  the  tops  of  the  liberty  poles. 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  AMERICANS. 


105 


our  sister  colony,  Connecticut,  will  afford,  immediately,  all 
possible  aid,  as  at  this  time  delay  will  be  attended  with  all 
that  fatal  train  of  events  which  would  follow  from  an  abso- 
lute desertion  of  the  cause  of  American  liberty.  Excuse  our 
earnestness  on  this  subject,  as  We  know  that  upon  the  success 
of  our  present  contest  depend  the  lives  and  liberties  of  our 
country  and  succeeding  generations.”  A letter  of  similar 
import  was  also  sent  by  the  Provincial  Congress.  Governor 
Trumbull,  in  patriotic  replies  to  these  letters,  dispelled  the 
fears  that  were  entertained  of  Connecticut. 

No  important  military  operations,  on  either  side,  took  place 
until  the  Bunker  Hill  battle.  Both  parties  endeavored  to 
secure  the  stock  on  the  islands  in  the  harbor.  This  occasioned 
several  skirmishes,  which  afforded  the  uncommon  spectacle  of 
hostile  parties  engaged  in  conflict  on  land  and  water.  The 
Americans  were  generally  successful.  These  skirmishes  proved 
of  essential  service  to  them.  They  elated  their  spirits,  accus- 
tomed them  to  face  danger,  and  inspired  them  with  confidence.1 
They  talked  of  attacking  General  Gage,  and  of  burning  his 
ships.  “It  is  not  expected,”  Dr.  Warren  writes,  May  16,  “he 
will  sally  out  of  Boston  at  present;  and  if  he  does,  he  will  but 

1 The  songs  of  the  day  well  exhibit  the  prevailing  spirit.  The  following  ia 
copied  from  the  New  England  Chronicle,  May  18,  1775  : — 

A SONG. 

To  the  tune  of  “ The  Echoing  Horn.'''' 

Hark  ! ’tis  Freedom  that  calls,  come,  Patriots,  awake  ! 

To  arms,  my  brave  Boys,  and  away : 

’Tis  Honor,  ’tis  Virtue,  ’tis  Liberty  calls, 

And  upbraids  the  too  tedious  Delay. 

What  Pleasure  we  find  in  pursuing  our  Foes, 

Thro’  Blood  and  thro’  Carnage  we'll  fly ; 

Then  follow,  we'll  soon  overtake  them,  Huzza ! 

The  Tyrants  are  seized  on,  they  die. 

Triumphant  returning,  with  Freedom  secured, 

Like  Men,  we’ll  be  joyful  and  gay,  — 

With  our  Wives  and  our  Friends  we  will  sport,  love  and  drink, 
And  lose  the  Fatigues  of  the  Day. 

’Tis  Freedom  alone  gives  a Relish  to  Mirth, 

But  Oppression  all  Happiness  sours  ; 

It  will  smooth  Life's  dull  Passage,  ’twill  slope  the  Descent, 

And  strew  the  Way  over  with  Flowers. 


106 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


gratify  thousands  who  impatiently  wait  to  avenge  the  blood 
of  their  murdered  countrymen.”  “Danger  and  war  are 
become  pleasing,  and  injured  virtue  is  new  aroused  to  avenge 
herself.” 

The  Americans  began  in  May  to  build  fortifications.  The 
directions  in  the  orderly  books  are  not  sufficiently  precise, 
however,  to  determine  their  locality.  Thus,  on  the  3d  of 
May,  a party  of  two  hundred  privates  and  officers,  under 
Colonel  Doolittle,  were  ordered  on  fatigue;  the  directions  for 
the  work  to  be  done  were  to  be  given  by  Mr.  Chadwick, 
engineer.  On  the  next  day,  a party  of  four  hundred  and  fifty 
were  ordered  on  similar  duty,  under  Colonel  Frye.  Most  prob- 
ably these  works  were  at  Cambridge.  At  this  early  period,  no 
works  were  commenced  either  on  Prospect  Hill,  or  Winter 
Hill,  though  General  Putnam  was  earnestly  in  favor  of  forti- 
fying the  former. 

A Continental  Congress  had  been  appointed  to  convene  at 
Philadelphia  on  the  10th  of  May.  On  the  3d,  the  Provincial 
Congress  addressed  to  this  body  a letter  on  the  condition  of 
the  colony.  It  suggested  that  a powerful  army,  on  the  side 
of  America,  was  the  only  measure  left  to  stem  the  rapid  pro- 
gress of  a tyrannical  ministry,  and  to  put  an  immediate  end 
to  the  ravages  of  the  troops  ; and  expressed  the  greatest  confi- 
dence in  the  wisdom  and  ability  of  the  continent  to  support 
Massachusetts,  so  far  as  it  should  be  necessary  to  support  the 
common  cause  of  the  American  colonies.  On  the  15th,  the 
Provincial  Congress  sent  an  express  — Dr.  Church  — Avith 
another  letter,  containing  an  application  to  the  Continental 
Congress  for  adAdce  in  relation  to  the  assumption  of  civil  gov- 
ernment, and  also  suggesting  to  Congress  the  propriety  of  that 
body’s  taking  the  regulation  and  general  direction  of  the  army. 

The  passage  into  the  country,  through  Roxbury,  Avas  inade- 
quately defended,  and  in  the  early  part  of  this  month  Avas  a 
matter  of  great  anxiety.  The  committee  of  safety  Avrote  to  the 
government  of  Connecticut,  May  4,  that  it  Avas  their  earnest 
and  pressing  desire  that  it  would  send  three  or  four  thousand 
men  of  their  establishment  to  Massachusetts  immediately, 
to  enable  the  committee  “to  secure  a pass  of  the  greatest 
importance”  to  the  common  interests,  and  of  which  the  enemy 


APPLICATION  TO  CONGRESS. 


107 


would  certainly  take  possession  as  soon  as  their  reinforce- 
ments arrived.  “ If  they  once  gain  possession,”  the  commit- 
tee say,  “it  will  cost  us  much  blood  and  treasure  to  dislodge 
them ; but  it  may  now  be  secured  by  us,  if  we  had  a force 
sufficient,  without  any  danger.”  A similar  letter  was  sent  to 
Rhode  Island.1 

On  the  5th,  the  Provincial  Congress  resolved  that  General 
Gage,  by  recent  proceedings,  had  “ utterly  disqualified  him- 
self to  serve  this  colony  as  a governor,  and  in  every  other 
capacity ; and  that  no  obedience  ought,  in  future,  to  be  paid, 
by  the  several  towns  and  districts  in  this  colony,  to  his  writs 
for  calling  an  assembly,  or  to  his  proclamations,  or  any  other 
of  his  acts  or  doings;  but  that,  on  the  other  hand,  he  ought 
to  be  considered  and  guarded  against,  as  an  unnatural  and 
inveterate  enemy  to  this  country.” 

On  the  9th  of  May,  strong  apprehensions  were  entertained 
of  a sally  from  Boston.  A council  of  war  requested  of  the 
committee  a force  of  two  thousand  men,  to  reinforce  the  troops 
at  Roxbury.  The  committee  ordered  the  officers  of  the  ten 
nearest  towns  to  muster  immediately  one  half  of  the  militia, 
and  all  the  minute-men,  and  march  forthwith  to  Roxbury. 
Messages  from  Boston  stated  that  the  British  were  certainly 
preparing  for  a capital  stroke.  At  this  time,  General  Thomas 
had  but  seven  hundred  men  under  his  command.  His  post 
included  a high  hill  visible  from  Boston.  To  deceive  the 
British  as  to  his  force,  “the  general,”  says  Gordon,  “con- 
tinued marching  his  seven  hundred  men  round  and  round  the 
hill,  and  by  this  means  multiplied  their  appearance  to  any 
who  were  reconnoitring  them  at  Boston.”  The  committee 
ordered  on  this  day  the  colonels  of  the  regiments  to  repair 
to  Cambridge  with  the  men  they  had  enlisted. 

On  the  13th,  in  the  afternoon,  all  the  troops  at  Cambridge, 
except  those  on  guard,  marched,  under  General  Putnam,  into 
Charlestown.  They  were  twenty-two  hundred  in  number, 
and  their  line  of  march  was  made  to  extend  a mile  and  a half. 

1 A letter  from  Rhode  Island,  May  4,  1775.  says:  “We  have  various 
accounts  from  Boston,  almost  every  hour  ; but  what  is  most  to  be  depended  on 
is,  that  the  Mohawks  are  determined  to  stand  by  us.  There  are  about  thirty 
now  at  the  camp.” 


IDS 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


They  went  over  Bunker  Hill,  and  also  over  Breed's  Hill, 
name  out  by  Captain  Heuly’s  still-house,  and  passed  into  the 
main  street  by  the  fish-market,  near  the  old  ferry,  where 
Charles  River  Bridge  is.  They  then  returned  to  Cambridge.1 
It  was  done  to  inspire  the  army  with  confidence.  . Though 
they  went  within  reach  of  the  guns  of  the  e^iemy,  both  from 
Boston  and  the  shipping,  no  attempt  was  made  to  molest 
them. 

On  the  17th  a party  of  Americans  fired  upon  a barge  near 
Wheeler’s  Point,  and  it  was  supposed  killed  two  of  the 
enemy.  Expecting  an  attack,  a detachment  of  four  hundred, 
under  Colonel  Henshaw,  Majors  Bigelow  and  Baldwin,  occu- 
pied Leclnnere’s  Point.  They  formed  in  ambush  in  the  wood 
near  it,  near  the  causeway.  General  Ward  visited  the  men 
about  five  o’clock,  and  reconnoitred  the  island.  No  skirmish, 
however,  occurred.2  The  British,  about  this  time,  occasion- 
ally fired  upon  the  Americans  from  the  shipping.3 

On  the  21st,  Sunday  morning,  two  sloops  and  an  armed 
schooner  sailed  from  Boston  to  Grape  Island,  with  a party  of 
the  troops,  to  take  off  a quantity  of  hay  stored  there.  The 
troops  landed  on  the  island,  and  began  to  put  the  hay  on  board 
the  sloops.  The  people  of  Weymouth  and  the  neighborhood 
were  alarmed  by  the  ringing  of  bells  and  firing  of  guns;  and 
General  Thomas,  on  being  informed  of  the  landing,  ordered 
three  companies  to  assist  them.  The  people  assembled  on  the 
point  of  land  next  to  the  island,  but  the  distance  was  too  great 
for  small  arms  to  do  execution.  Their  fire,  however,  was 
returned  from  the  ships.  After  some  hours,  a food  tide  ena- 
bled the  people  to  float  a lighter  and  a sloop,  when  a party 
went  on  board  and  landed  on  the  island.  The  British  then 
left,  and  the  Americans  set  fire  to  about  eighty  tons  of  hay, 
burnt  the  barn,  and  brought  off  the  cattle.  Mrs.  Adams,  in 
writing  of  this  affair  to  her  husband,  says:  “You  inquire  of 
me  who  were  at  the  engagement  at  Grape  Island.  I may  say 

1 Baldwin’s  Diary.  2 Ibid.  3 Ibid. 

May  the  17th  there  was  a great  fire  in  Boston,  commencing  at  a barrack  on 

Treat’s  Wharf,  which  burnt  twenty-seven  stores,  one  shop,  and  four  sheds. 
General  Gage  had  appointed  new  captains  to  the  engine  companies,  and  the 
engine  men  took  offence  at  it.  Hence,  the  engines  were  badly  served. 


SKIRMISH  AT  CHELSEA. 


109 


•with  truth  all  of  Weymouth,  Braintree,  Hingham,  who  were 
able  to  bear  arms,  and  hundreds  from  other  towns  within 
twenty,  thirty,  and  forty  miles  of  Weymouth.  Both  your 
brothers  were  there  ; your  younger  brother,  with  his  company, 
who  gajned  honor  by  their  good  order  that  day.  He  was  one 
of  the  first  to  venture  on  board  a schooner,  to  land  upon  the 
island.” 

The  next  skirmish  was  dwelt  upon  with  great  exultation 
throughout  the  colonies.  The  committee  of  safety  had  directed 
the  live  stock  to  be  driven  from  the  islands.  On  Saturday, 
May  27,  a detachment  was  ordered  to  drive  it  from  Hog  and 
Noddle’s  Islands,  lying  near  Chelsea,  the  passage  to  which,  at 
low  tide,  was  covered  by  about  three  feet  of  water.  About 
eleven  a.  m.  a party  went  from  Chelsea  to  Hog  Island,  and 
thence  to  Noddle’s  Island,  to  drive  off  the  stock.  They  were 
observed  by  the  British,  who,  to  prevent  this,  despatched  a 
schooner,  a sloop,  and  forty  marines.  The  party,  however, 
burnt  a barn  full  of  salt  hay,  an  old  farm-house,  killed  three 
cows  and  fifteen  horses,  and  sent  a few  horses  and  cows  to 
Hog  Island.  At  this  time  they  were  fired  on  from  the  vessels, 
and  by  a large  party  of  marines,  who  put  off  in  boats  from  the 
men-of-war ; and  they  retreated  to  a ditch,  lay  there  in  am- 
bush, until  they  obtained  a chance  to  fire  on  the  marines,  when 
they  killed  two  and  wounded  two.  They  then  retreated  to  Hog 
Island,  and  were  joined  by  the  remainder  of  the  detachment. 
The  stock  was  first  driven  off,  — between  three  and  four  hun- 
dred sheep  and  lambs,  cows,  horses,  &c.,  — and  then  the 
Americans  formed  on  Chelsea  neck,  during  which,  the  British 
fired  from  the  vessels,  from  the  barges  fixed  with  swivels, 
and  from  Noddle’s  Island.  The  Americans  sent  for  a rein- 
forcement. About  three  hundred  men  and  two  pieces  of 
cannon  arrived  about  nine  o’clock.  General  Putnam  now 
commanded  the  party;  and  Dr.  Warren,  to  encourage  the  men, 
served  as  a volunteer.  General  Putnam  hailed  the  schooner, 
offering  the  men  good  quarters  if  they  would  submit,  who 
answered  this  summons  with  two  cannon  shot.  This  was 
immediately  returned  by  the  Americans,  and  a sharp  fire  on 
both  sides  continued  until  eleven  o’clock,  when  the  fire  of  the 
schooner  ceased.  The  men  had  abandoned  her,  and  towards 


110 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


morning  she  got  aground  upon  the  ferry  ways.  A party  con- 
sisting of  Isaac  Baldwin  and  twelve  men,  about  day-break, 
after  taking  out  her  guns  and  sails,  and  other  articles,  burnt 
her,  under  a fire  from  the  sloop.  In  the  morning— Sunday  — 
the  firing  on  both  sides  was  renewed,  — by  the  British  from 
Noddle’s  Island  Hill,  and  the  sloop.  The  sloop  was  so  much 
disabled  that  she  was  obliged  to  be  towed  off  by  the ' boats. 
After  a few  shots  had  been  exchanged  between  the  party  at 
Chelsea  and  the  marines  on  Noddle’s  Island,  the  firing  ceased. 
The  Americans  did  not  lose  a man,  and  had  only  four  wounded. 
The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  reported  at  twenty  killed  and  fifty 
wounded.  This  was  probably  exaggerated.  The  Americans 
captured,  besides  clothes  and  money,  twelve  swivels,  and  four 
four-pound  cannon.  This  affair  was  magnified  into  a battle, 
and  the  gallantry  of  the  men  engaged  in  it,  and  the  bravery 
of  General  Putnam,  elicited  general  praise.  The  news  of  it, 
arriving  in  Congress  just  as  it  was  choosing  general  officers, 
influenced  the  vote  of  Putnam  for  major-general,  which  was 
unanimous.1 

On  the  30th  of  May,  a party  of  Americans  went  to  Nod- 
dle’s Island  again,  burnt  the  mansion-house  of  Mr.  Williams, 
and  drove  off  the  stock,  consisting  of  between  five  and  six 
hundred  sheep  and  lambs,  twenty  head  of  cattle  and  horses. 
On  the  31st,  at  night,  a party  under  Colonel  Robinson  re- 
moved about  five  hundred  sheep  and  thirty  head  of  cattle 
from  Pettick’s  Island.  On  the  night  of  June  2,  Major  Greaton 
took  from  Deer  Island  about  eight  hundred  sheep  and  lambs, 
and  a number  of  cattle.  He  captured,  also,  a barge  belonging 
to  one  of  the  men-of-war,  with  four  or  five  prisoners. 

In  June,  the  Provincial  Congress  was  occupied  with  long 
and  earnest  debates  in  relation  to  the  expediency  of  fitting  out 
armed  vessels.  It  was  evidently  regarded  as  a daring  act  to 
defy  the  proud  navy  of  England.  Contests,  however,  had 
already  occurred  on  the  sea.  On  the  5th  of  May,  Captain 
Linzee,  of  the  Falcon,  captured  two  provincial  sloops  at 
Bedford.  He  intended  to  send  them  to  Martha’s  Vineyard, 
and  freight  sheep  to  Boston.  But  the  Bedford  people  fitted 

1 Journals  of  the  Day  ; Baldwin’s  Diary  ; Ms.  Letters. 


ARMED  VESSELS. 


11] 


out  two  sloops,  with  thirty  men,  and  re-took  the  captured 
vessels,  with  fifteen  men  on  board.  In  the  action  three  of  the 
Falcon’s  crew  were  wounded,  one  of  them  mortally.  Thir- 
teen prisoners  were  sent  to  Cambridge.  On  June  11th,  an 
action  occurred  off  Machias,  where  Jeremiah  O’Brien  cap- 
tured the  Margaretta,  after  a severe  combat  He  brought  his 
prisoners  to  Watertown.  The  plantation  committee  immedi- 
ately appointed  O’Brien  to  command  the  Liberty,  when  he 
made  other  prizes.1  Admiral  Graves  had  ordered  the  British 
cruisers  to  capture  every  provision  vessel,  and  several  had  been 
seized.  On  the  7th  of  June  the  Provincial  Congress  first  acted 
on  the  subject  of  a navy.  It  is  curious  to  notice  the  caution 
with  which  it  moved.  It  appointed  a committee  £!  to  consider 
the  expediency  of  establishing  a number  of  small  armed  ves- 
sels, to  cruise  on  our  sea  coasts,  for  the  protection  of  our  trade, 
and  the  annoyance  of  our  enemies : and  that  the  members  be 
enjoined,  by  order  of  Congress,  to  observe  secrecy  in  the  mat- 
ter.” On  the  8th,  this  committee  was  ordered  to  sit  forthwith. 
On  the  10th,  an  addition  was  made  to  it.  On  the  11th,  in  a 
proposed  address  to  the  Continental  Congress,  it  apprised 
that  body  of  the  proposition  under  discussion  to  fit  out 
armed  vessels.  The  committee  reported  on  the  12th.  On 
the  13th,  the  report  was  considered,  and  postponed  till  three 
o’clock,  when  the  committees  of  safety  and  supplies  were  noti- 
fied. A very  long  debate  on  the  report  then  took  place,  and 
the  further  consideration  of  it  postponed  until  the  following 
Friday.  The  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  prevented  further  pro- 
ceeding. Nothing  beyond  building  a few  boats  appears  to 
have  been  done  until  after  this  period,  — among  them,  barges 
called  “fire-boats.”  2 

On  the  6th  of  June  an  exchange  of  prisoners  took  place. 
“ Between  twelve  and  one,”  the  Essex  Gazette  says,  “ Dr. 

1 Williamson’s  Maine,  2,  431.  He  writes  the  name  of  the  British  vessel, 
MargTanetto.  Cooper  calls  this  action  the  Lexington  of  the  seas. 

2 On  the  30th  of  April,  the  selectmen  of  Medford  were  directed  by  the 
committee  of  safety  to  take  a party  of  men  to  Charlestown  Neck,  launch  the 
“ fire-boats”  there,  and  carry  them  up  Mystic  River,  or  such  other  place  as 
they  might  judge  to  be  safe  from  the  men-of-war’s  boats.  This  agrees  with 
the  British  letter,  on  page  98. 

10 


112 


THE  SIEGE  OK  BOSTON. 


Warren  and  Brigadier-general  Putnam,  in  a phaeton,  together 
with  Major  Dunbar  and  Lieutenant  Hamilton,  of  the  64th,  on 
horseback;  Lieut.  Potter,  of  the  marines,  in  a chaise;  John 
Hilton,  of  the  47th,  Alexander  Campbell,  of  the  4th,  John 
Tyne,  Samuel  Marcy,  Thomas  Parry,  and  Thomas  Sharp,  of 
the  marines,  wounded  men,  in  two  carts,  — the  whole  escorted 
by  the  Wethersfield  company,  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Chester, — entered  the  town  of  Charlestown,  and  marching 
slowly  through  it,  halted  at  the  ferry,  when,  upon  a signal 
being  given,  Major  Moncrief  landed  from  the  Lively,  in  order 
to  receive  the  prisoners,  and  see  his  old  friend,  General  Put- 
nam. Their  meeting  was  truly  cordial  and  affectionate.  The 
wounded  privates  Avere  soon  sent  on  board  the  Lively ; but 
Major  Moncrief  and  the  other  officers  returned  with  General 
Putnam  and  Dr.  Warren  to  the  house  of  Dr.  Foster,  where  an 
entertainment  Avas  provided  for  them.  About  three  o’clock, 
a signal  Avas  made  by  the  Lively  that  they  Avere  ready  to 
deliver  up  our  prisoners ; upon  Avhich,  General  Putnam  and 
Major  Moncrief  went  to  the  ferry,  where  they  received  Messrs. 
John  Peck,  James  HeAvs,  James  BreAver,  and  Daniel  Preston, 
of  Boston ; Messrs.  Samuel  Frost  and  Seth  Russell,  of  Cam- 
bridge;1 Mr.  Joseph  Bell,  of  Danvers;  Mr.  Elijah  Seaver,  of 
Roxbury,  and  Caesar  Augustus,  a negro  servant  of  Mr.  Tiles- 
ton,  of  Dorchester,  Avho  Avere  conducted  to  the  house  of  Cap- 
tain Foster,  and  there  refreshed ; after  Avhich,  the  general  and 
major  returned  to  their  company,  and  spent  an  hour  or  tAvo  in 
a very  agreeable  manner.  Between  five  and  six  o’clock. 
Major  Moncrief,  with  the  officers  that  had  been  delivered  to 
him,  Avere  conducted  to  the  ferry,  where  the  Lively’s  barge 
received  them;  after  Avhich,  General  Putnam,  with  the  pris- 
oners Avho  had  been  delivered  to  him,  &c.,  returned  to 
Cambridge,  escorted  in  the  same  manner  as  before.  The 
whole  Avas  conducted  Avith  the  utmost  decency  and  good 
humor;  and  the  Wethersfield  company  did  honor  to  them- 
selves, their  officers,  and  their  country.  The  regular  officers 
expressed  themselves  as  highly  pleased those  Avho  had  been 
prisoners  politely  acknowledged  the  genteel,  kind  treatment 

1 Some  of  these  were  prisoners  of  war,  taken  on  the  19th  of  April.  See 
the  list,  p.  81. 


gage’s  proclamation. 


113 


they  had  received  from  their  captors ; the  privates,  who 
were  all  wounded  men,  expressed  in  the  strongest  terms  their 
grateful  sense  of  the  tenderness  which  had  been  shown  them 
in  their  miserable  situation,  — some  of  them  could  only  do  it 
by  their  tears.  It  would  have  been  to  the  honor  of  the  Brit- 
ish arms,  if  the  prisoners  taken  from  us  could  with  justice 
have  made  the  same  acknowledgment.” 

On  the  12th  of  June  General  Gage  issued  his  memorable 
proclamation— arrogant  in  its  tone,  and  grossly  insulting  to 
the  people.  It  commenced  in  the  following  strain  : “ Whereas 
the  infatuated  multitudes,  who  have  long  suffered  themselves 
to  be  conducted  by  certain  well  known  incendiaries  and  trai- 
tors, in  a fatal  progression  of  crimes  against  the  constitutional 
authority  of  the  state,  have  at  length  proceeded  to  avowed 
rebellion,  and  the  good  effects  which  were  expected  to  arise 
from  the  patience  and  lenity  of  the  king’s  government  have 
been  often  frustrated,  and  are  now  rendered  hopeless,  by  the 
influence  of  the  same  evil  counsels,  it  only  remains  for  those 
who  are  intrusted  with  the  supreme  rule,  as  well  for  the  pun- 
ishment of  the  guilty  as  the  protection  of  the  well-affected,  to 
prove  that  they  do  not  bear  the  sword  in  vain.”  It  declared 
martial  law ; pronounced  those  in  arms  and  their  abettors 
“ to  be  rebels  and  traitors,”  and  offered  pardon  to  such  as 
should  lay  down  their  arms  or  “stand  distinct  and  separate 
from  the  parricides  of  the  constitution,”  — “excepting  only 
from  the  benefit  of  such  pardon  Samuel  Adams  and  John 
Hancock,  whose  offences  are  of  too  flagitious  a nature  to  admit 
of  any  other  consideration  than  that  of  condign  punishment.” 
This  document  only  served  to  exasperate  the  people.  The 
Massachusetts  Congress  prepared  a counter  proclamation, 
which  was  not,  however,  issued.  This  paper  war  was 
stopped  by  the  important  operations  of  the  field.1 

The  rumors  that  the  British  troops  intended  to  make  a sally 

1 The  indignation  which  this  proclamation  excited  is  well  shown  in  one 
of  Mrs.  Adams’  letters.  She  writes,  June  15,  1775,  to  her  husband,  John 
Adams  : “ Gage's  Proclamation  you  will  receive  by  this  conveyance.  All 
the  records  of  time  cannot  produce  a blacker  page.  Satan,  when  driven 
from  the  regions  of  bliss,  exhibited  not  more  malice.  Surely  the  father  of  lies 
is  superseded.  Yet  we  think  it  the  best  proclamation  he  could  have  issued.” 


114 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


out  of  Boston  were  not  without  foundation.  General  Gage 
was  advised  to  occupy  Charlestown  Heights  and  Dorchester 
Heights,  — both  of  them  military  positions  of  the  greatest 
importance  ; and  he  postponed  offensive  operations  only  until 
he  should  receive  the  expected  reinforcements.  At  length 
they  had  mostly  arrived ; and  also  the  Generals  Howe,  Clin- 
ton, and  Burgoyne.1  The  army,  complete,  it  was  said,  would 
amount  to  ten  thousandmen.2  It  was  in  high  spirits,  in  a 
high  state  of  discipline,3  well  provided  with  officers,  and  por- 
tions of  it  were  inured  to  hard  service.  It  continued  to  enter- 
tain a low  opinion  of  its  antagonists.  Its  commanders  would 
hardly  allow  that  they  were  in  a state  of  siege  by  so  ill- 
appointed  a force  as  the  raw  militia  that  had  gathered  in  their 
neighborhood.  General  Gage,  however,  but  gave  vent  to 
wounded  pride,  when,  in  his  proclamation  — June  12  — he 
said  that  “the  rebels”  added  “insult  to  outrage,”  as  “with  a 
preposterous  parade  of  military  arrangement,  they  affected  to 
hold  the  army  besieged.”  Hence  he  determined  to  enlarge 
his  quarters,  and  no  doubt  intended  to  penetrate  into  the 

1 These  generals  arrived  in  the  Cerberus,  May  25.  The  following  appeared 
in  the  newspapers  just  before  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  : —“When  the  three 
generals,  lately  arrived,  were  going  into  Boston,  they  met  a packet  coming 
out,  bound  to  this  place,  (Newport,)  when,  we  hear,  General  Burgoyne 
asked  the  skipper  of  the  packet  — ‘ What  news  there  was  1 ’ And  being 
told  that  Boston  was  surrounded  by  10,000  country  people,  asked  — ‘ How 
many  regulars  there  were  in  Boston  1 ’ and  being  answered  about  5000,  cried 
out,  with  astonishment,  ‘ What ! ten  thousand  peasants  keep  five  thousand 
king’s  troops  shut  up  ! Well,  let  us  get  in,  and  we  ’ll  soon  find  elbow- 
room.’  Hence  this  phrase,  “ Elbow-room,’’  w'as  much  used  all  through  the 
revolution.  General  Burgoyne  is  designated  by  Elbow-room  in  the  satires 
of  the  time.  It  is  said  that  he  loved  a joke,  and  used  to  relate,  that  after 
his  Canada  reverses,  while  a prisoner  of  war,  he  was  received  with  great 
courtesy  by  the  Boston  people,  as  he  stepped  from  the  Charlestown  ferry- 
boat ; but  he  was  really  annoyed  when  an  old  lady,  perched  on  a shed  above 
the  crowd,  cried  out  at  the  top  of  a shrill  voice  : “ Make  way,  make  way  — 
the  general’s  coming!  Give  him  elbow-room!”  2 Letter,  June  18. 

3 A British  general  order,  on  the  14th  of  June,  after  minute  directions  as 
to  drilling  and  firing,  directs  that  non-commissioned  officers,  drummers,  and 
privates,  shall  “ have  their  hair  cut  uniformly  close  in  the  front,”  leaving  as 
much  as  “ will  appear  the  most  becoming  and  smart,  and  to  wear  it  uniformly 
clubbed  behind  ; and  the  commanding  officer  expects  to  see  the  men  always 
exceedingly  well  and  smoothly  powdered.”  — Waller’s  Orderly  Book. 


REPORT  ON  FORTIFICATIONS. 


115 


country.  The  letters  of  the  officers  continued  to  be  as  boast- 
ful and  as  confident  as  ever.  They  regarded  the  idea  that 
such  a body  of  British  veterans  could  be  successfully  resisted, 
to  be  as  preposterous  as  the  idea  was  that  they  were  really 
besieged.  They  expected  to  be  able  to  conquer  their  rustic 
enemies  as  easily  as,  at  home,  they  could  scatter  a mob. 
Even  the  experience  of  the  nineteenth  of  April  was  lost  upon 
them.  They  expected  to  see  the  same  militia,  who  had 
fought  so  bravely  from  behind  stone  walls,  run  like  sheep  in 
the  open  field. 

Reports  of  the  designs  of  the  British  commander  found 
their  way  to  the  American  camp,  and  measures  were  planned 
to  counteract  them.  The  committee  of  safety  and  the  council 
of  war  appointed  a joint  committee  to  reconnoitre,  especially, 
the  heights  of  Charlestown.  Their  report.  May  12,  recom- 
mended the  construction  of  a breastwork  near  the  Red  House, 
near  the  road  leading  to  the  McLean  Asylum ; another  oppo- 
site, on  the  side  of  Prospect  Hill : a redoubt  on  the  top  of  the 
hill  where  the  guard-house  stood,  Winter  Hill,  to  be  manned 
with  three  or  four  nine-pounders ; and  a strong  redoubt  on 
Bunker  Hill,  provided  with  cannon,  to  annoy  the  enemy  either 
going  out  by  land  or  by  water.  “When  these  are  finished,” 
the  committee  say,  “ we  apprehend  the  country  will  be  safe 
from  all  sallies  of  the  enemies  in  that  quarter.”  1 This  report 
was  referred  to  the  council  of  war. 

The  council  of  war  accepted  the  report  so  far  as  to  author- 

1 Journals  of  Provincial  Congress,  p.  543.  This  report  was  signed  by 
Benjamin  Church,  chairman  of  the  sub-committee  from  the  committee  of 
safety,  and  William  Henshaw,  chairman  of  a committee  from  the  council  of 
war.  Colonel  Henshaw,  in  a letter  written  to  Governor  Brooks,  (in  1818,) 
gives  the  following  relation:  — “General  Ward,  the  fore  part  of  May, 
requested  Colonel  Gridley,  Mr.  Richard  Devens,  one  of  the  committee  of 
safety  in  Charlestown,  and  self,  to  view  the  heights  from  the  camp  in  Charles- 
town. We  did  so,  and  made  a written  report  as  follows,  viz  : 1.  To  build 

a fort  on  Prospect  Hill.  2.  To  proceed  to  Bunker  Hill  and  fortify  it.  3.  To 
Breed's  Hill  and  do  the  same.”  — Worcester  Magazine,  vol.  ii. , p.  126. 
Colonel  Henshaw,  however,  most  probably  refers  to  the  written  report  in  the 
text.  He  was  not  correct  in  his  recollection.  It  was  not  Breed's  Hill  that  he 
recommended,  — but  Bunker  Hill,  Winter  Hill,  and  Prospect  Hill.  There 
was  no  guard-house  at  this  time  on  Breed's  Hill. 

10* 


116 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


ize  the  construction  of  a part  of  these  works.  But  on  the 
most  important  measure,  that  of  occupying  Bunker  Hill,  there 
was  much  difference  of  opinion.  General  Putnam,  Colonel 
Prescott,  and  other  veteran  officers,  Avere  strongly  in  favor  of 
it,  and  chiefly  to  draAV  the  enemy  out  of  Boston  on  ground 
Avhere  he  might  be  met  on  equal  terms.  They  urged  that  the 
army  wished  to  be  employed,  and  that  the  country  was  grow- 
ing dissatisfied  with  its  inactivity.1  They  felt  great  confidence 
in  the  militia.  “ The  Americans,”  Putnam  said,  “ were  not 
afraid  of  their  heads,  though  very  much  afraid  of  their  legs ; 
if  you  cover  these,  they  will  fight  forever.”  2 Generals  Ward 
and  Warren  Avere  among  those  Avho  opposed  it,  and  chiefly 
because  the  army  was  not  in  a condition,  as  it  respected  can- 
non and  powder,  to  maintain  so  exposed  a post;  and  because 
it  might  bring  on  a general  engagement,  Avhich  it  was  neither 
politic  nor  safe  to  risk.3  It  was  determined  to  take  possession 
of  Bunker  Hill,  mid  also  of  Dorchester  Heights,  but  not  until 
the  army  should  be  better  organized,  more  abundantly  sup- 
plied with  powder,  and  better  able  to  defend  posts  so  exposed.4 

The  contemplated  operations  of  General  Gage,  however, 
brought  matters  to  a crisis.  He  fixed  upon  the  night  of  June 
18,  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights.  Authentic 
advice  of  this  was  communicated  — June  13 — to  the  Ameri- 
can commanders.  The  committee  of  safety,  on  the  same  day, 
ordered  the  general  to  procure  an  immediate  return  of  the 
state  and  equipments  of  the  several  regiments.  On  the  15th, 
it  resolved  to  recommend  to  the  Provincial  Congress  to  pro- 
vide for  an  immediate  augmentation  of  the  army,  and  to  order 
that  the  militia  of  the  colony  hold  themselves  ready  to  march 
on  the  shortest  notice.  Also,  that  it  issue  a general  recom- 
mendation to  the  people  to  go  to  meeting  armed,  on  the  Lord’s 
day,  in  order  to  prevent  being  thrown  into  confusion.  The 
committee  of  safety  then  passed,  on  the  same  day,  the  folloAv- 
ing  resolve : — 

“Whereas,  it  appears  of  importance  to  the  safety  of  this 
colony,  that  possession  of  the  hill  called  Bunker’s  Hill,  in 
Charlestown,  be  securely  kept  and  defended;  and  also,  some 

1 Ms.  Memoir,  by  Daniel  Putnam.  2 Gov.  Brooks.  3 Daniel  Putnam 
4 Gray’s  Ms.  Letter,  July  12,  1775. 


POSITION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMY. 


LIT 


one  hill  or  hills  on  Dorchester  Neck  be  likewise  secured  : 
therefore,  resolved,  unanimously,  that  it  be  recommended  to 
the  council  of  war,  that  the  above  mentioned  Bunker’s  Hill 
be  maintained,  by  sufficient  forces  being  posted  there  ; and  as 
the  particular  situation  of  Dorchester  Neck  is  unknown  to  this 
committee,  they  advise  that  the  council  of  war  take  and  pur- 
sue such  steps,  respecting  the  same,  as  to  them  shall  appear 
to  be  for  the  security  of  this  colony.” 

The  committee  then  appointed  Colonel  Palmer  and  Captain 
White  to  join  with  a committee  from  the  council  of  war,  and 
proceed  to  the  Roxbury  camp  for  consultation  ; also  to  com- 
municate the  above  resolve  to  the  council.  To  secure  secrecy, 
this  important  resolve  was  not  recorded  until  the  nineteenth 
of  June. 

At  this  time  but  comparatively  small  progress  had  been 
made  in  building  fortifications.  Breastworks  had  been  thrown 
up  in  Cambridge,  but  no  works  had  been  commenced  on  Pros- 
pect Hill,  or  on  Wrinter  Hill.  A breastwork  had  been  also 
thrown  up  on  the  Cambridge  road,  near  the  base  of  Prospect 
Hill.  The  army  was  posted  nearly  in  the  following  manner. 
The  right  wing,  under  General  Thomas,  was  at  Roxbury;  and 
consisted  of  about  four  thousand  Massachusetts  troops,  the 
Rhode  Island  forces  under  General  Greene  at  Jamaica  Plains, 
and  the  greater  part  of  General  Spencer’s  regiment  of  Con- 
necticut troops.  General  Thomas  had  three  or  four  artillery 
companies  with  field-pieces,  and  a few  heavy  cannon.  Gen- 
eral Ward’s  head  quarters  were  at  Cambridge,  where  the 
centre  division  of  the  army  was  stationed.  It  consisted  of 
fifteen  Massachusetts  regiments;  the  battalion  of  artillery, 
hardly  organized,  under  Colonel  Gridley;  and  General  Put- 
nam’s regiment,  with  other  Connecticut  troops.  They  were 
quartered  in  the  colleges,  in  the  church,  and  in  tents.  Most 
of  the  Connecticut  troops  were  at  Inman’s  Farm;  part  of 
Little’s  regiment  was  at  the  tavern  in  West  Cambridge  ; Pat- 
terson’s regiment  was  at  the  breastwork,  near  Prospect  Hill ; 
and  a large  guard  was  at  Lechmere’s  Point.  There  were  in 
Cambridge,  it  is  stated,  (probably  incorrectly,)  but  four  com- 
panies of  artillery  with  field-pieces.  Of  the  left  wing  of 
the  army,  three  companies  of  Gerrish’s  regiment  were  at 


118 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Chelsea  ; Stark’s  regiment  was  at  Medford  ; and  Reed’s  regi- 
ment was  at  Charlestown  Neck,  with  sentinels  reaching  to 
Penny  Ferry  (Malden  Bridge)  and  Bunker  Hill.1 

The  peninsula  of  Charlestown  is  situated  opposite  to  the 
north  part  of  Boston,  and  is  separated  from  it  by  Charles 
River.  It  is  about  a mile  in  length  from  north  to  south,  and 


1 The  return  nearest  in  date  to  the  battle,  that  I have  been  able  to  find, 
of  the  troops  at  Cambridge,  is  the  following,  dated  June  9,  and  entitled, 
“ Return  of  the  Army  at  Cambridge.” 


Regiments. 

Privates. 

Regiments. 

Privates. 

Whitcomb, 

470 

Frye, . 

493 

Brewer, 

318 

Scammon,  . 

396 

Nixon,  . 

224 

Prescott, 

t . 

456 

Little,  . 

400 

Gerrish, 

421 

Mansfield, 

345 

Wood  bridge, 

242 

Gridley,  (artillery,) 

370 

Ward, 

449 

Bridge,  . 

315 

Gardner, 

425 

Doolittle, 

308 

Patterson,  . 

422 

6063 

Drummers,  &c.,  . 1581 

7644 

A Return  of  Colonel  Gridley’s  battalion,  dated  June  16,  gives  but  an 
imperfect  view  of  it.  The  captains  and  the  number  of  men  were  : Edward 
Crafts,  44  ; Joseph  Chadwick,  24  ; Edward  Burbeck,  25  ; Thomas  Wait 
Foster,  43  ; Thomas  Pierce,  47  ; Samuel  Gridley,  49  ; John  Popkin,  49  ; 
Samuel  R.  Trevett,  37  ; John  Wiley,  52;  John  Callender,  47.  A large 
portion  of  their  arms  are  returned  as  unfit  for  service.  The  cannon  are  not 
named. 

The  regiments  stationed  at  Roxbury  were  those  of  Thomas,  Learned,  Fel- 
lows, Cotton,  Walker,  Read,  Danielson,  Brewer,  Robinson — 93  companies, 
3992  men. 

Colonel  Swett.  in  his  history  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  mentions 
another  regiment,  under  Colonel  Sergeant,  of  New  Hampshire.  This  officer 
took  out  beating  orders,  on  the  condition,  that  if  he  succeeded  in  raising  a reg- 
iment, and  the  New  Hampshire  colony  would  not  accept  of  it,  that  it  should 
be  established  in  the  Massachusetts  service.  On  the  9th  of  June  he  had  but 
four  companies  at  head  quarters,  but  had  a few  more  men  enlisted  in  New 
Hampshire.  A committee  recommended  that  these  companies  should  be  dis- 
charged from  the  service  of  Massachusetts.  Some  of  the  companies  enlisted 
by  Colonel  Sergeant  appear  in  the  rolls  of  Stark’s  and  Reed’s  regiments. 
I do  not  find  his  name  among  the  returns  of  the  army  until  after  the  17th  of 
June,  when  he  had  the  command  of  a Massachusetts  regiment.  It  appears 
from  his  own  letter,  see  Chapter  VI.,  that  he  was  on  duty  on  the  17th  of  June. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  CHARLESTOWN. 


119 


its  greatest  breadth,  next  to  Boston,  is  about  half  a mile, 
whence  it  gradually  becomes  narrower  until  it  makes  an  isth- 
mus, called  the  Neck,  connecting  it  with  the  main  land.  The 
Mystic  River,  about  half  a mile  wide,  is  on  the  east  side ; and 
on  the  west  side  is  Charles  River,  which  here  forms  a large 
bay,  — a part  of  which,  by  a dam  stretching  in  the  direction 
of  Cobble  Hill,  is  a mill-pond.  In  1775  the  Neck,  an  artificial 
causeway,  was  so  low  as  to  be  frequently  overflowed  by  the 
tides.  The  communication  with  Boston  was  by  a ferry, 
where  Charles  River  Bridge  is,  and  with  Malden  by  another, 
called  Penny  Ferry,  where  Malden  Bridge  is.  Near  the  Neck, 
on  the  main  land,  there  Avas  a large  green,  known  as  The 
Common.  Two  roads  ran  by  it,  — one  in  a westerly  direc- 
tion, as  now,  by  Cobble  Hill,  (McLean  Asylum.)  Prospect 
Hill,  Inman’s  Woods,  to  Cambridge  Common  ;.  the  other  in  a 
northerly  direction,  by  Ploughed  Hill,  (Mount  Benedict.) 
Winter  Hill,  to  Medford,  — the  direct  road  to  West  Cambridge 
not  having  been  laid  out  in  1775.  Bunker  Hill  begins  at  the 
isthmus,  and  rises  gradually  for  about  three  hundred  yards, 
forming  a round,  smooth  hill,  sloping  on  two  sides  towards  the 
water,  and  connected  by  a ridge  of  ground  on  the  south  Avith 
the  heights  now  knoAvn  as  Breed’s  Hill.  This  was  a Avell 
knoAvn  public  place,  — the  name  “Bunker  Hill”  being  found 
in  the  tOAvn  records,  and  in  deeds,  from  an  early  period.  Not  so 
with  “ Breed’s  Hill,”  for  it  is  not  named  in  any  description  of 
streets  previous  to  1775.  This  tract  of  land  was  called  after 
the  OAvners  of  the  pastures  into  Avhich  it  Avas  divided,  rather 
than  by  the  common  name  of  Breed’s  Hill.  Thus,  Monu- 
ment-square Avas  called  Russell’s  Pasture;  Breed’s  Pasture 
lay  further  south  ; Green’s  Pasture  Avas  at  the  head  of  Green- 
street.1  The  easterly  and  Avesterly  sides  of  this  height  were 

1 This  hill  is  called  Green’s  Hill  in  a British  description  of  the  town  in 
1775.  It  has  been  often  remarked  that  Breed's  Hill  has  been  robbed  of  the 
glory  that  justly  belongs  to  it.  It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  the 
rail  fence  was  at  the  base  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  if  not  the  great  post  of  the 
day,  here  a large  part  of  the  battle  was  fought.  Besides,  the  name  Breed’s 
Hill  will  not  do  near  so  well  for  patriotic  purposes.  Thus,  in  the  “ Decla- 
ration of  Independence,”  a poem,  the  author  writes  : — 

Dun  clouds  of  smoke  ! avaunt ! — Mount  Breed,  all  hail ! 

There  glory  circled  patriot  Warren’s  head. 


120 


THE  SIEGE  OE  BOSTON. 


steep ; on  the  east  side,  at  its  base,  were  brick-kilns,  clay- 
pits,  and  much  sloughy  land  ; on  the  west  side,  at  the  base, 
was  the  most  settled  part  of  the  town.  Moulton’s  Point, 
a name  coeval  with  the  settlement  of  the  town,  constituted 
the  south-east  corner  of  the  peninsula.  A part  of  this 
tract  formed  what  is  called,  in  all  the  accounts  of  the  bat- 
tle, “ Morton’s  Hill.”  Bunker  Hill  was  one  hundred  and 
ten  feet  high,  Breed’s  seventy-five  feet,  and  Morton’s  Hill 
thirty-five  feet.  The  principal  street  of  the  peninsula  was 
Main-street,  which  extended  from  the  neck  to  the  ferry.  A 
highway  from  sixteen  feet  to  thirty  feet  wide  ran  over 
Bunker  Hill  to  Moulton’s  Point,  and  one  connecting  with 
it  wound  round  the  heights  now  known  by  the  name  of 
Breed’s  Hill.  The  easterly  portions  of  these  hills  were 
used  chiefly  for  hay  ground  and  pasturing ; the  westerly 
portions  contained  fine  orchards  and  gardens. 


CONCORD  MONUMENT. 


d 

o 


'd 

o 


o 

£ 


A VIEW  OT  CHARLES  TOWN.  AND  THE  BACK  GROUND,  AS  FAR  AS  THE  NARROW  PASS. 


FRESCOTT  S COMMAND. 


121 


. CHAPTER  IY. 

Breed's  Hill  Fortified.  Cannonade  of  the  British.  The  Landing  at  Charles- 
town. 

On  Friday,  the  sixteenth  of  June,  the  commanders  of  the 
army,  in  accordance  with  the  recommendation  of  the  commit- 
tee of  safety,  took  measures  to  fortify  Bunker  Hill.1  Orders 
were  issued  for  Prescott’s,  Frye’s,  and  Bridge’s  regiments,  and 
a fatigue  party  of  two  hundred  Connecticut  troops,  to  parade 
at  six  o’clock  in  the  evening,  with  all  the  intrenching  tools  in 
the  Cambridge  camp.  They  were  also  ordered  to  furnish 
themselves  with  packs  and  blankets,  and  with  provisions  for 
twenty-four  hours.  Also,  Captain  Samuel  Gridley’s  com- 
pany of  artillery,  of  forty-nine  men  and  two  field-pieces,  was 

1 The  narrative  of  the  Bunker  Hill  battle,  in  the  text,  is  the  result  of  as 
critical  a collation  of  the  authorities  as  I am  able  to  make.  A chronological 
notice  of  the  principal  of  them  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix.  All  of  them 
have  been  consulted.  Great  caution  is  necessary  in  using  the  material  which 
controversy  on  this  subject  has  elicited.  It  is  but  just  to  remark,  however, 
that  many  of  the  depositions  of  the  soldiers  harmonize  remarkably  with  each 
other,  and  with  contemporary  material. 

I am  indebted  to  Colonel  Samuel  Swett  for  permission  to  take  copies  of 
his  manuscripts.  The  authorities  cited  as  Gov.  Brooks,  Joseph  Pearce,  and 
Ebenezer  Bancroft,  are  statements  chiefly  taken  by  him.  He  states  (Notea 
to  his  History,  p.  3)  that  any  person  may  take  copies  of  any  documents  in 
his  possession. 

A memoir  of  the  battle,  prepared  by  the  late  Judge  William  Prescott,  the 
son  of  Colonel  Prescott,  and  in  his  own  hand-writing,  is  often  quoted.  The 
high  character  of  the  author,  and  his  rare  opportunity  for  obtaining  informa- 
tion, unite  to  render  this  an  invaluable  authority.  I am  indebted  to  President 
Jared  Sparks  for  this  manuscript,  and  other  material.  Col.  Prescott’s  ac- 
count of  the  action,  also  an  important  authority,  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix. 

The  testimony  on  some  points  is  perplexing  and  conflicting  ; and  though 
I have  endeavored  to  frame  the  narrative  without  partiality  or  prejudice,  yet 
I submit  it  with  great  diffidence , and  will  only  add,  that  I feel  incapable  of 
intentionally  disparaging  the  services  of  any  of  the  patriot  band  who  bore  a 
part  in  this  great  work. 


122 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


ordered  to  parade.  The  Connecticut  men,  draughted  from 
several  companies,  were  put  under  the  gallant  Thomas  Knowl- 
ton,  a captain  in  General  Putnam’s  regiment.1 

The  detachment  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
William  Prescott,  of  Peppered,  who  had  orders  in  writing,  from 
General  Ward,  to  proceed  that  evening  to  Bunker  Hill,  build 
fortifications  to  be  planned  by  Col.  Richard  Gridley,  the  chief 
engineer,  and  defend  them  until  he  should  be  relieved,  — the 
order  not  to  be  communicated  until  the  detachment  had  passed 
Charlestown  Neck.2  The  regiments  and  fatigue  party  ordered 
to  parade  would  have  constituted  a force  of  at  least  fourteen 
hundred;  but  only  three  hundred  of  Prescott’s  regiment,  a 
part  of  Bridge’s,  and  a part  of  Frye’s  under  Lieut.-col.  Bricket, 
the  artillery,  and  the  two  hundred  Connecticut  troops,  rvere 
ordered  to  march.3  Hence  the  number  may  be  fairly  estimated 
at  twelve  hundred.4  It  was  understood  that  reinforcements 
and  refreshments  should  be  sent  to  Colonel  Prescott  on  the 
following  morning.5 

This  detachment  paraded  on  Cambridge  Common  at  the 
time  appointed;  and  after  a fervent  and  impressive  prayer  by 
President  Langdon,  of  Harvard  College,  it  commenced,  about 
nine  o’clock,  its  memorable  march  for  Charlestown.  Colonel 
Prescott  was  at  its  head,  arrayed  in  a simple  and  appropriate 
uniform,  with  a blue  coat  and  a three-cornered  hat.6  Two 
sergeants,  carrying  dark  lanterns,  were  a few  paces  in  front 
of  him,  and  the  intrenching  tools,  in  carts,  in  the  rear.  Col. 
Gridley  accompanied  the  troops.  They  were  enjoined  to 
maintain  the  strictest  silence,  and  were  not  aware  of  the  object 
of  the  expedition  until  they  halted  at  Charlestown  Neck. 
Here  Major  Brooks  joined  them;  and,  probably, -General  Put- 

1 The  committee  of  safety  account  say's : “Orders  were  issued  that  a 
detachment  of  one  thousand  men  should  that  evening  march,”  &c.  Fenno’s 
Orderly  Book,  June  16,  says:  “Frye’s,  Bridge’s,  and  William  Prescott’s 
regiments  to  parade  this  evening,  at  six  o’clock,  with  all  the  intrenching  tools 
in  this  encampment.”  Chester’s  letter  says  200  Connecticut  men  were 
called  for.  — Letter  July  22. 

2 Judge  Prescott’s  Memoir;  Gordon,  vol.  i.,  p.  362;  Martin’s  Relation. 

3 Prescott’s  Letter.  4 This  was  the  estimate  of  the  Mass.  Provincial  Con- 

gress. Col.  Prescott  says,  “about  one  thousand.”  5 Brooks.  6 Ellis’ 

Oration. 


CONSULTATION  OF  OFFICERS. 


123 


nam 1 and  another  general.  Here  Captain  Nutting,  with  his 
company  and  ten  of  the  Connecticut  troops,  was  ordered  to 
proceed  to  the  lower  part  of  the  town  as  a guard.2  The  main 
body  then  marched  over  Bunker  Hill,  and  again  halted  for 
some  time.  Here  Colonel  Prescott  called  the  field  officers 
around  him,  and  communicated  his  orders.3  A long  consulta- 
tion took  place  in  relation  to  the  place  to  be  fortified.  The 
veteran  Colonel  Gridley,  and  two  generals,  one  of  whom  was 
General  Putnam,  took  part  in  it.  The  order  was  explicit  as 
to  Bunker  Hill,  and  yet  a position  nearer  Boston,  now  known 
as  Breed’s  Hill,  seemed  better  adapted  to  the  objects  of  the 
expedition,  and  better  suited  the  daring  spirit  of  the  officers. 
It  was  contended,  however,  that  works  ought  not  to  be  com- 
menced at  this  place  until  Bunker  Hill  had  been  fortified,  in 
order  to  cover,  in  case  of  necessity,  a retreat.  The  moments 
were  precious,  and  the  engineer  strongly  urged  the  importance 
of  a speedy  decision.  On  the  pressing  importunity  of  one 
of  the  generals,  it  was  concluded  to  proceed  to  Breed’s  Hill.4 

1 Judge  Prescott  states  that  General  Putnam  did  not  head  the  detachment 
from  Cambridge  to  Bunker  Hill,  nor  march  with  it.  Some  of  the  soldiers 
state  that  he  rode  up  at  the  Neck. 

2 Abel  Parker  ; Brooks  ; Cleaveland.  3 Brooks  says  the  troops  halted  at 
the  foot  of  Breed's  Hill. 

“ Colonel  Prescott  had  determined  never  to  be  taken  alive.  A few  months 
before  the  battle,  while  he  commanded  a regiment  of  minute-men,  his  brother- 
in-law,  Colonel  Willard,  was  at  his  house ; and  endeavoring  to  dissuade  him 
from  the  active  part  he  was  taking  against  the  king’s  government,  among 
other  things  suggested,  that  if  he  should  be  found  in  arms  against  it,  his  life 
and  estate  would  be  forfeited  for  treason.  He  replied  : ‘ I have  made  up  my 
mind  on  that  subject.  I think  it  probable  I may  be  found  in  arms,  but  I will 
never  be  taken  alive.  The  Tories  shall  never  have  the  satisfaction  of  seeing 
me  hanged.’  He  went  on  to  the  heights  with  that  resolution.” — Judge 
Prescott’s  Memoir. 

4 The  order  was  explicit  as  to  Bunker  Hill,  and  the  committee  of  safety 
account  says,  “ by  some  mistake,”  Breed’s  Hill  was  marked  out  for  the 
intrenchment.  In  Gray’s  letter,  July  12,  1775,  it  is  stated,  “ that  the  engi- 
neer and  two  generals  went  on  to  the  hill  at  night,  and  reconnoitred  the 
ground  ; that  one  general  and  the  engineer  were  of  opinion  we  ought  not  to 
intrench  on  Charlestown  Hill  (Breed’s  Hill)  till  we  had  thrown  up  some 
works  on  the  north  and  south  ends  of  Bunker  Hill,  to  cover  our  men  in  their 
retreat,  if  that  should  happen  ; but  on  the  pressing  importunity  of  the  other 
general  officer,  it  was  consented  to  begin  as  was  done.”  That  the  best  posi 
11 


124 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


At  the  same  time  it  was  determined  that  works  should  he 
erected  on  Bunker  Hill.  When  the  detachment  reached 
Breed’s  Hill,  the  packs  were  thrown  off,  the  guns  were 
stacked,  Colonel  Gridley  marked  out  the  plan  of  a fortifica- 
tion, tools  were  distributed,  and  about  twelve  o’clock  the  men 
began  to  work.  Colonel  Prescott  immediately  detached  Cap- 
tain Maxwell,  of  his  own  regiment,  and  a party,  with  orders 
to  patrol  the  shore  in  the  lower  part  of  the  town,  near  the  old 
ferry,  and  watch  the  motions  of  the  enemy  during  the  night.1 
General  Putnam,  after  the  men  were  at  labor,  returned  to 
Cambridge.2 

Anxious  to  the  patriot  laborers  were  the  watches  of  that 
star-light  night.  The  shore  in  Boston,  opposite  to  them,  was 
belted  by  a chain  of  sentinels,  while  nearer  still,  British  men- 
of-war  were  moored  in  the  waters  around  them  and  com- 
manded the  peninsula.  The  Falcon  was  off  Moulton’s  Point ; 
the  Lively  lay  opposite  the  present  navy  yard  ; the  Somerset 
was  at  the  ferry ; the  Glasgow  was  near  Cragie’s  Bridge ; 
and  the  Cerberus,  and  several  floating  batteries,  were  within 
gunshot.  This  proximity  to  an  enemy  required  great  caution ; 
and  a thousand  men,  accustomed  to  handling  the  spade, 
worked  with  great  diligence  and  silence  on  the  intrench- 
ments;3  while  the  cry  of  “All’s  well,”  heard  at  intervals 

tion  was  Breed’s  Hill,  Judge  Prescott  says,  was  “ Colonel  Gridley ’s  opinion, 
and  the  other  field  officers  who  were  consulted,  — they  thought  it  came  with- 
in his  (Prescott’s)  orders.  There  was  not  then  the  distinction  between  Bun- 
ker Hill  and  Breed’s  that  has  since  been  made.”  Colonel  Swett  remarks 
there  could  be  no  mistake,  and  that  the  account  meant  to  say,  delicately,  the 
order  to  fortify  Bunker  Hill  was  not  complied  with. 

It  has  been  doubted  whether  General  Putnam  was  on  the  ground  during 
the  night.  Gray’s  letter  does  not  give  the  names  of  the  two  generals,  it  is 
true,  but  in  Stiles’  Diary,  June  20,  in  Major  Jackson’s  Diary,  June  16, 
(Swett’s  notes,  p.  21,)  and  in  the  newspapers  of  the  day,  Putnam  is  named 
as  going  on  at  night.  The  testimony  of  some  of  the  soldiers  is  positive. 
Thus  Judge  Grosvenor,  in  letters  dated  April  18,  1818,  and  March  29,  1825, 
says  that  he  was  present  when  ground  was  broken.  Judge  Prescott  states, 
that  though  he  did  not  march  with  the  troops,  he  might  be  present  at  the 
consultation. 

1 William  Taylor’s  Letter  ; J.  Pearce  ; Depositions.  2 Swett,  p.  21. 

3 Martin  says,  about  a thousand  were  at  work,  and  that  “ the  men  dug  in 
the  trenches  one  hour,  and  then  mounted  guard  and  were  relieved.” 


CANNONADE  OF  THE  WORKS. 


125 


through  the  night  by  the  patrols,  gave  the  assurance  that 
they  were  not  discovered.’  Colonel  Prescott,  apprehensive  of 
an  attack  before  the  works  were  in  such  a condition  as  to 
cover  the  men,  went  down  twice  to  the  margin  of  the  river 
with  Major  Brooks  to  reconnoitre,  and  was  delighted  to  hear 
the  watch  on  board  the  ships  drowsily  repeat  the  usual  cry.2 
The  last  time,  a little  before  daylight,  finding  everything  quiet, 
he  recalled  the  party  under  Maxwell  to  the  hill.3 

The  intrenchments,  by  the  well-directed  labor  of  the  night, 
were  raised  about  six  feet  high,  and  were  first  seen  at  early 
dawn,  on  the  seventeenth  of  June,  by  the  sailors  on  board  the 
men-of-war.  The  captain  of  the  Lively,  without  waiting  for 
orders,  put  a spring  on  her  cable  and  opened  a fire  on  the 
American  works  ;4  and  the  sound  of  the  guns,  breaking  the 
calmness  of  a fine  summer’s  morning,  alarmed  the  British 
camp,  and  summoned  the  population  of  Boston  and  vicinity 
to  gaze  upon  the  novel  spectacle.  Admiral  Graves  almost 
immediately  ordered  the  firing  to  cease;5  but,  in  a short  time, 
it  was  renewed,  by  authority,  from  a battery  of  six  guns  and 
howitzers,  from  Copp’s  Hill,  in  Boston,  and  from  the  shipping.6 
The  Americans,  protected  by  their  works,  were  not  at  first 
injured  by  the  balls,  and  they  kept  steadily  at  labor,  strength- 
ening the  intrenchments,  and  making  inside  of  them  platforms 
of  wood  and  earth,  to  stand  upon  when  they  should  be  called 
upon  to  fire.7 

1 Brooks ; Pearce ; Josiah  Cleaveland  was  one  of  the  Connecticut  men 
detached  to  the  shore,  and  states  that  he  heard  the  British  sentinels  at  inter- 
vals all  night.  2 Judge  Prescott’s  Memoir.  3 Brooks  ; Taylor;  Pearce. 

“ Colonel  Prescott  was  often  heard  to  say,  after  the  battle,  that  his  great 
anxiety  that  night  was  to  have  a screen  raised,  however  slight,  for  his  men 
before  they  were  attacked,  which  he  expected  would  be  early  in  the  morning, 
as  he  knew  it  would  be  difficult,  if  not  quite  impossible,  to  make  raw  troops, 
however  full  of  patriotism,  to  stand  in  an  open  field  against  artillery  and  well- 
armed  and  well-disciplined  soldiers.  He  therefore  strenuously  urged  on  the 
work,  and  every  subaltern  and  private  labored  with  spade  and  pickaxe,  with- 
out intermission,  through  the  night,  and  until  they  resumed  their  muskets 
near  the  middle  of  the  next  day.  Never  were  men  in  worse  condition  for 
action,  — exhausted  by  watching,  fatigue,  and  hunger,  — and  never  did  old 
soldiers  behave  better.”  — Judge  Prescott’s  Memoir. 

4 Fenno’s  Ms.  Orderly  Book.  5 British  Letter,  June  25.  6 Ibid,  with 

Gage’s  official  account.  7 Ms.  Petitions,  1775  ; Israel  Hunt. 


126 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


Early  in  the  day,  a private 1 was  killed  by  a cannon  ball, 
when  some  of  the  men  left  the  hill.  To  inspire  confidence, 
Colonel  Prescott  mounted  the  parapet  and  walked  leisurely 
around  it,  inspecting  the  works,  giving  directions  to  the  offi- 
cers, and  encouraging  the  men  by  approbation,  or  amusing 
them  with  humor.  One  of  his  captains,  understanding  his 
motive,  followed  his  example  while  superintending  the  labors 
of  his  company.  This  had  the  intended  effect.  The  men 
became  indifferent  to  the  cannonade,  or  received  the  balls  with 
repeated  cheers.  The  tall,  commanding  form  of  Prescott  was 
observed  by  General  Gage,  as  he  was  reconnoitring  the 
Americans  through  his  glass,  who  inquired  of  Councillor 
Willard,  near  him,  “Who  the  person  was  who  appeared  to 
command?”  Willard  recognized  his  brother-in-law.  “Will 
he  fight?”  again  inquired  Gage.  “Yes,  sir;  he  is  an  old 
soldier,  and  will  fight  as  long  as  a drop  of  blood  remains  in  his 
veins  ! ” “ The  works  must  be  carried,”  was  the  reply.2 

As  the  day  advanced  the  heat  became  oppressive.  Many 
of  the  men,  inexperienced  in  war,  had  neglected  to  comply 
with  the  order  respecting  provisions,3  while  no  refreshments 
had  arrived.  Hence  there  was  much  suffering  from  want  of 
food  and  drink,  as  well  as  from  heat  and  fatigue;  and  this 


1 Asa  Pollard,  of  Billerica,  of  Stickney’s  company,  Bridge’s  regiment.  A 
subaltern  informed  Col.  Prescott,  and  asked  what  should  be  done.  “Bury 
him,”  he  was  told.  “ What !”  said  the  astonished  officer,  “ without  prayers  1” 
A chaplain  insisted  on  performing  service  over  the  first  victim,  and  gathered 
many  soldiers  about  him.  Prescott  ordered  them  to  disperse.  The  chaplain 
again  collected  his  audience,  when  the  deceased  was  ordered  to  be  buried.  — 
Swett’s  History. 

2 Brooks  ; Israel  Hunt ; Prescott’s  Memoir.  The  British  Annual  Regis- 
ter, 1775,  says,  “ the  Americans  bore  this  severe  fire  with  wonderful  firmness, 
and  seemed  to  go  on  with  their  business  as  if  no  enemy  had  been  near.” 
The  following  are  the  vessels  that  took  part  in  the  cannonade  during  the  day. 
The  position  of  the  Cerberus  is  not  stated. 

Somerset,  68  guns,  520  men.  Captain  Edward  Le  Cras. 


Cerberus,  36 
Glasgow,  24 
Lively,  20 
Falcon, 
Symmetry,  20 
3 Brooks’  Statement. 


130 

130 


Chads. 

William  Maltby. 
Thomas  Bishop. 
Linzee. 


SUFFERING  OF  THE  TROOPS. 


127 


produced  discontent  and  murmurs.  Tire  officers  urged  Col. 
Prescott  to  send  a request  to  General  Ward  for  them  to  be 
relieved  by  other  troops.  The  colonel  promptly  told  them,  in 
reply,  that  he  never  would  consent  to  their  being  relieved. 
“ The  enemy,”  he  said,  “would  not  dare  to  attack  them;  and 
if  they  did,  would  be  defeated : the  men  who  had  raised  the 
works  were  the  best  able  to  defend  them : already  they  had 
learned  to  despise  the  fire  of  the  enemy : they  had  the  merit 
of  the  labor,  and  should  have  the  honor  of  the  victory.”  1 

Soon  after  this,  the  enemy  were  observed  to  be  in  motion  in 
Boston.  General  Gage  had  called  a council  of  war  early  in 
the  morning.  As  it  was  clear  that  the  Americans  were  gain- 
ing strength  every  hour,  it  was  the  unanimous  opinion  that 
it  was  necessary  to  change  the  plan  of  operations  that  had  been 
agreed  upon,  and  drive  them  from  their  newly  erected  works, 
though  different  views  prevailed  as  to  the  manner  in  which  it 
should  be  attempted.  It  is  said  that  Gen.  Clinton,  and  a 
majority  of  the  council,  were  in  favor  of  embarking  a force  at 
the  common,  in  Boston,  and  under  the  protection  of  their 
batteries,  landing  in  the  rear  of  the  Americans,  at  Charles- 
town Neck,  to  cut  off  their  retreat.  General  Gage  opposed 
this  plan  as  unmilitary  and  hazardous.  It  would  place  his 
force  between  two  armies,  — one  strongly  fortified,  and  the 
other  superior  in  numbers,  — and  thus  expose  it  to  destruc- 
tion.2 It  was  decided  to  make  the  attack  in  front,  and  orders 
were  immediately  issued  for  the  troops  to  parade.  It  was  the 
consequent  preparation, — dragoons  galloping  from  their  places 
of  encampment,  and  the  rattling  of  artillery  carriages,  — that 
was  observed  at  the  American  lines.  Colonel  Prescott,  about 

1 Brooks’  Statement ; Svvett’s  History  ; Prescott’s  Memoir.  2 British 
Account,  1775  ; Ms.  Letter. 

A royalist  in  Boston  at  this  time  used  to  relate,  that  knowing  the  British 
officers  were  in  consultation  at  the  Province  House,  on  the  morning  of  this 
day,  he  called  there  to  learn  their  intentions.  Immediately  after  the  arrange- 
ments had  been  made  for  the  attack,  he  met  in  the  front  yard  an  officer  by  the 
name  of  Ruggles,  who  warmly  inveighed  against  the  decision  of  the  other 
officers.  “It  would  cost  many  lives  to  attack  in  front;  but  the  English 
officers  would  not  believe  the  Americans  would  fight.”  Ruggles  advised  the 
attack  to  be  made  in  the  rear,  and  thus  cut  off  a retreat  and  prevent  a rein- 
forcement. — Ms.  letter. 

11* 


128 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


nine  o’clock,  called  a council  of  war.  The  officers  represented 
that  the  men,  worn  down  by  the  labors  of  the  night,  in  want 
even  of  necessary  refreshments,  were  dissatisfied,  and  in  no 
condition  for  action,  and  again  urged  that  they  should  be 
relieved,  or,  at  least,  that  Colonel  Prescott  should  send  for 
reinforcements  and  provisions.  The  colonel,  though  decided 
against  the  proposition  to  relieve  them,  agreed  to  send  a 
special  messenger  to  General  Ward  for  additional  troops  and 
supplies.  The  officers  were  satisfied,  and  Major  John  Brooks, 
afterwards  Governor  Brooks,  was  despatched  for  this  purpose 
to  head  quarters,  where  he  arrived  about  ten  o’clock.1 

General  Ward,  early  in  the  morning,  had  been  urged  by 
~~General  Putnam2  to  send  reinforcements  to  Colonel  Prescott, 
but  was  so  doubtful  of  its  expediency  that  he  ordered  only 
one  third  of  Stark’s  regiment  to  march  to  Charlestown  ;3  and 
after  receiving  the  message  by  Major  Brooks,  he  refused  to 
weaken  further  the  main  army  at  Cambridge,  until  the  enemy 
had  more  definitely  revealed  his  intentions.  He  judged  that 
General  Gage  would  make  his  principal  attack  at  Cambridge, 
to  destroy  the  stores.4  The  committee  of  safety,  then  in  ses- 
sion, was  consulted.  One  of  its  most  active  members,  Richard 
Devens,  strongly  urged  that  aid  should  be  sent,  and  his  opin- 
ion partially  prevailed.  With  its  advice,  General  Ward,  about 
eleven  o’clock,  ordered  the  whole  of  the  regiments  of  Colonels 
Stark  and  Read,  of  New  Hampshire,  to  reinforce  Colonel 

1 Governor  Brooks’  Statement.  Judge  Prescott’s  Memoir  refers  only  to 
one  consultation  of  Colonel  Prescott  with  his  officers ; Governor  Brooks 
states  that  there  were  two  councils  of  war,  the  last  at  nine  o’clock.  Martin's 
relation,  though  confused,  confirms  the  statement  that  Prescott  was  reluctant 
to  send  for  reinforcements ; and  Brown’s  letter  agrees  with  Prescott’s  Me- 
moir as  to  the  discontent  of  the  men. 

Judge  Prescott  states  that  the  colonel  despatched  two  men,  in  the  course  of 
the  forenoon,  to  head  quarters  — the  last  Major  Brooks.  “For  greater 
expedition,”  Col.  Swett  says,  “ he  was  directed  to  take  one  of  the  artillery 
horses  ; but  the  order  was  vehemently  opposed  by  Capt.  Gridley,  who  feared 
for  the  safety  of  his  pieces.  Prescott  then  directed  him  to  proceed  on  foot.” 

2 Grosvenor,  Daniel  Putnam,  and  others,  state  that  General  Putnam  repaired 
to  the  heights  early  in  the  morning,  but  returned  to  Cambridge  to  urge  or. 
provisions  and  reinforcements.  — See  Swett’s  History,  p.  24. 

3 Stark’s  Letter.  4 Analectic  Magazine,  1818.  Gov.  Brooks. 


THE  ENTRENCHING  TOOLS. 


129 


Prescott.1  Orders,  also,  were  issued  for  the  recall  of  the 
companies  stationed  at  Chelsea.2 

During  the  forenoon  a flood  tide  enabled  the  British  to  bring 
three  or  four  floating  batteries  to  play  on  the  intrenchments, 
when  the  fire  became  more  severe.  The  men-of-war  at  inter- 
vals discharged  their  guns,  — the  Glasgow,  one  account  states, 
continued  to  fire  all  the  morning.3  The  only  return  made  to 
this  terrific  cannonade  was  a few  ineffectual  shot  from  a can- 
non in  a corner  of  the  redoubt.4  About  eleven  o’clock  the 
men  had  mostly  ceased  labor  on  the  works ; the  intrenching 
tools  had  been  piled  in  the  rear,  and  all  were  anxiously  await- 
ing the  arrival  of  refreshments  and  reinforcements.  No  works, 
however,  had  been  commenced  on  Bunker  Hill,  regarded  as 
of  great  importance  in  case  of  a retreat.  General  Putnam 
who  was  on  his  way  to  the  heights  when  Major  Brooks  was 
going  to  Cambridge,  rode  on  horseback  to  the  redoubt,  “and 
told  Colonel  Prescott”  — as  General  Heath  first  relates  the 
circumstance  — “that  the  intrenching  tools  must  be  sent  oft', 

•Stark;  Brooks;  Dearborn.  2 Swett. 

On  this  day  the  Provincial  Congress,  convened  at  Watertown,  held  sessions 
morning  and  afternoon.  The  committee  of  safety,  in  session  at  Cambridge, 
issued  an  order  to  the  selectmen  of  the  towns  to  send  all  the  town  stocks 
of  powder  instantly  to  Watertown.  The  committee  of  supplies,  by  David 
Cheever,  on  this  day,  sent  a letter  to  the  committee  of  safety,  stating,  That 
exclusive  of  thirty-six  half  barrels  of  powder  received  from  the  governor  and 
council  of  Connecticut,  there  were  only  in  the  magazine  twenty-seven  half 
barrels,  and  that  no  more  could  be  drafted  from  the  towns  without  expos- 
ing them  more  than  they  would  consent  to. 

The  committee  of  safety,  on  this  day,  asked,  also,  for  “ four  of  the  best 
riding  horses,”  to  bring  quick  intelligence  to  head  quarters.  The  committee 
of  supplies  replied,  that  they  had  no  horses  at  present,  but  what  were  unfit 
for  use,  or  were  wanted  for  the  expresses  of  that  committee.  “ We  have 
received,”  says  the  letter,  “ but  ten  out  of  the  twenty-eight  horses  ordered 
by  Congress  to  be  delivered  us,  and  are  informed  that  those  left  behind  are 
some  of  the  best.  Pray  take  them,  if  to  be  found,  unless  detained  by  the 
generals.  We  have  sent  to  procure  four, 'which  shall  be  sent  as  soon  as 
possible.” 

3 Fenno's  Orderly  Book  ; British  Letter.  4 Winslow  ; J.  Pearce  ; Clarke. 
The  latter,  in  his  pamphlet,  states  that  cannon  were  fired,  “to  the  infinite 
terror  and  danger  of  the  inhabitants”  of  Boston,  and  that  it  was  in  conse- 
quence of  this  insult  that  General  Gage  determined  to  attack  the  redoubt. 


130 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


or  they  would  be  lost : the  colonel  replied,  that  if  he  sent  any 
of  the  men  away  with  the  tools,  not  one  of  them  would  return  : 
to  this  the  general  answered,  they  shall  every  man  return.  A 
large  party  was  then  sent  off  with  the  tools,  and  not  one  of 
them  returned : in  this  instance  the  colonel  was  the  best  judge 
of  human  nature.”  1 A large  part  of  the  tools  were  carried 
no  further  than  Bunker  Hill,  where,  by  General  Putnam’s 
order,  the  men  began  to  throw  up  a breastwork.  Most  of 
the  tools  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

In  the  mean  time  General  Gage  had  completed  his  prepara- 
tions to  attack  the  intrenchments.  He  ordered  the  ten  oldest 
companies  of  grenadiers  and  light-infantry,  (exclusive  of  two 
regiments,  the  35th  and  49th,  just  arrived,)  and  the  5th  and 
38th  regiments,  to  parade  at  half-past  eleven  o’clock,  with 
ammunition,  blankets,  and  provisions,  and  march  by  files  to 
the  Long  Wharf.  The  52d  and  43d  regiments,  with  the 
remaining  companies  of  grenadiers  and  light-infantry,  received 
similar  orders  to  parade  and  march  to  the  North  Battery.  At 
the  same  time  the  47th  regiment  and  1st  battalion  of  marines 
were  directed  to  proceed  to  the  battery  after  the  former  should 
embark,  and  there  await  orders.  The  remainder  of  the  troops 
were  directed  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  march  at  a 
moment’s  warning.  The  strictest  attention  to  discipline  was 
enjoined.  Whoever  should  quit  the  ranks,  or  engage  in  plun- 

1 Heath’s  Memoirs,  p.  19.  This  is  the  only  instance  of  a collision  of  Gen- 
eral Putnam  with  Colonel  Prescott  that  appears  in  the  authorities.  The 
depositions  often  contain  stories  of  the  intrenching  tools,  and  much  has  been 
written  about  them  in  connection  with  General  Putnam.  Joseph  Pearce,  in 
1818,  stated,  “ Putnam,  before  we  saw  the  British  on  the  water,  came  and 
said  the  tools  ought  to  be  carried  off.  Came  on  a horse.  I expected  to  see 
him  knocked  off.”  E.  Bancroft,  in  a Ms.  letter,  December  7,  1824,  says: 
After  ten  o’clock  General  Putnam  “ rode  up  to  us  at  the  fort,  and  says,  1 My 
lads,  these  tools  must  be  carried  back,’  and  turned  and  rode  away.  An  order 
was  never  obeyed  with  more  readiness.  From  every  part  of  the  line  within 
hearing  volunteers  ran,  and  some  picked  up  one,  some  two  shovels,  mattocks, 
&c.,  and  hurried  over  the  hill.”  Heath  is  too  severe  on  the  party  who  car- 
ried the  tools  to  Bunker  Hill.  Some  of  them  fought  well  at  the  rail  fence, 
and  some  state  that  they  went  back  to  the  redoubt.  It  is  probable  that  this 
incident  is  the  origin  of  the  impression  of  some  of  the  soldiers,  who  stated, 
over  forty  years  after,  that  Putnam  rode  off  the  field  with  pick-axes,  spades, 
tents  or  tent-poles,  on  his  horse  ! 


THE  LANDING  AT  CHARLESTOWN. 


131 


der,  was  threatened  with  execution  without  mercy.1  This 
force  was  put  under  the  command  of  General  Howe,  who  had 
under  him  Brigadier-general  Pigot,  and  some  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished officers  in  Boston.  He  was  ordered  to  drive  the 
Americans  from  their  works.2 

About  twelve  o’clock  the  several  regiments  marched  through 
the  streets  of  Boston  to  their  places  of  embarkation,  and  two 
ships  of  war  moved  up  Charles  River  to  join  the  others  in 
firing  on  the  works.  Suddenly  the  redoubled  roar  of  the  can- 
non announced  that  the  crisis  was  at  hand.  The  Falcon  and 
the  Lively  swept  the  low  grounds  in  front  of  Breed’s  Hill,  to 
dislodge  any  parties  of  troops  that  might  be  posted  there  to 
oppose  a landing ; the  Somerset  and  two  floating  batteries  at 
the  ferry,  and  the  battery  on  Copps  Hill,  poured  shot  upon 
the  American  works;  the  Glasgow  frigate,  and  the  Symmetry 
transport,  moored  further  up  Charles  River,  raked  the  Neck.3 
The  troops  embarked  at  the  Long  Wharf  and  at  the  North 
Battery ; and  when  a blue  flag  was  displayed  as  a signal,  the 
fleet,  with  field-pieces  in  the  leading  barges,  moved  towards 
Charlestown.  The  sun  was  shining  in  meridian  splendor ; 
and  the  scarlet  uniforms,  the  glistening  armor,  the  brazen 
artillery,  the  regular  movement  of  the  boats,  the  flashes  of 
fire,  and  the  belchings  of  smoke,  formed  a spectacle  brilliant 
and  imposing.  The  army  landed  in  good  order  at  Moulton’s 
Point,  about  one  o’clock,  without  the  slightest  molestation, 
and  immediately  formed  in  three  lines.  General  Howe,  after 

1 This  account  is  taken  from  Adjutant  Waller’s  (British)  Orderly  Book. 

A British  letter,  June  25,  states  that  the  troops  embarked  “ at  the  Long- 
Wharf,  and  at  the  North  Battery.”  2 Stedman’s  History,  vol.  i.,  p.  126. 
I prefer  the  authority  of  the  orderly  book,  and  of  contemporaries,  in  relation 
to  the  embarkation,  to  others. 

3 Joseph  Pearce  stated  : “ It  was  the  heaviest  cannonade  previous  to  the 
landing.”  A Boston  letter,  June  25,  says  : “ The  landing  was  covered  by 
a heavy  fire  from  the  Lively  and  another  man-of-war  stationed  off  the  North 
Battery,  a large  sloop  and  two  floating  batteries  at  Charlestown  Ferry,  the 
battery  from  Copps  Hill,  a transport  mounting  twenty  guns,  lying  a little 
higher  up,  and  the  Glasgow  man-of-war.”  A British  letter,  June  23, 
states  : “At  the  landing  several  attempted  to  run  away,  and  five  actually 
took  to  their  heels  to  join  the  Americans,  but  were  presently  brought  back, 
and  two  of  them  were  hung  up  in  terrorem  to  the  rest.” 


132 


BUNKER  HILL  EATTLE. 


reconnoitring  the  American  works,  applied  to  General  Gage 
for  a reinforcement ; and,  while  waiting  for  it  to  arrive,  many 
of  his  troops  quietly  dined.  It  proved  to  many  a brave  man 
his  last  meal. 

When  the  intelligence  of  the  landing  of  the  British  troops 
reached  Cambridge,  there  was  suddenly  great  noise  and  con- 
fusion. The  bells  were  rung,  the  drums  beat  to  arms,  and 
adjutants  rode  hurriedly  from  point  to  point,  with  orders  for 
troops  to  march  and  oppose  the  enemy.1  General  Ward 
reserved  his  own  regiment,  Patterson’s,  Gardner’s,  and  part 
of  Bridge’s  regiments,  to  be  prepared  for  any  attack  on  Cam- 
bridge, but  ordered  the  remainder  of  the  Massachusetts  forces 
to  Charlestown.2  General  Putnam  ordered  on  the  remainder 
of  the  Connecticut  troops.3  Colonel  Gardner’s  regiment  was 
directed  to  march  to  Patterson’s  station,  opposite  Prospect 
Hill.  A large  part  of  these  forces,  owing  to  various  causes, 
failed  to  reach  the  lines. 

1 Chester’s  letter,  July  22,  1775,  gives  a life-like  picture  of  what  fell  under 
his  own  observation,  when  the  news  arrived  of  the  landing.  “Just  after 
dinner,  on  Saturday,  17th  ult.,  I was  walking  out  from  my  lodgings  quite 
calm  and  composed,  and  all  at  once  the  drums  beat  to  arms,  and  bells  rang, 
and  a great  noise  in  Cambridge.  Captain  Putnam  came  by  on  full  gallop. 
‘ What  is  the  matter  1 ’ says  I.  ‘Have  you  not  heard?’  ‘No.’  ‘Why, 
the  regulars  are  landing  at  Charlestown,’  says  he,  ‘ and  father  says  you  must 
all  meet,  and  march  immediately  to  Bunker  Hill  to  oppose  the  enemy.’  I 
waited  not,  but  ran  and  got  my  arms  and  ammunition,  and  hasted  to  my 
company,  (who  were  in  the  church  for  barracks,)  and  found  them  nearly 
ready  to  march.  We  soon  marched,  with  our  frocks  and  trousers  on  over  our 
other  clothes,  (for  our  company  is  in  uniform  wholly  blue,  turned  up  with 
red,)  for  we  were  loth  to  expose  ourselves  by  our  dress  ; and  down  we 
marched.”  I had  from  Jesse  Smith,  of  Nixon’s  regiment,  a similar  descrip- 
tion of  the  sudden  alarm  at  Cambridge.  Simeon  Noyes,  1825,  states,  “ The 
bell  was  ringing;  our  adjutant,  Stephen  Jenkens,  rode  up  and  hallooed, 
‘ Turn  out ! turn  out ! the  enemy ’s  all  landed  at  Charlestown  ! ’ ” 2 Swett. 

3 Chester.  Letter  dated  Cambridge,  June  19,  1775,  signed  by  John  Ches- 
ter and  Samuel  B.  Webb,  and  addressed  to  Joseph  Webb,  has  interesting 
facts.  They  state,  “ About  one  o’clock  we  that  were  at  Cambridge  heard 
that  the  regulars  were  landing” — and  they  “were  ordered  to  march  directly 
down  to  the  fort.”  Mss.  See  p.  415. 


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ARRIVAL  OF  GENERAL  OFFICERS. 


133 


CHAPTER  Y. 

The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  The  Burning-  of  Charlestown.  The  Retreat  of 
the  Americans. 

About  two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  intense  anxiety  prevailed 
at  the  intrenchments  on  Breed’s  Hill.  The  patriot  band  who 
raised  them  had  witnessed  the  brilliant  landing  of  the  British 
veterans,  and  the  return  of  the  barges  to  Boston.  They  saw 
troops  again  filling  the  boats,  and  felt  not  without  apprehen- 
sion that  a battle  was  inevitable.  They  knew  the  contest 
would  be  an  unequal  one,  — that  of  raw  militia  against  the 
far-famed  regulars,  — and  they  grew  impatient  for  the  prom- 
ised reinforcements.  But  no  signs  appeared  that  additional 
troops  were  on  the  way  to  support  them,  and  even  the  supply 
of  refreshments  that  reached  them  was  so  scanty  that  it  served 
only  to  tantalize  their  wants.1  It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  the 
idea  was  entertained  that  they  had  been  rashly,  if  not  treach- 
erously, led  into  danger,  and  that  they  were  to  be  left  to  their 
own  resources  for  their  defence.  This  idea,  however,  must 
have  been  dispelled,  as  characters  who  had  long  been  identi- 
fied with  the  patriot  cause,  who  were  widely  known  and 
widely  beloved,  appeared  on  the  field,  and  assured  them  that 
aid  was  at  hand.  Such,  among  others,  were  Generals  Warren 
and  Pomeroy,  who  took  stations  in  the  ranks  as  volunteers. 
The  enthusiastic  cheers  with  which  they  were  greeted  indi- 
cated how  much  their  presence  was  valued.  General  Putnam 

1 Some  of  the  depositions  state  that  barrels  of  beer  arrived.  Ms.  petitions 
of  1775  state  that  teams  were  impressed  to  carry  on  provisions.  Petei 
Brown,  a private,  June  25,  1775,  wrote  to  his  mother:  “The  danger  we 
were  in  made  us  think  there  was  treachery,  and  that  we  w-ere  brought  here 
to  be  all  slain.  And  I must  and  will  venture  to  say  there  was  treachery, 
oversight,  or  presumption,  in  the  conduct  of  our  officers.” 

Warren  said  that  2000  reinforcements  would  be  down  in  twenty  minutes  — 
he  came  by  them.  Said  he  came  to  promote  or  encourage  a good  cause.  — J. 
Pearce 


134 


BUNKFR  HILL  BATTLE. 


also,  who  had  the  confidence  of  the  whole  army,  again  rode 
on,  about  this  time,  with  the  intention  of  remaining  to  share 
their  labors  and  peril.  He  continued  in  Charlestown  through 
the  afternoon,  giving  orders  to  reinforcements  as  they  arrived 
on  the  field,  cheering  and  animating  the  men,  and  rendering 
valuable  service. 

The  movements  of  the  British,  along  the  margin  of  Mystic 
River,  indicated  an  intention  of  flanking  the  Americans,  and 
of  surrounding  the  redoubt.  To  prevent  this,  Col.  Prescott 
ordered  the  artillery,  with  two  field-pieces,  and  Capt.  Knowl- 
ton  with  the  Connecticut  troops,  to  leave  the  intrenehments, 
march  down  the  hill,  and  oppose  the  enemy’s  right  wing.1 
Captain  Knowlton  took  a position  near  the  base  of  Bunker 
Hill,  six  hundred  feet  in  the  rear  of  the  redoubt,  behind  a 
fence,  one  half  of  which  was  stone,  with  two  rails  of  wood. 
He  then  made,  a little  distance  in  front  of  this,  another  paral- 
lel line  of  fence,  and  filled  the  space  between  them  with  the 
newly  cut  grass  lying  in  the  fields.2  While  Captain  Knowl- 
ton’s  party  was  doing  this,  between  two  and  three  o’clock, 
Colonel  John  Stark,  with  his  regiment,  arrived  at  the  Neck, 
which  was  then  enfiladed  by  a galling  fire  from  the  enemy’s 
ships  and  batteries.  Captain  Dearborn,  who  was  by  the  side 
of  the  colonel,  suggested  to  him  the  expediency  of  quickening 
his  step  across:  but  Stark  replied,  “One  fresh  man  in  action  is 
worth  ten  fatigued  ones,”  and  marched  steadily  over.3  Gen- 
eral Putnam  ordered  part  of  these  troops  to  labor  on  the  works 
begun  on  Bunker  Hill,  while  Colonel  Stark,  after  an  animated 
address  to  his  men,  led  the  remainder  to  the  position  Captain 
Knowlton  had  taken,  and  they  aided  in  extending  the  line  of 
the  fence,  breastwork  to  the  water’s  edge,  by  throwing  up  a 
stone  wall  on  the  beach.4  Colonel  Reed  left  the  Neck,  and 

1 Chester’s  Letter,  Prescott’s.  2 Chester  is  minute  on  this  point,  and 

says  this  movement  from  the  redoubt  was  made  by  order  of  “ our  officers  in 
command.”  Grosvenor  says,  General  Putnam  ordered  Knowlton  to  this 

position.  Judge  Winthrop,  N.  A.  Review,  July,  1818,  saw  Putnam  here 
just  previous  to  the  first  attack  ; and  Simeon  Noyes,  1825,  says  he  rode  up 

to  the  company  he  was  in,  and  said  : “ Draw  off  your  troops  here,  ’ pointing 
to  the  rail  fence,  “ and  man  the  rail  fence,  for  the  enemy ’s  flanking  of  us 
fast.”  3 Dearborn.  1 Wilkinson. 


THE  AMERICAN  DEFENCES. 


135 


marched  over  Bunker  Hill,  and  took  position  near  Colonel 
Stark,  at  the  rail  fence.1 

The  defences  of  the  Americans,  at  three  in  the  afternoon, 
were  still  in  a rude,  unfinished  state.  The  redoubt  on  the 
spot  where  the  monument  stands  was  about  eight  rods  square. 
Its  strongest  side,  the  front,  facing  the  settled  part  of  the  town, 
was  made  with  projecting  angles,  and  protected  the  south  side 
of  the  hill.  The  eastern  side  commanded  an  extensive  field. 
The  north  side  had  an  open  passage-way.  A breastwork, 
beginning  a short  distance  from  the  redoubt,  and  on  a line 
with  its  eastern  side,  extended  about  one  hundred  yards  north 
towards  a slough.  A sally-port,  between  the  south  end  of  the 
breastwork  and  the  redoubt,  was  protected  by  a blind.  These 
works  were  raised  about  six  feet  from  the  level  of  the  ground, 
and  had  platforms  of  wood,  or  steps  made  of  earth,  for  the 
men  to  stand  on  when  they  should  fire.  The  rail  fence  has 
been  already  described.  Its  south  corner  was  about  two  hun- 
dred yards,  on  a diagonal  line,  in  the  rear  of  the  north  corner 
of  the  breastwork.  This  line  was  slightly  protected ; a part  of 
it,  however  — about  one  hundred  yards  — between  the  slough 
and  the  rail  fence,  was  open  to  the  approach  of  infantry.  It 
was  the  weakest  part  of  the  defences.  On  the  right  of  the 
redoubt,  along  a cartway,  a fence  was  made  similar  to  the  one 
on  the  left.  The  redoubt  and  breastwork  constituted  a good 
defence  against  cannon  and  musketry,  but  the  fences  were 
hardly  more  than  the  shadow  of  protection.2 

These  defences  were  lined  nearly  in  the  following  manner. 
The  original  detachment,  under  Colonel  Prescott,  except  the 

1 Reuben  Kemp  ; Wilkinson’s  Memoirs,  vol.  i.,  845. 

2 Page’s  and  Bernier’s  Plans  ; Committee  of  Safety  Account ; Depositiins  ; 
Swett’s  History,  pp.  20,  27  ; Dearborn’s  Account.  Some  who  were  in  the 
battle  state  that  the  diagonal  line  between  the  breastwork  and  rail  fence  was 
entirely  without  protection,  — others  state  that  it  was  slightly  protected. 
Page  represents  the  same  defence  as  at  the  rail  fence  ; Bernier  has  here 
three  angular  figures,  which,  though  not  explained  on  the  plan,  indicate 
defences.  Chester’s  letter  confirms  the  statement  in  the  text,  and  the  British 
plans. 

In  a report  in  Mass.  Archives,  Captain  Aaron  Brown  is  named  as  having 
“behaved  very  gallantly,  — erected  the  platforms,  and  behaved  with  courage 
and  good  conduct  in  the  whole  affair.” 

12 


136 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


Connecticut  troops,  were  at  the  redoubt  and  breastwork. 
They  were  joined,  just  previous  to  the  action,  by  portions 
of  Massachusetts  regiments,  under  Colonels  Brewer,  Nixon, 
Woodbridge,  Little,  and  Major  Moore,  and  one  company  of 
artillery  — Callender’s.  General  Warren  took  post  in  the  re- 
doubt. Captain  Gridley’s  artillery  company,  after  discharg- 
ing a few  ineffectual  shot  from  a corner  of  the  redoubt  towards 
Copp’s  Hill, 'moved  to  the  exposed  position  between  the  breast- 
work and  rail  fence,  where  it  was  joined  by  the  other  artillery 
company,  under  Captain  Callender.  Perkins’  company,  of 
Little’s  regiment,  and  a few  other  troops,  Captain  Nutting's 
company  — recalled  from  Charlestown  after  the  British  landed 
— and  part  of  W arner’s  company,  lined  the  cartway  on  the 
right  of  the  redoubt.  The  Connecticut  troops,  under  Captain 
Knowlton,  the  New  Hampshire  forces,  under  Colonels  Stark 
and  Reed,  and  a few  Massachusetts  troops,  were  at  the  rail 
fence.  General  Putnam  was  here  when  the  action  com- 
menced, and  General  Pomeroy,  armed  with  a musket,  served 
here  as  a volunteer.  Three  companies  — Captain  Wheeler’s, 
of  Doolittle’s  regiment,  Captain  Crosby’s,  of  Reed’s  regiment, 
and  a company  from  Woodbridge’s  regiment  — were  stationed 
in  Main-street,  at  the  base  of  Breed’s  Hill,  and  constituted  the 
extreme  right  of  the  Americans.  Though  this  statement  may 
be  in  the  main  correct,  yet,  such  is  the  lack  of  precision  in 
the  authorities,  that  accuracy  cannot  be  arrived  at.2  The 

1 Seven  or  eight  shot,  — one  went  through  an  old  house,  another  through 
a fence,  and  the  rest  stuck  in  the  face  of  Copp’s  Hill.  — Letter,  July  5. 

2 It  is  not  possible  to  ascertain,  from  the  known  authorities,  precisely  the 
number  of  reinforcements  that  arrived  on  the  field  either  before  the  action 
commenced,  or  in  season  to  engage  the  enemy.  Colonel  Swett  states,  that 
previous  to  the  action,  Colonels  Brewer,  Nixon,  Woodbridge,  and  Major 
Moore,  “ brought  on  their  troops,  each  about  300  men  ; ” also,  that  “ Colonel 
Little  arrived  with  his  troops,”  and  that  Callender’s  artillery  and  Ford's 
company,  of  Bridge’s  regiment,  arrived.  The  accounts  of  Little’s  regiment 
will  serve  to  show  the  want  of  precision  on  this  point.  It  consisted,  (Ms. 
returns,)  June  15,  of  456  men  ; one  company  was  in  Gloucester,  one  in  Ips- 
wich, one  at  Lechmere’s  Point,  and  some  at  West  Cambridge.  Three  com- 
panies— Perkins’,  Wade’s,  and  Warner’s — probably  marched  on,  under 
their  colonel.  They  scattered,  and  part  went  to  the  redoubt,  part  to  the 
cartway  south  of  it,  part  to  the  breastwork,  and  some  to  the  rail  fence,  (Ms. 
depositions.)  One  company,  Lunt’s,  (Ms.  depositions,  and  Swett,  p.  46,) 


GENERAL  HOWE’s  ADDRESS. 


137 


Massachusetts  reinforcements,  as  they  came  on  to  the  field, 
appear  to  have  marched  to  the  redoubt,  and  were  directed  to 
take  the  most  advantageous  positions.  In  doing  this,  parts  of 
regiments,  and  even  companies,  that  came  on  together,  broke 
their  ranks,  divided,  and  subsequently  fought  in  various  parts 
of  the  field,  in  platoons  or  as  individuals,  rather  than  under 
regular  commands. 

Meantime,  the  main  body  of  the  British  troops,  formed  in 
brilliant  array  at  Moulton’s  Point,  continued  to  wait  quietly 
for  the  arrival  of  the  reinforcements.  It  was  nearly  three 
o’clock  when  the  barges  returned.  They  landed  at  the  Old 
Battery,  and  at  Mardlin's  ship-yard,  near  the  entrance  to  the 
navy-yard,  the  47th  regiment,  the  1st  battalion  of  marines, 
and  several  companies  of  grenadiers  and  light-infantry.1 
They,  or  the  most  of  them,  did  not  join  the  troops  at  Moul- 
ton’s Point,  but  marched  directly  towards  the  redoubt.  There 
had  now  landed  about  three  thousand  troops.2 

General  Howe,  just  previous  to  the  action,  addressed  his 
army  in  the  following  manner  : — 

“Gentlemen, — I am  very  happy  in  having  the  honor  of 
commanding  so  fine  a body  of  men  : I do  not  in  the  least 
doubt  but  that  you  will  behave  like  Englishmen,  and  as 
becometh  good  soldiers. 

“If  the  enemy  will  not  come  from  their  intrenchments,  we 
must  drive  them  out,  at  all  events,  otherwise  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton will  be  set  on  fire  by  them. 

“I  shall  not  desire  one  of  you  to  go  a step  further  than 
where  I go  myself  at  your  head. 

“Remember,  gentlemen,  we  have  no  recourse  to  any  re- 
sources if  we  lose  Boston,  but  to  go  on  board  our  ships, 
which  will  be  very  disagreeable  to  us  all.”  3 

Before  General  Howe  moved  from  his  first  position,  he  sent 

did  not  arrive  until  near  the  close  of  the  battle.  Similar  confusion  exists  in 
the  accounts  of  other  regiments. 

1 Stedman’s  History  ; Gage’s  Account ; Letter,  June  25,  1775.  2 Gordon 

says  “ near  3000  ; ” contemporary  Mss.  say  3300. 

3 Clark’s  Narrative.  Clark  was  a lieutenant  in  the  marines.  He  says, 
after  giving  this  address  : “We  then  began  to  proceed  to  action,  by  march- 
ing with  a quick  step  up  the  precipice  that  led  to  the  provincial  army.” 


138 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


our  strong  flank  guards,  and  directed  his  field-pieces  to  play 
on  the  American  lines.  The  fire  from  Copp’s  Hill,  from  the 
ships,  and  from  the  batteries,  now  centred  on  the  intrench- 
ments;1  while  a furious  cannonade  and  bombardment  from 
Boston  occupied  the  attention  of  the  right  wing  of  the  Amer- 
ican army,  at  Roxbury.2  The  fire  upon  the  lines  was  but 
feebly  returned  from  Gridley’s  and  Callender’s  field-pieces. 
Gndley’s  guns  were  soon  disabled,  and  he  drew  them  to  the 
rear.  Capt.  Callender,  alleging  that  his  cartridges  were  too 
large  for  his  pieces,  withdrew  to  Bunker  Hill.  Here  he  met 
General  Putnam,  who  ordered  him  to  return.  Callender 
returned ; but  soon  left  his  post,  and  was  soon  deserted  by  his 
men.3  About  this  time,  Capt.  Ford’s  company,  of  Bridge’s 
regiment,  came  on  to  the  field,  and,  at  the  pressing  request 
of  General  Putnam,  drew  the  deserted  pieces  to  the  rail 
fence.  Meantime  Colonel  Prescott  detached  Lieut. -col.  Robin- 
son and  Major  Woods,  each  with  a party,  to  flank  the  enemy. 
Both  behaved  with  courage  and  prudence.  No  details,  how- 
ever, are  given  of  their  service.  Capt.  Walker,  with  a few 
men,  probably  of  one  of  these  parties,  met  with  the  British  near 
the  navy-yarcl,  and  fired  from  the  cover  of  buildings  and  fences. 
On  being  driven  in,  he  passed  with  a few  of  the  party  to  their 
right  flank,  along  the  margin  of  Mystic  River,  where  he  was 
wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  The  greater  part  of  his  men, 
under  a heavy  fire,  succeeded  in  regaining  the  redoubt.4 

The  general  discharge  of  artillery  was  intended  to  cover  the 
advance  of  the  British  columns.  They  moved  forward  in  two 
divisions, — General  Howe  with  the  right  wing,  to  penetrate 
the  American  line  at  the  rail  fence,  and  cut  off  a retreat  from 

1 Page’s  Plan  ; Mass.  Committee  of  Safety  ; Swett’s  History.  Fenno’s 
Orderly  Book  says  : “ The  fire  of  three  ships,  three  batteries,  several  field- 
pieces,  a battery  on  Copp’s  Hill,  from  six  different  directions,  all  centred  on 
the  intrenchments.” 

2 General  Heath  says,  Memoirs,  p.  20,  “A  furious  cannonade  and  throw- 
ing of  shells  took  place  at  the  lines  on  Boston  Neck  against  Roxbury,  with 
intent  to  burn  that  town  ; but  although  several  shells  fell  among  the  houses, 
and  some  carcasses  near  them,  the  balls  went  through  some.”  One  man 
only  was  killed. 

3 Account  of  Callender,  in  the  Boston  Centinel,  1818;  B.  Pierce;  Israel 

Hunt.  Report,  1775.  4 James  Varnum  ; E.  Bancroft;  Prescott's  Letter. 


ADVANCE  OF  THE  BRITISH. 


13S 


the  redoubt,  — General  Pigot  with  the  left  wing,  to  storm  the 
breastwork  and  redoubt.1  The  artillery,  after  playing  a short 
time,  ceased,  and  General  Howe  was  told  that  twelve  pound 
balls  had  been  sent  with  which  to  load  six-pounders,  when 


he  ordered  the  pieces  to  be  charged  with  grape.  In  advancing, 
however,  the  artillery  was  soon  impeded  by  the  miry  ground 
at  the  base  of  the  hill,  and  took  post  near  the  brick-kilns, 
1 Page  ; Bernier  ; Gage.  “ The  assault  was  made  on  the  whole  front.’ 
Stedman,  1,  129. 


12* 


140 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


whence  its  balls  produced  but  little  effect.1  The  troops  moved 
forward  slowly,  for  they  were  burdened  with  knapsacks  full 
of  provisions,  obstructed  by  the  tall  grass  and  the  fences,  and 
heated  by  a burning  sun  ; but  they  felt  unbounded  confidence 
in  their  strength,  regarded  their  antagonists  with  scorn,  and 
expected  an  easy  victory.2  The  Americans  coolly  waited  their 
approach.  Their  officers  ordered  them  to  reserve  their  fire 
until  the  British  were  within  ten  or  twelve  rods,  and  then  to 
wait  until  the  word  was  given.3  “ Powder  was  scarce,  and 
must  not  be  wasted,”  they  said ; “Fire  low;”  “Aim  at  the 
waistbands;”  “Wait  until  you  see  the  white  of  their  eyes;” 
“ Aim  at  the  handsome  coats  ;”  “ Pick  off  the  commanders.”4 

General  Pigot’s  division  consisted  of  the  5th,  38th,  43d, 
47th,  52d  regiments,  and  the  marines,  under  Major  Pitcairn. 
The  38th  first  took  a position  behind  a stone  wall,  and  being 
joined  by  the  5th,  marched  up  the  hill.  The  47th  and  the 
marines  moved  from  the  battery  where  they  landed  directly 
towards  the  redoubt.  The  43d  and  52d  advanced  in  front  of 
the  breastwork.  The  troops  kept  firing  as  they  approached 
the  lines.5  When  Colonel  Prescott  saw  the  enemy  in  motion, 
he  went  round  the  works  to  encourage  the  men,  and  assured 
them  that  the  red  coats  would  never  reach  the  redoubt  if  they 
would  observe  his  directions.6  The  advancing  columns,  how- 

1 Bernier.  The  letter  in  the  Conduct  of  the  War  says  : “The  wretched 
blunder  of  the  over-sized  balls  sprung-  from  the  dotage  of  an  officer  of  rank  in 
that  corps,  who  spends  his  whole  time  in  dallying  with  the  school-master's 
daughters.” 

2 Stedman,  i.,  128.  “ Let  us  take  the  bull  by  the  horns,”  was  the  phrase 

of  some  great  men  among  us,  as  we  marched  on.  — Conduct  of  the  War. 
A British  account  states  of  the  fences  : “ These  posts  and  rails  were  too 
strong  for  the  columns  to  push  down,  and  the  march  was  so  retarded  by 
the  getting  over  them,  that  the  next  morning  they  were  found  studded  with 
bullets,  not  a hand’s  breadth  from  each  other.” 

3 Mass.  Committee  of  Safety  Account.  4 These  phrases  occur  frequently 

in  the  depositions,  the  same  one  being  often  ascribed  to  different  officers. 
Philip  Johnson  states  of  Putnam  : “ I distinctly  heard  him  say,  1 Men,  you 

are  all  marksmen  — don’t  one  of  you  fire  until  you  see  the  white  of  their 
eyes.’  ” 

0 1 follow  mostly  Page’s  plan  : Gage’s  account  is  confused  as  to  the  move- 
ments of  his  regiments  ; Bernier  differs  in  some  points  from  Page. 

6 Judge  Prescott’s  Memoir. 


ATTACK  ON  THE  REDOUBT. 


141 


ever,  having  got  within  gunshot,  a few  of  the  Americans 
could  not  resist  the  temptation  to  return  their  fire,  without 
waiting  for  orders.  Prescott  indignantly  remonstrated  at  this 
disobedience,  and  appealed  to  their  often  expressed  confidence 
in  him  as  their  leader;  while  his  officers  seconded  his  exer- 
tions, and  some1  ran  round  the  top  of  the  parapet  and  kicked 
up  the  guns.  At  length  the  British  troops  reached  the  pre- 
scribed distance,  and  the  order  was  given  to  fire ; when 
there  was  a simultaneous  discharge  from  the  redoubt  aud 
breastwork,  that  did  terrible  execution  on  the  British  ranks. 
But  it  was  received  with  veteran  firmness,  and  for  a few 
minutes  was  sharply  returned.  The  Americans,  being  pro- 
tected by  their  works,  suffered  but  little ; but  their  murder- 
ous balls  literally  strewed  the  ground  with  the  dead  and 
wounded  of  the  enemy.  General  Pigot  was  obliged  to  order 
a retreat,  when  the  exulting  shout  of  victory  rose  from  the 
American  lines.2 

General  Howe,  in  the  mean  time,  led  the  right  wing  against 
the  rail  fence.  The  light-infantry  moved  along  the  shore  of 
Mystic  River,  to  turn  the  extreme  left  of  the  American  line, 
while  the  grenadiers  advanced  directly  in  front.3  The  Ameri- 
cans first  opened  on  them  with  their  field-pieces  (Callenders) 
with  great  effect,  some  of  the  discharges  being  directed  by 
Putnam;4  and  when  the  advancing  troops  deployed  into  line, 
a few,  as  at  the  redoubt,  fired  without  waiting  for  the  word, 
when  Putnam  hastened  to  the  spot,  and  threatened  to  cut 
down  the  next  man  who  disobeyed.5  This  drew  the  enemy’s 
fire,  which  they  continued  with  the  regularity  of  troops  on 
parade ; but  their  balls  passed  over  the  heads  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. At  length  the  officers  gave  the  word,  when  the  fire 

1 Brooks ; J.  Pearce  ; E.  Bancroft. 

2 The  British  account,  in  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  says,  “ On  the  left  Pigot 
was  staggered,  and  actually  retreated  by  orders  : great  pains  have  been  taken 
to  huddle  up  this  matter.” 

3 Page’s  and  Bernier's  Plans.  4 Hunt ; Wade  ; Swett.  5 R.  Kemp  ; 

Swett. 

“ Our  officers  ordered  our  men  not  to  fire  till  the  word  was  given.  Lieuten- 
ant Dana  tells  me  he  was  the  first  man  that  fired,  and  that  he  did  it  singly  and 
with  a view  to  draw  the  enemy’s  fire,  and  he  obtained  his  end  fully,  without 
any  damage  to  our  party.”  — Chester’s  Letter. 


142 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


from  the  American  line  was  given  with  great  effect.  Many 
were  marksmen,  intent  on  cutting  down  the  British  officers; 
and  when  one  was  in  sight,  they  exclaimed,  “ There ! See 
that  officer  ! ” “ Let  us  have  a shot  at  him  ! ” — when  two  or 

three  would  fire  at  the  same  moment.  They  used  the  fence 
as  a rest  for  their  pieces,  and  the  bullets  were  true  to  their 
message.  The  companies  were  cut  up  with  terrible  severity, 
and  so  great  was  the  carnage,  that  the  columns,  a few 
moments  before  so  proud  and  firm  in  their  array,  were  dis- 
concerted, partly  broken,  and  then  retreated.  Many  of  the 
Americans  were  in  favor  of  pursuing  them,  and  some,  with 
exulting  huzzas,  jumped  over  the  fence  for  this  purpose,  but 
were  prevented  by  the  prudence  of  their  officers.1 

And  now  moments  of  joy  succeeded  the  long  hours  of  toil, 
anxiety,  and  peril.  The  American  volunteer  saw  the  veterans 
of  England  fly  before  his  fire,  and  felt  a new  confidence  in 
himself.  The  result  was  obtained,  too,  with  but  little  loss 
on  his  side.2  Colonel  Prescott  mingled  freely  among  his 
troops,  praised  their  good  conduct,  and  congratulated  them  on 
their  success.  He  felt  confident  that  another  attack  would 
soon  be  made,  and  he  renewed  his  caution  to  reserve  the  fire 
until  he  gave  the  command.  He  found  his  men  in  high  spirits, 
and  elated  by  the  retreat.  In  their  eyes  the  regulars  were  no 
longer  invincible.  General  Putnam  rode  to  Bunker  Hill  and 
to  the  rear  of  it,  to  urge  on  reinforcements.  Some  had  arrived 


1 Chester;  Dearborn;  Capt.  Mann,  of  Reed’s  regiment,  in  his  excellent 
account,  (Ms.,)  agrees  with  Chester  : “ During  the  engagement,  a portion 
of  the  company  twice  passed  the  fence  huzzaing,  supposing,  at  the  time,  that 
we  had  driven  the  enemy.” 

A British  letter,  July  5,  1775,  says  : “ Our  light-infantry  were  served  up 
in  companies  against  the  grass  fence,  without  being  able  to  penetrate  ; — indeed, 
how  could  we  penetrate  ! Most  of  our  grenadiers  and  light-infantry,  the 
moment  of  presenting  themselves,  lost  three  fourths,  and  many  nine  tenths  of 
their  men.  Some  had  only  eight  and  nine  men  a company  left ; some  only 
three,  four,  and  five.”  Another  British  letter  says  : “ It  was  found  to  be 

the  strongest  post  that  was  ever  occupied  by  any  set  of  men.” 

2 Judge  Prescott’s  Memoir  : — ‘‘Colonel  Prescott  said  they  (the  British) 
had  commenced  firing  too  soon,  and  generally  fired  over  the  heads  of  his 
troops ; and  as  they  were  partially  covered  by  the  works,  but  few  were  killed 
or  wounded.” 


SECOND  ATTACK BURNING  OF  CHARLESTOWN. 


143 


at  Charlestown  Neck,  but  were  deterred  from  crossing  it  by 
the  severe  fire  that  raked  it.  Portions  of  regiments  had 
reached  Bunker  Hill,  where  they  scattered.  Colonel  Gerrish 
was  here,  and  confessed  that  he  was  exhausted.  General 
Putnam  endeavored  to  rally  these  troops.  He  used  entreaty 
and  command,  and  offered  to  lead  them  into  action,  but  with- 
out much  effect..  It  is  doubtful  whether  any  considerable 
reinforcement  reached  the  line  of  defence  during  the  short 
interval  that  elapsed  before  a second  attack  was  made  by  the 
British  troops.1 

General  Howe  in  a short  time  rallied  his  troops,  and  imme- 
diately ordered  another  assault.  They  marched  in  the  same 
order  as  before,  and  continued  to  fire  as  they  approached  the 
lines.  But,  in  addition  to  the  previous  obstacles,  they  were 
obliged  to  step  over  the  bodies  of  their  fallen  countrymen.2 
The  artillery  did  more  service  on  this  attack.  It  moved  along 
the  narrow  road,  between  the  tongue  of  land  and  Breed’s  Hill, 
until  within  three  hundred  yards  of  the  rail  fence,  and  nearly 
on  a line  with  the  breastwork,  when  it  opened  a severe  fire  to 
cover  the  advance  of  the  infantry.  The  American  officers, 
grown  confident  in  the  success  of  their  manoeuvre,  ordered 
their  men  to  withhold  their  fire  until  the  enemy  were  within 
five  or  six  rods  of  the  works.3 

Charlestown,  in  the  mean  time,  had  been  set  on  fire ; — in  the 
square  by  shells  thrown  from  Copps  Hill,  and  in  the  easterly 
part  by  a party  of  marines  from  the  Somerset.  As  the  build- 
ings were  chiefly  of  wood,  the  conflagration  spread  with  great 

1 “ In  the  interval  between  the  first  and  second  attack  of  the  British  on  our 
lines,  he  (General  Putnam)  rode  back  to  Bunker  Hill,  and  in  the  rear  of  it, 
to  urge  on  reinforcements.”  — “ Found  part  of  Gerrish's  regiment  there,  with 
their  colonel.” — Daniel  Putnam's  Letter,  Oct.  19,  1825,  Ms.,  confirmed  by 
Samuel  Basset,  1818,  and  others.  “ The  men  that  went  to  intrenching 
over  night  were  in  the  warmest  of  the  battle,  and  by  all  accounts  they  fought 
most  manfully.  They  had  got  hardened  to  the  noise  of  cannon  ; but  those 
that  came  up  as  recruits  were  evidently  most  terribly  frightened,  many  of 
them,  and  did  not  march  up  with  that  true  courage  that  their  cause  ought 
to  have  inspired  them  with.”  — Chester’s  Letter. 

2 It  was  surprising  to  see  how  they  would  step  over  their  dead  bodies,  as 
though  they  had  been  logs  of  wood.  — Rivington’s  Gazette.  3 Swett’s 

History  ; Committee  of  Safety. 


144 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


rapidity.  And  now  ensued  one  of  the  greatest  scenes  of  war 
that  can  he  conceived.  To  fill  the  eye,  — a brilliantly  ap- 
pointed army  advancing  to  the  attack  and  storming  the 
works,  supported  by  cooperating  ships  and  batteries;  the 
blaze  of  the  burning  town,  coursing  whole  streets  or  curling 
up  the  spires  of  public  edifices;  the  air  above  filled  with 
clouds  of  dense  black  smoke,  and  the  surrounding  hills,  fields, 
roofs  and  steeples,  occupied  by  crowds  of  spectators : to  fill  the 
ear, — the  shouts  of  the  contending  armies,  the  crash  of  the 
falling  buildings,  and  the  roar  of  the  cannon,  mortars  and 
musketry:  to  fill  the  mind,  — the  high  courage  of  men  stak- 
ing not  only  their  lives,  but  their  reputation,  on  the  uncertain 
issue  of  a civil  war,  and  the  intense  emotions  of  the  near  and 
dear  connections  standing  in  their  presence;  and,  on  the  other 
side,  the  reflection  that  a defeat  of  the  regulars  would  be  a 
final  loss  to  British  empire  in  America.1  And  yet,  in  strange 
contrast  to  this  terrific  scene,  the  day  was  calm  and  clear, — 
nature  in  its  beauty  and  repose  smiling  serenely  upon  it  all,  as 
if  in  token  of  the  triumphant  end  of  the  great  conflict. 

The  burning  of  the  town  neither  intimidated  the  Americans 
nor  covered  the  attack  on  their  lines.  The  wind  directed  the 

1 Burgoyne’s  Letter  : Hon.  Daniel  Webster,  in  N.  American  Review, 
vol.  vii.,  p.  226.  The  descriptions  of  this  terrific  scene  are  numerous.  “ A 
complication  of  horror  and  importance  beyond  anything  that  ever  came  to  my 
lot  to  witness.”  — Burgoyne.  “ Sure  lam  nothing  ever  has  or  can  be  more 
dreadfully  terrible  than  what  was  to  be  seen  or  heard  at  this  time.  The  most 
incessant  discharge  of  guns  that  ever  was  heard  with  mortal  ears,”  &c.  — 
Letter,  June  24. 

The  eulogy  on  General  Warren,  already  quoted,  contains  the  following  : — 

“ Amazing  scene  ! what  shuddering  prospects  rise! 

What  horrors  glare  beneath  the  angry  skies  ! 

The  rapid  flames  o’er  Charlestown’s  height  ascend, — 

To  heaven  they  reach  ! urged  by  the  boisterous  wind. 

The  mournful  crash  of  falling  domes  resound, 

And  tottering  spires  with  sparkles  seek  the  ground. 

One  general  bnrst  of  ruin  reigns  o’er  all  ; 

The  burning  city  thunders  to  its  fall ! 

O’er  mingled  noises  the  vast  ruin  sounds, 

Spectators  weep  ! earth  from  her  centre  groans ! 

Beneath  prodigious  unextinguished  fires, 

Ill-fated  Charlestown  welters  and  expires. 


SECOND  RETREAT. 


145 


smoke  so  as  to  leave  a full  view  of  the  approach  of  the  British 
columns,'  which  kept  firing  as  they  advanced.  Colonels 
Brewer,  Nixon,  and  Buckminster  were  wounded,  and  Major 
Moore  was  mortally  wounded.  In  general,  however,  the  balls 
of  the  British  did  but  little  execution,  as  their  aim  was  bad, 
and  the  intrenchments  protected  the  Americans.  At  length, 
at  the  prescribed  distance,  the  fire  was  again  given,  which,  in 
its  fatal  impartiality,  prostrated  whole  ranks  of  officers  and 
men.  The  enemy  stood  the  shock,  and  continued  to  advance 
with  great  spirit ; but  the  continued  stream  of  fire  that  issued 
from  the  whole  American  line  was  even  more  destructive 
than  before.2  General  Howe,  opposite  the  rail  fence,  was  in 
the  hottest  of  it.  Two  of  his  aids,  and  other  officers  near 
him,  were  shot  down,  and  at  times  he  was  left  almost  alone.3 
His  officers  were  seen  to  remonstrate  and  to  threaten,  and 
even  to  prick  and  strike  the  men,  to  urge  them  on.  But  it 
was  in  vain.  The  British  were  compelled  again4  to  give  way, 

1 Mass.  Com.  Safety.  2 Prescott’s  Memoir. 

3 Stedman,  vol.  i.,  p.  127.  General  Howe  was  three  times  in  the  field  left 
by  himself,  so  numerous  were  the  killed  and  wounded  about  him.  — British 
officer,  June  25.  “ They  once  ran  and  filled  some  of  their  boats,  the  fire  was 
so  hot.”  — Rivington’s  Gazette,  Aug.  3,  1775. 

4 The  British  accounts  acknowledge  that  their  troops  were  twice  driven 
back:  “ Twice  were  they  stopped,  and  twice  returned  to  the  charge.”- — - 
Stedman,  vol.  i.,  p.  128.  Again,  p.  127  : “It  required  the  utmost  exertion 
in  all  the  officers,  from  the  generals  down  to  the  subalterns,  to  repair  the 
disorder  which  this  hot  and  unexpected  fire  produced.”  A British  officer, 
June  23,  says  : “ The  king’s  troops  gave  way  several  times,  and  it  required 
the  utmost  efforts  of  the  generals  to  rally  them.”  Burgoyne  says:  “A 
moment  of  the  day  was  critical ; Howe’s  left  was  staggered.” 

Judge  Prescott  writes  of  the  American  fire,  on  the  second  assault,  as  fol- 
lows : “ The  discharge  was  simultaneous  the  whole  length  of  the  line,  and 
though  more  destructive,  as  Col.  Prescott  thought,  than  on  the  former  assault, 
the  enemy  stood  the  first  shock,  and  continued  to  advance  and  fire  with  great 
spirit ; but  before  reaching  the  redoubt,  the  continuous,  well  directed  fire  of 
the  Americans  compelled  them  to  give  way,  and  they  retreated  a second  time, 
in  greater  disorder  than  before.  Their  officers  were  seen  remonstrating, 
threatening,  and  even  pricking  and  striking  the  soldiers,  to  urge  them  on,  but 
in  vain.  Colonel  Prescott  spoke  of  it  as  a continued  stream  of  fire  from  his 
whole  line,  from  the  first  discharge  until  the  retreat.  The  ground  in  front 
of  the  works  was  covered  with  the  dead  and  wounded,  — some  lying  within 
a few  yards.” 


146 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


and  they  retreated  even  in  greater  disorder  than  before, — 
many  running  towards  the  boats.  The  ground  in  front  of 
the  American  works  was  covered  with  the  killed  and  the 
wounded. 

So  long  a time  elapsed  before  the  British  came  up  again, 
that  some  of  the  officers  thought  they  would  not  renew  the 
attack.1  General  Putnam  was  on  Bunker  Hill  and  in  the 
rear  of  it,  urging  forward  the  reinforcements.  Much  delay 
occurred  in  marching  these  to  the  field.  Indeed,  great  con- 
fusion existed  at  Cambridge.  General  Ward  was  not  suffi- 
ciently supplied  with  staff  officers  to  bear  his  orders;  and  some 
were  neglected,  and  others  were  given  incorrectly.  Henry 
Knox,  afterwards  General  Knox,  aided  as  a volunteer  during 
the  day,  and  was  engaged  in  reconnoitre  service.  Late  in  the 
day  General  Ward  despatched  his  own  regiment,  Patterson’s 
and  Gardner’s,  to  the  battle-field.  Col.  Gardner  arrived  on 
Bunker  Hill,  when  Putnam  detained  a part  of  his  regiment  to 
labor  on  the  works  commenced  there,  while  one  company, 
under  Captain  .Tosiah  Harris,  took  post  at  the  rail  fence. 
Part  of  a regiment,  under  Lieut. -col.  Ward,  arrived  at  a critical 
time  of  the  battle.  Other  regiments,  from  various  causes, 
failed  to  reach  the  lines.  Major  Gridley,  of  the  artillery, 
inadequate  to  his  position,  with  part  of  the  battalion,  marched 
a short  distance  on  Cambridge  road,  then  halted,  and  resolved 
to  cover  the  retreat,  which  he  thought  to  be  inevitable.  Col. 
Frye,  fresh  from  the  battle,  urged  him  forward ; but  Gridley, 
appalled  by  the  horrors  of  the  scene,  ordered  his  men  to  fire 
at  the  Glasgow,  and  batteries  from  Cobble  Hill.  He  also 
ordered  Colonel  Mansfield  to  support  him  with  his  regiment, 
who,  violating  his  orders,  obeyed.  Captain  Trevett,  however, 
disobeyed  his  superior,  led  his  company,  with  two  field-pieces, 
to  Bunker  Hill,  where  he  lost  one  of  them,  but  drew  the  other 
to  the  rail  fence.  Colonel  Scammans  was  ordered  to  go  where 
the  fighting  was,  and  went  to  Lechmere’s  Point.  Here  lie  was 
ordered  to  march  to  the  hill,  which  he  understood  to  mean 
Cobble  Hill,  whence  he  sent  a messenger  to  General  Putnam 
to  inquire  whether  his  regiment  was  wanted.  This  delay 
prevented  it  from  reaching  the  field  in  season  to  do  any  good. 

'Joseph  Pearce  and  others. 


THE  AMERICAN  REINFORCEMENTS. 


147 


A part  of  Gerrish’s  regiment,  under  Mighil,  marched  from 
Cambridge  to  Ploughed  Hill,  where  Adjutant  Christian  Febi- 
ger,  a gallant  Danish  soldier  who  had  seen  service,  took  the 
command,  called  upon  the  men  to  follow  him,  and  reached 
the  heights  in  season  to  render  valuable  service.1  Three 
additional  Connecticut  companies,  at  least,  under  Captains 
Chester,  Clark,  and  Coit,  arrived  in  time  to  take  part  in  the 
battle ; as  did  also  Major  Durkee,  an  old  comrade  of  General 
Putnam.2  Captain  Chester  marched  on  near  the  close  of  the 
engagement,  while  the  British  were  coming  up  the  third* time. 
Three  regiments  were  near  him  when  he  left  Cambridge, 
which  hastened  forward  in  advance  of  his  company;  but 
when  Chester  overtook  them,  at  Bunker  Hill,  there  was 
hardly  a company  in  any  kind  of  order.  The  men  had  scat- 
tered behind  rocks,  hay-cocks,  and  apple-trees.  Parties,  also, 
were  continually  retreating  from  the  field ; some  alleging 
they  had  left  the  fort  with  leave  because  they  had  been  all 
night  and  day  on  fatigue  without  sleep  or  refreshment ; some 
that  they  had  no  officers  to  lead  them;  frequently,  twenty 
were  about  a wounded  man,  when  not  a quarter  part  could 
touch  him  to  advantage ; while  others  were  going  off  without 
any  excuse.  Chester  obliged  one  company,  rank  and  file,  to 
return  to  the  lines.3  The  orders  were  : “ Press  on  — press 
on  : our  brethren  are  suffering,  and  will  be  cut  off.”  4 
Vt  hile  such  was  the  confusion  on  Bunker  Hill,  good  order 
prevailed  at  the  redoubt.  Colonel  Prescott  remained  at  his 
post,  determined  in  his  purpose,  undaunted  in  his  bearing, 
inspiring  his  command  with  hope  and  confidence,  and  yet 
chagrined,  that,  in  this  hour  of  peril  and  glory,  adequate  sup- 
port had  not  reached  him.  He  passed  round  the  lines  tc 
encourage  his  men,  and  assured  them  that  if  the  British  were 
once  more  driven  back  they  could  not  be  rallied  again.  His 
men  cheered  him  as  they  replied,  “We  are  ready  for  the  red 
coats  again!  But  his  worst  apprehensions,  as  to  ammuni- 
tion, were  realized,  as  the  report  was  made  to  him  that  a few 
artillery  cartridges  constituted  the  whole  stock  of  powder  on 

1 Scammans’  Trial,  in  Essex  Gazette,  January,  1776  ; S.  R.  Trevett's 
Letter;  William  Mardin’s  Letter;  various  Ms.  depositions.  See,  also, 
Swett’s  History,  pp.  40,  41.  - Article  in  Newspaper ; Clark’s  Letter.  3 Ches- 
ter’s Letter  supplies  these  details.  * Chester  and  Webb's  Letter  June  19 

13 


148 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


hand.  He  ordered  them  to  be  opened,  and  the  powder  to  be 
distributed.  He  charged  his  soldiers  “not  to  waste  a kernel 
of  it,  but  to  make  it  certain  that  every  shot  should  tell.”  1 He 
directed  the  few  who  had  bayonets  to  be  stationed  at  the 
points  most  likely  to  be  scaled.  These  were  the  only  prepara- 
tions it  was  in  his  power  to  make  to  meet  his  powerful  antago- 
nist. 

General  Howe,  exasperated  at  the  repeated  repulses  of  his 
troops,  resolved  to  make  another  assault.  Some  of  his  officers 
remonstrated  against  this  decision,  and  averred  that  it  would 
be  downright  butchery  to  lead  the  men  on  again ; but  British 
honor  was  at  stake,  and  other  officers  preferred  any  sacrifice 
rather  than  suffer  defeat  from  a collection  of  armed  rustics.2 
The  boats  were  at  Boston;  there  was  no  retreat;  — “Fight, 
conquer,  or  die!”  was  their  repeated  exclamation.3  A second 
reinforcement,  of  four  hundred  marines,  under  Major  Small, 
had  landed ; and  General  Clinton,  who  had  witnessed  from 
Copp’s  Hill  the  discomfiture  of  the  British  veterans,  and  saw 
two  regiments  on  the  beach  in  confusion,  threw  himself  into  a 
boat,  crossed  the  river,  joined  General  Howe  as  a volunteer, 
and  rendered  essential  aid  in  rallying  the  troops.4  The  latter 
had  lost  their  confident  air,  appeared  disheartened,  and 
manifested  great  reluctance  to  marching  up  a third  time.5 
The  officers,  at  length,  formed  them  for  the  last  desperate 
assault.  The  British  general  had  learned  to  respect  his 
enemy,  and  adopted  a wiser  mode  of  attack.  He  ordered  the 
men  to  lay  aside  their  knapsacks,  to  move  forward  in  column, 
to  reserve  their  fire,  to  rely  on  the  bayonet,  to  direct  their 
main  attack  on  the  redoubt,  and  to  push  the  artillery  forward 
to  a position  that  would  enable  it  to  rake  the  breastwork. 
The  gallant  execution  of  these  orders  reversed  the  fortunes  of 
the  day.6 

1 Judge  Prescott’s  Memoir.  2 Gordon,  vol.  i.,  p.  365.  3 Webb’s  Letter. 

4 We  should  have  been  forced  to  retire  if  General  Clinton  had  not  come 

up  with  a reinforcement  of  five  or  six  hundred  men.  — Conduct  of  War,  p. 

14.  Clinton,  from  Copp’s  Hill,  saw  on  the  beach  two  regiments  in  seeming 
embarrassment  which  way  to  march.  — Burgoyne’s  Letter. 

5 Committee  of  Safety  Account ; Prescott’s  Memoir. 

6 Stedman ; Winslow ; Swett ; Prescott.  A letter  dated  June  20,  1775, 


THE  THIRD  ASSAULT. 


149 


General  Howe,  whose  fine  figure  and  gallant  bearing  were 
observed  at  the  American  lines,1  led  the  grenadiers  and  light- 
infantry  in  front  of  the  breastwork,  while  Generals  Clinton 
and  Pigot  led  the  extreme  left  of  the  troops  to  scale  the 
redoubt.'3  A demonstration  only  was  made  against  the  rail 
fence.  A party  of  Americans  occupied  a few  houses  and 
barns  that  had  escaped  the  conflagration  on  the  acclivity  of 
Breed's  Hill,  and  feebly  annoyed  the  advancing  columns.3 
They,  in  return,  only  discharged  a few  scattering  guns  as  they 
marched  forward.4  On  their  right  the  artillery  soon  gained 
its  appointed  station,  enfiladed  the  line  of  the  breastwork, 
drove  its  defenders  into  the  redoubt  for  protection,  and  did 
much  execution  within  it  by  sending  its  balls  through  the 
passage-way.5  All  this  did  not  escape  the  keen  and  anxious 
eye  of  Prescott.  When  he  saw  the  new  dispositions  of  his 
antagonist,  the  artillery  wheeling  into  its  murderous  position, 
and  the  columns  withholding  their  fire,  he  well  understood  his 
intention  to  concentrate  his  whole  force  on  the  redoubt,  and 
believed  that  it  must  inevitably  be  carried.  He  thought,  how- 
ever, that  duty,  honor,  and  the  interest  of  the  country,  required 
that  it  should  be  defended  to  the  last  extremity,  although  at  a 
certain  sacrifice  of  many  lives.  In  this  trying  moment,  he 
continued  to  give  his  orders  coolly.  Most  of  his  men  had 
remaining  only  one  round  of  ammunition,  and  few  more  than 
three  rounds,  and  he  directed  them  to  reserve  their  fire  until 
the  British  were  within  twenty  yards.  At  this  distance  a 
deadly  volley  was  poured  upon  the  advancing  columns,  which 
made  them  waver  for  an  instant,  but  they  sprang  forward 
without  returning  it.6  The  American  fire  soon  slackened  for 
want  of  means,  while  the  columns  of  Clinton  and  Pigot 
reached  a position  on  the  southern  and  eastern  sides  of  the 
redoubt,  where  they  were  protected  by  its  walls.  It  was  now 
attacked  on  three  sides  at  once.  Prescott  ordered  those  who 

says  : “In  one  of  the  attacks  one  of  our  people  imprudently  spoke  aloud  that 
their  powder  was  all  gone,  which  being  heard  by  some  of  the  regular  offi- 
cers, they  encouraged  their  men  to  march  up  to  the  intrenchments  with  fixed 
bayonets.” 

1 Prescott’s  Memoir.  2 Page’s  Plan.  3 Bernier’s  Plan,  and  Swett. 
4 Prescott’s  Memoir.  3 Committee  of  Safety  Account.  6 Prescott's  Memoir. 


150 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


had  no  bayonets  to  retire  to  the  back  part  of  it,  and  fire  on  the 
enemy  as  they  showed  themselves  on  the  parapet.  A soldier 
of  noble  bearing  mounted  the  southern  side,  and  had  barely 
shouted,  “ The  day  is  ours  ! ” when  he  was  shot  down,  and 
the  whole  front  rank  shared  his  fate.1  But  the  defenders  had 
spent  their  ammunition,  — another  cannon  cartridge  furnishing 
the  powder  for  the  last  muskets  that  were  fired  ; and  its  sub- 
stitute. stones,  revealed  their  weakness,  and  filled  the  enemy 
with  hope.  The  redoubt  was  soon  successfully  scaled.  Gen- 
eral Pigot,  by  the  aid  of  a tree,  mounted  a corner  of  it,  and 
was  closely  followed  by  his  men,  when  one  side  of  it  literally 
bristled  with  bayonets.  The  conflict,  was  now  carried  on 
hand  to  hand.  Many  stood  and  received  wounds  with 
swords  and  bayonets.  But  the  British  continued  to  enter,  and 
were  advancing  towards  the  Americans,  when  Colonel  Pres- 
cott gave  the  order  to  retreat.2 

When  the  Americans  left  the  redoubt,  the  dust  arising  from 
the  dry,  loose  dirt  was  so  great  that  the  outlet  was  hardly 
visible.3  Some  ran  over  the  top,  and  others  hewed  their  way 
through  the  enemy’s  ranks.  Prescott,  among  the  last  to  leave, 
was  surrounded  by  the  British,  who  made  passes  at  him  with 
the  bayonet,  which  he  skilfully  parried  with  Ins  sword.  “ He 
did  not  run,  but  stepped  long,  with  bis  sword  up,”4  escaping 
unharmed,  though  his  banyan  and  waistcoat  were  pierced  in 
several  places.5  The  retiring  troops  passed  between  two 

1 Letter,  June  22,  1775.  A newspaper  of  1775  states  that  young  Rich- 
ardson, of  the  Royal  Irish,  was  the  first  to  mount  the  parapet.  In  Clark’s 
Narrative  it  is  stated  that  the  remains  of  a company  of  the  63d  regiment  of 
grenadiers  were  the  first  that  succeeded  in  entering  the  redoubt.  After  Cap- 
tain Horsford  had  been  wounded,  and  Lieutenant  Dalrymple  had  been  killed, 
a sergeant  took  the  command,  made  a speech  to  the  few  men  left,  saying, 
“We  must  either  conquer  or  die,”  and  entered  the  works.  General  Gage 
recommended  the  brave  sergeant  for  promotion.  — 2d  Edition,  p.  33. 

2 Mass.  Committee  of  Safety  ; Judge  Prescott’s  Memoir.  3 Rivington’s 
Gazette  4 Joseph  Pearce. 

5 Judge  Prescott  writes  : “ The  British  had  entered  the  redoubt,  and  were 
advancing,  when  Colonel  Prescott  ordered  a retreat.  He  was  among  the 
last ; and  before  leaving  it,  was  surrounded  by  the  enemy,  who  had  entered, 
and  had  several  passes  with  the  bayonet  made  at  his  body,  which  he  parried 
with  his  sword,  — of  the  use  of  which  he  had  some  knowledge.”  He  wore 
a banyan  during  the  battle.  In  a note,  Judge  Prescott  writes : “ My  late 


RETREAT  OF  THE  AMERICANS. 


151 


divisions  of  the  British,  one  of  which  had  turned  the  north- 
eastern end  of  the  breastwork,  and  the  other  had  come  round 
the  angle  of  the  redoubt ; but  they  were  too  much  exhausted 
to  use  the  bayonet  effectually,  and  the  combatants,  for  fifteen 
or  twenty  rods  from  the  redoubt,  were  so  mingled  together 
that  firing  tvould  have  destroyed  friend  and  foe.1  The  Brit- 
ish, with  cheers,  took  possession  of  the  works,  but  immediately 
formed,  and  delivered  a destructive  fire  upon  the  retreating 
troops.  Warren,  at  this  period,  was  killed,  and  left  on  the 
field ; Gridley  was  wounded ; Bridge  was  again  wounded ; 
and  the  loss  of  the  Americans  was  greater  than  at  any  previ- 
ous period  of  the  action.2  Colonel  Gardner,  leading  on  a part 
of  his  regiment,  was  descending  Bunker  Hill,  when  he  received 
his  death  wound.  Still  his  men,  under  Major  Jackson,  pressed 
forward,  and  with  Cushing’s,  Smith’s,  and  Washburn’s  com- 
panies, of  Ward’s  regiment,  and  Febiger’s  party,  of  Gerrish’s 
regiment,  poured  between  Breed’s  and  Bunker  Hill  a well- 
directed  fire  upon  the  enemy,  and  gallantly  covered  the 
retreat.3 

In  the  mean  time  the  Americans  at  the  rail  fence,  under 
Stark,  Reed,  and  Knowlton,  reinforced  by  Clark’s,  Coit’s,  and 
Chester’s4  Connecticut  companies,  Captain  Harris’  company, 
of  Gardner’s  regiment,  Lieutenant-colonel  Ward,  and  a few 
troops,  maintained  their  ground  with  great  firmness  and  intre- 
pidity, and  successfully  resisted  every  attempt  to  turn  their 
flank.  This  line,  indeed,  was  nobly  defended.  The  force 
here  did  a great  service,  for  it  saved  the  main  body,  who  were 
retreating  in  disorder  from  the  redoubt,  from  being  cut  off  by 

friend,  Doctor  0.  Prescott,  states  the  fact.  He  says  that  soon  after  the  battle 
he  was  at  his  uncle,  Colonel  Prescott's  house,  in  Pepperell,  and  that  he  shew 
him  his  banyan  and  waistcoat,  that  had  several  holes  pierced  through,  and 
rents  made  in  several  places  in  them,  which  he  told  him  had  been  made  by 
British  bayonets  on  Bunker  Hill.  I also  recollect  the  same  thing.  Holes 
were  perforated  in  several  places  in  both  banyan  and  waistcoat.” 

1 Gov.  Brooks.  2 Brooks;  E.  Bancroft;  Rivington’s  Gazette.  3 E.  Ban- 
croft ; Swett ; and  Mss. 

4 “ We  joined  our  army  on  the  right  of  the  centre,  just  by  a poor  stone 
fence,  two  or  three  feet  high  and  very  thin,  so  that  the  bullets  came  through.” 
— Chester’s  Letter. 


13* 


152 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


the  enemy.1  When  it  was  perceived  at  the  rail  fence  that  the 
force  under  Colonel  Prescott  had  left  the  hill,  these  brave  men 
“ gave  ground,  but  with  more  regularity  than  could  have  been 
expected  of  troops  who  had  been  no  longer  under  discipline, 
and  many  of  whom  never  before  saw  an  engagement.”  2 The 
whole  body  of  Americans  were  now  in  full  retreat,  the  greater 
part  over  the  top  of  Bunker  Hill. 

The  brow  of  Bunker  Hill  was  a place  of  great  slaughter.3 
General  Putnam  here  rode  to  the  rear  of  the  retreating  troops, 
and  regardless  of  the  balls  flying  about  him,  with  his  sword 
drawn,  and  still  undaunted  in  his  bearing,  urged  them  to 
renew  the  fight  in  the  unfinished  works.  “Make  a stand 
here,”  he  exclaimed  ; “we  can  stop  them  yet ! ” “In  God’s 
name,  form,  and  give  them  one  shot  more  ! ” 4 It  was  here 
that  he  stood  by  an  artillery  piece  until  the  enemy’s  bayonets 
were  almost  upon  him.  The  veteran  Pomeroy,  too,  with  his 
shattered  musket  in  his  hand,  and  his  face  to  the  foe,  endeav- 
ored to  rally  the  men.  It  was  not  possible,  however,  to  check 
the  retreat.  Captain  Trevett  and  a few  of  his  men,  with 
great  difficulty  and  great  gallantry,  drew  off  the  only  field- 
piece  that  was  saved  of  the  six  that  were  in  the  action. 
Colonel  Scammans,  with  part  of  his  regiment,  and  Captain 
Foster’s  artillery  company,  on  their  way  to  the  field  of  battle, 
reached  the  top  of  Bunker  Hill,  but  immediately  retreated. 
The  whole  body  retired  over  the  Neck,  amidst  the  shot  from 
the  enemy’s  ships  and  batteries,  and  were  met  by  additional 
troops  on  their.  way  to  the  heights.  Among  them  Major 
Brooks,  with  two  remaining  companies  of  Bridge’s  regiment. 
One  piece  of  cannon  at  the  Neck  opened  on  the  enemy,  and 
covered  the  retreat.5 

The  British  troops,  about  five  o’clock,  with  a parade  of  tri- 
umph, took  possession  of  the  same  hill  that  had  served  them 
for  a retreat  on  the  memorable  nineteenth  of  April.  General 
Howe  was  here  advised  by  General  Clinton  to  follow  up  his 

1 The  Committee  of  Safety  Account.  Gordon,  vol.  i.,  p.  366.  Heath 
says  this  line  “ was  nobly  defended.” 

2 Committee  of  Safety  Account.  3 Gov.  Brooks  says  “ the  principal  place 

of  slaughter.”  4 Among  those  who  state  this  are  Elihu  Wyman,  Anderson 

Minor,  and  Colonel  Wade.  5 Swett,  pp.  47,  48. 


PRESCOTT  AT  CAMBRIDGE. 


153 


success  by  an  immediate  attack  on  Cambridge.1  But  the 
reception  he  had  met  made  the  British  commander  cautious, 
if  not  timid ; and  he  only  fired  two  field-pieces  upon  the 
Americans,2  who  retreated  to  Winter  Hilt,  Prospect  Hill,  and 
Cambridge.  Similar  apprehensions  were  entertained  on  both 
sides  respecting  a renewal  of  the  attack  : the  Americans  at 
Winter  and  Prospect  Hills  lay  on  their  arms,  while  the  Brit- 
ish, reinforced  by  additional  troops  from  Boston,  threw  up 
during  the  night  a line  of  breastwork  on  the  northern  side  of 
Bunker  Hill.  Both  sides,  however,  felt  indisposed  to  renew 
the  action.  The  loss  of  the  peninsula  damped  the  ardor  of 
the  Americans,  and  the  loss  of  men  depressed  the  spirit  of  the 
British.3 

Colonel  Prescott,  indignant  at  the  absence  of  support  when 
victory  was  within  his  grasp,4  repaired  to  head  quarters, 
reported  the  issue  of  the  battle,  already  too  well  known,  and 
received  the  thanks  of  the  commander-in-chief.  He  found 
General  Ward  under  great  apprehensions  lest  the  enemy, 
encouraged  by  success,  should  advance  on  Cambridge,  where 
he  had  neither  disciplined  troops  nor  an  adequate  supply  of 
ammunition  to  receive  him.  Colonel  Prescott,  however, 
assured  him  that  the  confidence  of  the  British  would  not  be 
increased  by  the  result  of  the  battle  ; and  he  offered  to  retake 
the  hill  that  night,  or  perish  in  the  attempt,  if  three  regiments 
of  fifteen  hundred  men,  well  equipped  with  ammunition  and 
bayonets,  were  put  under  his  command.  General  Ward 
wisely  decided  that  the  condition  of  his  army  would  not  jus- 
tify so  bold  a measure.5  Nor  was  it  needed  to  fill  the  measure 
of  Prescott’s  fame.  “ He  had  not  yet  done  enough  to  satisfy 
himself,  though  he  had  done  enough  to  satisfy  his  country. 
He  had  not,  indeed,  secured  final  victory,  but  he  had  secured 
a glorious  immortality.”  6 

1 Conduct  of  the  War.  2 Brooks.  3 Gordon. 

4 Judge  Prescott  writes  : “ Colonel  Prescott  always  thought  he  could  have 
maintained  his  post  with  the  handful  of  men  under  his  command,  exhausted 
as  they  were  by  fatigue  and  hunger,  if  they  had  been  supplied  with  sufficient 
ammunition,  and  with  bayonets.  In  their  last  attack  the  British  wavered 
under  the  first  fire  of  the  Americans,  and  if  it  could  have  been  continued,  he 
felt  confident  they  would  have  been  repulsed,  and  would  never  have  rallied 
again.”  5 Prescott’s  Memoir.  6 Colonel  Swett’s  History,  p.  49. 


154 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


CHAPTER  YI. 

Character  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Battle.  The  Question  of  Command.  Prescott. 

Putnam.  Warren.  Pomeroy. 

No  engagement  of  the  Revolution  possesses  an  interest  so 
deep  and  peculiar,  or  produced  consequences  so  important, 
as  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill ; and  no  other  engagement  is 
involved  in  so  much  obscurity,  perplexity,  and  controversy. 
It  is  remarkable  on  many  accounts;  — in  being  the  first  great 
battle  of  the  contest ; in  the  astonishing  resistance  made  by 
inexperienced  militia  against  veteran  troops;  in  the  affecting 
character  of  its  prominent  incidents;  in  the  sublimity  of  its 
spectacle  ; and  in  its  influence  on  the  politics  of  the  day,  and 
the  fortunes  of  the  Avar.  It  proved  the  quality  of  the  Ameri- 
can soldier,  drew  definitely  the  lines  of  party,  and  established 
the  fact  of  open  Avar  betAveen  the  colonies  and  the  mother 
country.  It  Avas  a victory,  Avith  all  the  moral  effect  of  victory, 
under  the  name  of  a defeat.  And  yet,  at  first,  it  Avas  regarded 
Avith  disappointment,  and  even  Avith  indignation ; and  con- 
temporary accounts  of  it,  Avhether  private  or  official,  are 
rather  in  the  tone  of  apology,  or  of  censure,  than  of  exulta- 
tion. The  enterprise,  on  the  Avhole,  Avas  pronounced  rash  in 
the  conception  and  discreditable  in  the  execution ; and  a 
seAmre  scrutiny  was  instituted  into  the  conduct  of  those  Avho 
were  charged  Avith  having  contributed  by  their  backAvardness 
to  the  result.  No  one,  for  years,  came  fonvard  to  claim  the 
honor  of  having  directed  it ; no  notice  Avas  taken  of  its  return- 
ing anniversary ; and  no  narrative  did  justice  to  the  regiments 
that  Avere  engaged,  or  to  the  officers  Avho  Avere  in  command. 
Passing  events  are  seldom  accurately  estimated.  The  bravery, 
hoAvever,  of  those  Avho  fought  it  Avas  so  resolute,  and  their 
self-devotion  Avas  so  lofty,  as  at  once  to  elicit,  from  all  quar- 
ters, the  most  gloAving  commendation,  and  to  become  the 


OBJECT. OF  THE  BATTLE. 


155 


theme  of  the  poet  and  the  orator;1  and  as  time  rolled  on,  its 
connection  with  the  great  movement  of  the  age  appeared  in 
its  true  light.  Hence  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  now  stands 
out  as  the  grand  opening  scene  in  the  drama  of  the  American 
Revolution. 

It  has  been  remarked,  that  in  a military  point  of  view  it 
would  be  difficult  to  assign  a just  motive  to  either  party  for 
this  conflict.  It  was  not  very  important  for  the  American 
army  to  hem  in  the  British  army  in  Boston,  by  a force  posted 
so  near  as  Bunker  Hill,  when  that  object  could  be  accom- 
plished by  a force  a little  further  in  the  rear.  While,  on  the 
other  hand,  if  the  British  officers  had  nothing  else  in  view  but 
to  dislodge  the  occupants  of  Breed's  Hill,  it  was  perfectly 
competent  for  them,  as  they  commanded  the  Mystic  and  the 
Charles  Rivers,  to  cut  off  all  communication,  and  to  reduce 
Prescott  and  his  men  to  famine.  The  truth  is,  both  parties 
were  ready  and  anxious  and  determined  to  try  the  strength 
of  their  arms.2  The  Americans  were  elated  — perhaps  too 
much  elated — by  their  success  on  the  nineteenth  of  April,  and 
at  Noddle’s  Island,  and  in  the  skirmishes  in  the  harbor. 
They  felt  confident  in  their  ability  at  least  to  prevent  another 
excursion  into  the  country,  and  would  be  satisfied  with  noth- 
ing short  of  an  expulsion  of  the  British  troops  from  Boston.3 
So  bold  had  they  become  in  bidding  defiance  to  Great  Britain  ! 
On  the  other  hand,  British  pride  was  touched  by  this  exulta- 
tion and  daring,  and  by  the  reflection  that  predictions  as  to 
the  courage  of  the  Americans  and  the  invincibility  of  the 

1 Governor  Johnstone,  in  a speech  in  the  House  of  Commons,  October  30, 
1775,  said  : “To  a mind  who  loves  to  contemplate  the  glorious  spirit  of  free- 
dom, no  spectacle  can  be  more  affecting  than  the  action  at  Bunker’s  Hill.  To 
see  an  irregular  peasantry,  commanded  by  a physician,  inferior  in  number, 
opposed  by  every  circumstance  of  cannon  and  bombs  that  could  terrify  timid 
minds,  calmly  wait  the  attack  of  the  gallant  Howe,  leading  on  the  best  troops 
in  the  world,  with  an  excellent  train  of  artillery,  and  twice  repulsing  those 
very  troops,  who  had  often  chased  the  chosen  battalions  of  France,  and  at 
last  retiring  for  want  of  ammunition,  but  in  so  respectable  a manner  that 
they  were  not  even  pursued,  — who  can  reflect  on  such  scenes,  and  not  adore 
the  constitution  of  government  which  could  breed  such  men  ! ” 

2 Address  of  Hon.  Daniel  Webster,  1843.  3 See  Letter  of  the  Committee 

of  Safety,  p.  104. 


156 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


regulars  had  been  so  completely  falsified.  Two  regiments,  — it 
had  been  written,  — were  sufficient  to  beat  the  whole  strength 
of  the  province ; 1 and  a force  of  five  thousand  rvas  sufficient 
to  overrun  the  whole  of  the  colonies.  Never  had  high-sound- 
ing manifesto  been  followed  by  such  mortifying  results.  The 
veterans  of  this  triumphal  march  were  so  closely  blockaded, 
by  the  force  that  was  pronounced  so  impotent  and  was  so 
despised,  that  their  luxurious  fare  was  suddenly  changed  into 
salt  provision.  Thus  their  daily  food  stimulated  their  desire 
for  retaliation.  Besides,  the  army  was  sent  over  to  bring  the 
Americans  to  a sense  of  their  duty,  and  it  longed  to  give  them 
one  good  drubbing  as  a necessary  step  towards  it.2  When, 
therefore,  the  British  officers  saw  the  redoubt,  and  saw  it 
filled  with  its  daring  band,  they  could  not  permit  that  it 
should  “ stand  in  their  very  face,  and  defy  them  to  their  teeth.” 
Without  calculating  the  cost,  or  without  caring  for  it,  their 
object  was  to  destroy  the  works  at  once,  by  the  power  of  the 
royal  army,  and  to  take  vengeance,  as  well  as  to  attain 
security.3 

The  reason  for  issuing  the  order  to  fortify  Bunker  Hill  has 
been  stated.  The  council  of  war  had  decided  not  to  occupy 
so  exposed  a post  until  the  army  was  better  prepared  to  defend 
it.  But  when  it  was  certainly  known  that  the  enemy  had 
determined  to  move  into  the  country,  the  committee  of  safety, 
with  that  disregard  of  consequences  which  characterizes  so 
remarkably  the  early  stage  of  the  revolutionary  struggle, 
advised  that  this  movement  should  be  anticipated.  The 
decision  has  been  pronounced  rash.  It  was  followed  by 
desolation  and  carnage.  Much  precious  blood  was  shed. 
Even  the  “beauty  of  Israel  fell  upon  his  high  places.”  This 
daring  decision,  however,  was  productive  of  consequences  of 
the  highest  importance,  which  a less  terrible  ordeal  would 
scarcely  have  produced.  They  extended  throughout  the 

1 Letter  on  page  44.  2 Harris  writes,  June  13,  1775,  — “ Affairs  at  pres- 

ent wear  a serious  aspect.  1 wish  the  Americans  may  be  brought  to  a sense 
of  their  duty.  One  good  drubbing,  which  I long  to  give  them  by  way  of 
retaliation,  might  have  a good  effect  towards  it.  * * At  present,  we  are 

completely  blockaded,  and  subsisting  almost  on  salt  provision,”  &c. — Life 
of  Lord  Harris,  p.  52.  3 Webster’s  Address,  1843. 


] 


CONSEQUENCES  OF  THE  BATTLE.  157 

war.1  This  is  not,  however,  the  place  to  dwell  on  them. 
One  of  the  more  immediate  of  its  results  — the  great  political 
service  of  the  battle  — was  to  establish  a state  of  general  hos- 
tility. This  already  existed  in  Massachusetts,  where  war, 
and  nothing  short  of  war,  had  been  fully  resolved  upon ; but 
it  did  not  exist  in  some  of  the  other  colonies,  where  the  spirit 
raised  by  the  Lexington  alarm  had  softened  into  a desire  of 
reconciliation.  How  different,  for  instance,  was  the  state  of 
things  in  New  York,  where  the  same  military  companies  were 
directed  by  the  Provincial  Congress  to  escort,  on  the  same 
day,  General  Washington  to  the  seat  of  war,  and  Governor 
Tryon  to  the  seat  of  power  ! But  after  it  had  been  demon- 
strated that  the  New  England  militia  had  stood  the  attack  of 
the  British  regulars,  and  had  twice  repulsed  them,2  aftQr  War- 

1 General  Wilkinson’s  Review  of  the  Battle,  though  clouded  by  prejudice, 

and  incorrect  in  some  of  its  details,  contains  the  following  discriminating  and 
just  remarks  on  its  influence  : — “ The  resolution  displayed  by  the  provin- 
cials on  this  memorable  day  produced  effects  auspicious  to  the  American 
cause,  and  coextensive  with  the  war  ; for,  although  compelled  by  superior 
numbers  to  yield  the  ground,  the  obstinacy  of  their  resistance  put  an  end  to 
that  confidence  with  which  they  had  been  first  attacked,  and  produced  meas- 
ures of  caution,  bordering  on  timidity.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  we  were 
indebted  to  these  causes  for  the  unmolested  occupancy  of  our  position  before 
Boston.”  * * “ To  the  cool  courage  and  obstinacy  displayed  on  the 

occasion,  and  the  moral  influence  of  the  bloody  lesson  which  Sir  William 
Howe  received  on  that  day,  we  must  ascribe  the  military  phenomenon  of  a 
motley  band  of  undisciplined  American  yeomanry,  scarcely  superior  in  num- 
ber, holding  an  army  of  British  veterans  in  close  siege  for  nine  months  ; and 
hence  it  might  fairly  be  inferred  that  our  independence  was  essentially  pro- 
moted by  the  consequence  of  this  single  battle.” 

General  Lee,  also  a soldier  of  the  revolution,  regards  the  severe  admo- 
nition Sir  William  Howe  received  on  this  day  as  the  most  probable  explana- 
tion of  his  subsequent  timid  line  of  policy.  He  says  : “ The  sad  and 
impressive  experience  of  this  murderous  day  sunk  deep  into  the  mind  of  Sir 
William  Howe ; and  it  seems  to  have  had  its  influence  on  all  its  subsequent 
operations,  with  decisive  control.” 

2 Hon.  Daniel  Webster,  in  his  address  of  1843,  states,  that  it  rested  on 
indisputable  authority,  that,  when  Washington  heard  of  the  battle  of  Bunker’s 
Hill,  and  was  told  that  for  want  of  ammunition  and  other  causes  the  militia 
yielded  the  ground  to  the  British  troops,  he  asked  if  the  militia  of  New 
England  stood  the  fire  of  the  British  regular  troops  ; and  being  told  they  did, 
and  reserved  their  own  until  the  enemy  were  within  eight  rods,  and  then 


158 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


ren  had  fallen,  and  Charlestown  had  been  destroyed,  affairs 
changed  their  aspect.  New  confidence  was  felt  in  the  Ameri- 
can arms.  There  were  new  justifying  causes  for  open  war. 
The  other  colonies  became  arrayed  in  hostility,  side  by  side, 
with  Massachusetts.  And  it  was  certain  that  peace  could 
never  be  established  between  the  two  countries,  except  on  the 
basis  of  an  acknowledgment  of  American  independence  ! 1 

The  commanding  officers  felt  that  the  army  was  not  pre- 
pared for  such  a conflict.  The  want  of  subordination  and 
discipline  rendered  efficient  military  command  impossible,  and 
hence  the  proceedings  throughout  the  day  were  characterized 
by  great  confusion.  The  evidence  on  this  point,  early  and 
late,  is  uniform  and  decisive,  and  it  relates  both  to  transac- 
tions at  Cambridge  and  at  Charlestown.  During  the  battle 
the  influence  of  Colonel  Prescott  over  his  men a preserved 
order  at  his  position,  but  in  other  parts  of  the  field  the  troops 
fought  rather  in  platoons,  or  individually,  — companies  entirely 
losing  their  order,  — than  under  regular  commands;  and  in 
some  instances,  where  superior  officers  attempted  to  exercise 
authority,  their  orders  were  openly  disregarded.  Even  the 
orders  of  General  Ward  were  but  feebly  carried  into  effect. 
Much  of  this  delinquency  must  be  placed  at  the  door  of  ineffi- 
ciency on  the  part  of  some  of  the  officers ; but  much  of  it  also 

discharged  it  with  fearful  effect,  he  then  exclaimed,  “ The  liberties  of  the 
country  are  safe  ! ” Washington,  on  the  10th  of  February,  1776,  wrote  to 
Joseph  Reed  : “ With  respect  to  myself,  I have  never  entertained  an  idea 
of  an  accommodation,  since  I heard  of  the  measures  which  were  adopted  in 
consequence  of  the  Bunker’s  Hill  fight.  The  king’s  speech  has  confirmed 
the  sentiments  I entertained  upon  the  news  of  that  affair  ; and  if  every  man 
was-of  my  mind,  the  ministers  of  Great  Britain  should  know,  in  a few  words, 
upon  what  issue  the  cause  should  be  put.”  This  issue  was  a determination  to 
shake  off  all  connection  with  Great  Britain.  “ This  I would  tell  them,  not 
under  cover,  but  in  words  as  clear  as  the  sun  in  its  meridian  brightness.” 

1 Hon.  Daniel  Webster’s  Address,  1843. 

2 Perfectly  understanding  his  countrymen,  remarks  Colonel  Swett,  they  were 
entirely  under  his  control. — p.  22.  The  depositions  often  describe  his  effi- 
ciency. Captain  Bancroft,  who  was  in  the  redoubt,  thus  speaks  of  Colonel 
Prescott:  “He  continued  through  the  hottest  of  the  fight  to  display  admira- 
ble coolness,  and  a self-possession  that  would  do  honor  to  the  greatest  hero 
of  any  age.  He  gave  his  orders  deliberately,  and  how  effectually  they  were 
obeyed  I need  not  tell.”  — Ms. 


THE  QUESTION  OF  COMMAND. 


159 


must  be  ascribed  to  an  absence  of  the  principle  of  subordina- 
tion. from  the  generals  to  the  lower  officers.  The  prompt 
action  of  Connecticut,  relative  to  a commander-in-chief,  shows 
that  the  evil  was  felt  in  its  full  force. 

It  is  from  this  cause  — the  want  of  subordination,  and  the 
confusion  — that  it  is  a question  whether  there  was  a general 
authorized  commander  in  the  battle.  Had  the  army  been 
fully  organized,  and  had  the  rank  of  the  officers  been  estab- 
lished, such  a question  could  not  have  arisen.  It  is  not  one 
of  recent  origin,  for  there  was  the  same  perplexity  on  this 
point,  immediately  after  the  battle,  that  exists  now  ; and 
inquiries  in  relation  to  it  elicited  equally  unsatisfactory 
answers.  The  orderly  book  of  General  Ward  not  only  is 
silent  on  it,  but  contains  no  orders  for  the  conduct  of  the 
enterprise.  Nor  is  this  deficiency  entirely  supplied  by  any 
contemporary  document.  Yet  it  is  from  authorities  of  this 
character  that  a correct  conclusion  must  be  drawn.  In  the 
place  of  a labored  argument  on  this  delicate  subject,  I prefer 
to  state,  as  fairly  as  I am  able  to  do  it,  the  evidence  in  rela- 
tion to  ft  that  has  fallen  in  my  way,  state  the  conclusion  it 
seems  to  warrant,  and  leave  the  subject  to  the  candid  reader. 

The  Massachusetts  committee  of  safety  appointed  Reverend 
Messrs.  Cooper,  Gardner,  and  Thatcher,  to  prepare  an  account 
of  the  battle,  in  which  it  is  stated  that  the  “commander  of 
the  party”  gave  the  order  to  retreat  from  the  redoubt.  This 
is  dated  July  25,  1775.  It  was  written  by  Rev.  Peter 
Thatcher,  who  subsequently  stated  : “ What  facts  he  did  not 
see  himself  were  communicated  to  him  by  Colonel  Prescott, 
(who  commanded  the  provincials,)  and  by  other  persons  who 
were  personally  conversant  in  the  scenes  which  the  narrative 
describes.” 

Gen.  Ward,  in  a letter  addressed  to  John  Adams,  dated  Oct. 
30,  1775,  says  : “ There  has  been  no  one  action  with  the  enemy 
which  has  not  been  conducted  by  an  officer  of  this  colony, 
except  that  at  Chelsea,  which  was  conducted  by  Gen.  Putnam.” 

Rev.  John  Martin,  who  was  in  the  battle,  related  its  inci- 
dents to  President  Stiles,  who  recorded  them  in  his  diary, 
June  30,  1775.  He  states  that  the  Americans  took  possession 
of  the  hill,  “under  the  command  of  Colonel  Prescott,”  and 
14 


160 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


that  application  to  General  Ward  for  aid  “ brought  Colonel 
Putnam  and  a large  reinforcement  about  noon.” 

Dr.  James  Thatcher’s  military  journal  contains  a narrative 
of  the  battle,  under  the  date  of  July,  1775,  which  purports  to 
have  been  recorded  at  the  time.  He  says:  “On  the  Ameri- 
can side,  Generals  Putnam,  Warren,  Pomeroy,  and  Colonel 
Prescott,  were  emphatically  the  heroes  of  the  day,  and  their 
unexampled  efforts  were  crowned  with  glory.  The  incom- 
parable Colonel  Prescott  marched  at  the  head  of  the  detach- 
ment ; and  though  several  general  officers  were  present,  he 
retained  the  command  during  the  action.” 

John  Pitts,  Esq.,  in  a letter  dated  Watertown,  July  20,  1775, 
addressed  to  Samuel  Adams,  then  in  Congress,  says  : “ I find 
the  letters,  in  general,  from  you,  and  the  rest  of  our  friends, 
complain  of  not  having  particular  information  relative  to  the 
late  battle  of  Charlestown.  I do  assure  you,  the  particulars, 
any  further  than  what  I have  already  wrote  you,  I have  not 
been  able  to  obtain  from  any  one.  To  be  plain,  it  appears  to 
me  there  never  was  more  confusion  and  less  command.  No 
one  appeared  to  have  any  but  Colonel  Prescott,  whose  bravery 
can  never  be  enough  acknowledged  and  applauded.  General 
Putnam  was  employed  in  collecting  the  men,  but  there  were 
not  officers  enough  to  lead  them  on.”  1 

Colonel  James  Scammans  printed  in  the  New  England 
Chronicle,  February  29,  1776,  a report  of  the  court-martial 
that  tried  him  for  alleged  misconduct  on  the  day  of  the 
battle,  with  a sketch  of  the  evidence.  This  report  was  inter- 
spersed with  notes.  In  one  of  them  it  is  remarked,  that  “ there 
was  no  general  officer  who  commanded  on  Bunker  Hill.” 
The  notes  were  undoubtedly  by  Scammans. 

General  Charles  Lee,  in  his  vindication,  in  1778,  has  a cas- 
ual allusion  to  the  battle,  in  adducing  proofs  of  the  courage 
and  good  qualities  of  the  American  soldier.  He  says  : “The 
Americans  were  composed  in  part  of  raw  lads  and  old  men, 
half  armed,  with  no  practice  or  discipline,  commanded  with- 
out order,  and  God  knows  by  whom.” 

Rev.  William  Gordon,  1788,  says  : “Orders  were  issued  on 

1 This  extract  was  first  printed  in  the  oration  on  the  battle  delivered  by 
Rev.  George  E.  Ellis. 


THE  QUESTION  OF  COMMAND. 


161 


the  16th  of  June,  that  a detachment  of  a thousand  men,  under 
Colonel  Prescott,  do  march  at  evening,  and  intrench  upon  the 
hill.”  “General  Warren  joins  the  Massachusetts  forces  in 
one  place,  and  General  Pomeroy  in  another.  General  Putnam 
is  busily  engaged  in  aiding  and  encouraging  here  and  there,  as 
the  case  requires.” 

General  Heath  (179S)  says  in  his  memoirs  : “ Perhaps  there 
never  was  a better  fought  battle  than  this,  all  things  consid- 
ered ; and  too  much  praise  can  never  be  bestowed  on  the  con- 
duct of  Colonel  William  Prescott,  who,  notwithstanding  any- 
thing that  may  have  been  said,  was  the  proper  commanding 
officer,  at  the  redoubt,  and  nobly  acted  his  part  as  such,  during 
the  whole  action.”  The  italics  are  by  General  Heath. 

General  Lee,  in  his  memoirs,  (1812,)  after  stating  that  Gen- 
eral Howe  found  his  enemy  posted  on  Breed’s  Hill,  “com- 
manded by  Colonel  Prescott,”  says  : “ The  military  annals  of 
the  world  rarely  furnish  an  achievement  which  equals  the 
firmness  and  courage  displayed  on  that  proud  day  by  the  gal- 
lant band  of  Americans ; and  it  certainly  stands  first  in  the 
brilliant  events  of  our  war.  When  future  generations  shall 
inquire  where  are  the  men  who  gained  the  highest  prize  of 
glory  in  the  arduous  contest  which  ushered  in  our  nation’s 
birth,  upon  Prescott  and  his  companions  will  the  eye  of  his- 
tory beam.” 

Hon.  William  Tudor,  judge  advocate  in  the  trials  of  the 
delinquent  officers,  in  a communication  printed  in  the  Colum- 
bian Sentinel  and  N.  A.  Review,  1818,  states  as  follows  : 
“Soon  after  the  arrival  of  General  Washington,  as  command- 
er-in-chief  of  the  American  forces,  at  Cambridge,  in  July, 
1775,  court-martials  were  ordered  to  be  holden  for  the  trials 
of  different  officers,  who  were  supposed  to  have  misbehaved 
in  the  important  action  on  Breed’s  Hill,  on  the  seventeenth  of 
June;  at  all  of  which  I acted  as  judge  advocate.  In  the 
inquiry  which  these  trials  occasioned,  I never  heard  any 
insinuation  against  the  conduct  of  General  Putnam,  who 
appeared  to  have  been  there  without  any  command  ; for  there 
was  no  authorized  commander.  Colonel  Prescott  appeared  to 
have  been  the  chief;  and  according  to  my  best  recollections, 
after  forty-three  years,  the  whole  business  appeared  to  have 


162 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


been  conducted  without  order  or  regular  command.  Each 
man  fought  for  himself,  loaded  and  fired  as  he  could,  and  took 
care  to  waste  no  powder,  which  was  a scarce  article  at  the 
time.” 

These  statements  were  made  by  contemporaries,  who,  out 
of  professional  curiosity,  or  out  of  fidelity  to  history,  endeav- 
ored to  ascertain  the  facts  in  the  case.  They  were  made 
mostly  before  controversy  had  arisen  on  the  subject,  and  there- 
fore are  not  warped  by  known  prejudice  or  partiality.  They 
are  also  chiefly  independent  testimonies,  — some  of  them  never 
having  been  printed  before.  Rev.  Peter  Thatcher,  whose 
•account  is  remarkably  accurate,  and  Rev.  John  Martin,  who 
was  in  the  battle,  are  equally  clear  and  positive.1  Gordon,  a 
historian  of  established  reputation  for  fidelity,  was  the  first 
to  state  in  print  the  positions  of  the  commanding  officers.  He 
was  in  the  neighborhood  at  the  time,  and  wrote,  probably, 
with  the  order  before  him  ; and  he  uses  careful  and  discrim- 
inating language.  General  Heath  was  one  of  the  council  of 
war  that  issued  the  order,  and  must  have  known  to  whom  the 
command  was  intrusted.  His  language  agrees  with  the  oth- 
ers. General  Ward’s  remark  is  decisive  that  a Massachusetts 
officer  conducted  the  battle.  Dr.  James  Thatcher,  who  acted 
as  surgeon  in  Cambridge,  and  purports  to  write  at  the  time, 
uses  unequivocal  language,  and  disposes  of  the  difficulty 
as  to  general  officers  being  present.  The  characteristic  allu- 
sion of  General  Charles  Lee,  and  the  letter  of  John  Pitts,  indi- 
cate the  early  uncertainty  on  the  subject.  The  statement 
made  by  Scammans,  that  no  general  officer  commanded, 
elicited  no  contradiction  at  the  time,  and  is  confirmed  by  the 
words  of  Judge  Advocate  Tudor. 

To  these  authorities  must  be  added  another,  of  such  high 
character  as  to  be,  • of  itself,  almost  conclusive, — that  of 
Judge  William  Prescott,  the  son  of  Colonel  Prescott.  He 
states  in  his  memoir : “ I have  always  understood  and  believe 
that  the  detachment  was  originally  placed  under  the  command 

1 The  statement  of  Thatcher  I found  at  the  Antiquarian  Hall,  Worcester, 
in  his  own  hand-writing.  The  relation  of  Martin  is  in  Stiles’  Journal, — 
copies  of  which  were  loaned  to  me  by  Hon.  Geo.  Bancroft  and  President 
Sparks. 


THE  QUESTION  OF  COMMAND. 


163 


of  Colonel  Prescott,  with  orders,  in  writing,  from  the  command- 
er-in-chief ; that  they  marched  to  Breed’s  Hill  under  his  com- 
mand. and  there  threw  up  the  works ; and  that  neither  Gen- 
eral Putnam,  nor  any  other  officer,  ever  exercised  or  claimed 
any  authority  or  command  over  him,  or  the  detachment, 
before  or  in  the  battle ; that  General  Putnam  was  not  in  the 
redoubt  during  the  action.  All  this  I have  often  heard  stated 
by  my  father,  as  well  as  other  officers  of  the  detachment.” 

The  conclusion  warranted  by  this  evidence  is,  that  the  orig- 
inal detachment  was  placed  under  the  orders  of  Colonel  Pres- 
cott, and  that  no  general  officer  was  authorized  to  command, 
over  him  during  the  battle. 

Nor,  previous  to  the  year  1790,  is  there  in  any  document, 
written  or  printed,  that  is  known  to  me,  an  assertion  to  the 
contrary,  except  where  the  command  is  assigned  to  General 
Warren.1  It  was  announced  then  that  a general  officer  com- 
manded during  the  whole  affair,  from  beginning  to  the  end. 
This  announcement  was  made  under  the  following  circum- 
stances. General  David  Humphries  published  an  essay  on 
the  life  of  General  Putnam,  who  was  then  alive,  dated  Mount 
Vernon,  July-  4,  1788,  in  which,  in  a brief  account  of  the 
battle,  he  says  : “In  this  battle  the  presence  and  example  of 
General  Putnam,  who  arrived  with  the  reinforcement,  were 
not  less  conspicuous  than  useful.”  This  language,  it  will  be 
noticed,  agrees  remarkably  with  that  of  some  of  the  earlier 
authorities,  — especially  with  Martin,  Dr.  Thatcher,  Pitts,  and 
Gordon,  — already  quoted.  General  Putnam  died  May  29, 
1790.  Rev.  Josiah  Whitney  preached  his  funeral  sermon, 
which  was  published.  In  a note  to  this  sermon,  after  remark- 

1 Immediately  after  the  battle  it  was  reported  in  Boston  that  General  War- 
ren had  the  command.  Hence  in  all  the  early  British  accounts  this  honor  is 
given  to  him.  It  is  singular,  also,  that  the  same  statement  is  made  in  some 
of  the  American  accounts.  A brief  narrative  of  the  battle  appeared  in 
“George's  Cambridge  Almanack,  or  the  Essex  Callender,”  for  1776,  in 
which  it  is  stated  that  he  was  “ commander-in-chief  on  this  occasion.”  And 
as  late  as  1818,  in  the  Analectic  Magazine,  he  is  regarded  as  the  commander  ; 
and  it  is  said  General  Putnam  “ directed  the  whole,  on  the  fall  of  General 
Warren.”  Some  of  the  soldiers  also  say  that,  though  he  went  on  as  a vol- 
unteer, yet  he  was  persuaded  to  take  the  command,  It  is,  however,  now 
generally  admitted,  that  he  served  only  as  a volunteer. 

14* 


164 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


ing  that  the  language  of  Humphries’  essay  on  the  battle  was 
not  satisfactory  to  the  friends  of  General  Putnam,  Mr.  Whit- 
ney says  : “ The  detachment  was  first  put  under  the  command 
of  General  Putnam.  With  it  he  took  possession  of  the  hill, 
and  ordered  the  battle  from  beginning  to  end.  These  facts 
General  Putnam  gave  me  soon  after  the  battle,  and  also 
repeated  them  to  me  after  his  life  was  printed.”  Colonel 
Swett  also  states  that  the  general  made  the  same  declarations 
to  his  son. 

I have  met  few  contemporary  allusions  to  General  Putnam’s 
agency  in  the  battle,  besides  those  which  have  been  quoted. 
William  Williams,  in  a letter  dated  Lebanon,  Conn.,  June  20, 
1775,  10  o’clock  at  night,  and  addressed  to  the.  Connecticut 
delegates  in  Congress,  says:  “I  receive  it  that  General  Put- 
nam commanded  our  troops,  perhaps  not  in  chief.”  Captain 
Chester’s  letter  gives  the  fact  that  he  ordered  the  Connecticut 
troops  to  Charlestown  after  the  British  landed.  In  the  report 
(1775)  made  to  the  Massachusetts  Provincial  Congress,  it  is 
stated  that  on  Bunker  Hill  he  ordered  Captain  Callender,  who 
was  going  down  the  hill,  “ to  stop  and  go  back  ; ” and  in  the 
court-martial  held  on  Colonel  Scammans  (1775)  one  of  the 
witnesses  stated  that  Colonel  Scammans  sent  to  General  Put- 
nam to  see  whether  his  regiment  was  wanted,  and,  on  Bunker 
Hill,  that  the  general  ordered  this  regiment  forward.  Major 
Jackson,  in  his  journal,  writes,  (June  16,  1775,)  “General 
Putnam,  with  the  army,  went  to  intrench  on  Bunker  Hill.” 
The  same  fact  is  stated  in  some  of  the  newspapers.  President 
Stiles,  under  the  date  of  June  20,  1775,  recorded  in  his  diary 
various  rumors  from  camp,  and,  among  others,  that  General 
Putnam,  with  300  men,  took  possession  of  Bunker  Hill  on  the 
night  of  the  16th.  On  the  23d,  however,  he  derived  additional 
details  from  several  who  had  visited  the  camp,  been  “with 
General  Putnam  in  his  tent  on  Prospect  Hill,”  and  heard  him 
describe  the  battle.  He  then  writes  : “ Putnam  was  not  at 
Bunker’s  Hill  at  the  beginning,  but  soon  repaired  hither,  and 
was  in  the  heat  of  the  action  till  towards  night,  when  he  went 
away  to  fetch  across  this  reinforcement  which  ought  to  have 
come  before.  Soon  after,  and  before  he  could  return,  our  men 
began  to  retreat.”  I have  not  seen  any  disparaging  comments 


THE  QUESTION  OF  COMMAND. 


165 


on  General  Putnam’s  services  on  this  day,  previous  to  those  in 
Wilkinson’s  Memoirs,  printed  in  1S16  ; nor  any  statement  that 
the  first  detachment  was  put  under  his  command  previous  to 
that  of  Whitney's  sermon,  delivered  in  1790. 

General  Putnam,  in  a letter  dated  New  York,  May  22, 
1776,  makes  an  allusion  to  his  services  on  this  day,  which  has 
a bearing  on  the  case.  This  letter  was  addressed  to  the  Cam- 
bridge committee  of  safety,  and  remonstrated  against  the  treat- 
ment that  Mrs.  Putnam  had  received  from  an  agent  of  this 
committee.  He  says  : <£  Pray  did  not  I labor  and  toil  night 
and  day,  through  wet  and  cold,  and  venture  my  life  in  the 
high  places  of  the  field,  for  the  safety  of  my  country,  and  the 
town  of  Cambridge  in  particular'?  For  it  was  thought  we 
could  never  hold  Cambridge,  and  that  we  had  better  quit  it, 
and  go  back  and  fortify  on  the  heights  of  Brookline.  I always 
told  them  we  must  hold  Cambridge ; and  pray  did  not  I take 
possession  of  Prospect  Hill  the  very  night  after  the  fight  on 
Bunker  Hill,  without  having  any  orders  from  any  person  ? 
And  was  not  I the  only  general  officer  that  tarried  there  ? 
The  taking  of  said  hill  I never  could  obtain  leave  for  before, 
which  is  allowed  by  the  best  judges  was  the  salvation  of  Cam- 
bridge, if  not  of  the  country.”  1 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that,  though  the  general  evidently 
considered  it  to  be  important  to  make  out  a strong  case  for 
himself,  he  does  not  state  that  the  original  detachment  was 
put  under  his  command,  or  that  he  ordered  the  battle.  The 
authority  for  this  statement,  if  the  depositions  of  the  soldiers 

1 The  committee,  in  reply,  dated  June  18,  1776,  state  that  General  Putnam’s 
conduct  “while  in  Cambridge,  in  every  respect,  and  more  especially  as  a 
general,  (without  having  it  set  forth,)  we  hold  in  the  highest  veneration,  and 
ever  shall.” 

Again,  the  committee  state  : “Nothing  was  ever  aimed  at  treating  you  or 
yours  unbecoming  the  many  obligations  that  we  are  under  for  the  extraordi- 
nary services  you  have  done  to  this  town,  which  must  always  be  acknowl- 
edged with  the  highest  gratitude,  not  only  by  us,  but  by  rising  generations.” 
These  extracts,  and  the  one  in  the  text,  are  taken  from  original  letters,  for 
which  I am  indebted  to  J.  Harlow,  Esq. 

How  widely  different  is  this  language  of  gratitude  and  justice  from  the 
disparaging  language  of  later  date ! Rising  generations  have  not  always 
acknowledged  the  patriotism  of  this  brave  and  noble-hearted  man. 


166 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


be  excepted,  appears  to  rest  mainly,  if  not  entirely,  on  con- 
versations held  with  General  Putnam.  Without  intending  to 
question  the  honor  or  the  veracity  of  any  one,  it  is  more  rea- 
sonable to  conclude  that  the  facts  communicated  by  the  general 
have  not  been  stated  exactly  and  with  the  proper  discrimina- 
tions, than  it  is  to  conclude  that  so  many  independent  con- 
temporary authorities  are  incorrect  in  stating  that  the  first 
detachment  was  placed  under  the  orders  of  Colonel  Prescott. 

Colonel  Prescott,  therefore,  was  the  only  regular  commander 
of  the  party  who  fortified  Breed’s  Hill.  He  was  detached 
on  a special  service,  and  he  faithfully  executed  his  orders. 
He  filled  at  the  redoubt,  the  most  important  post,  the  duty 
of  a commanding  officer,  from  the  hour  that  ground  was 
broken  until  it  was  abandoned.  He  detached  guards  to 
the  shores,  directed  the  labor  of  the  works,  called  councils 
of  war,  made  applications  to  General  Ward  for  reinforce- 
ments, posted  his  men  for  action,  fought  with  them  until 
resistance  was  unavailing,  and  gave  the  order  to  retreat. 
General  officers  came  to  this  position,  but  they  did  not  give 
him  an  order,  nor  interfere  with  his  dispositions.  When  Gen- 
eral Warren,  for  instance,  entered  the  redoubt,  Colonel  Pres- 
cott tendered  to  him  the  command;  but  Warren  replied  that  he 
had  not  received  his  commission,  and  should  serve  as  a volun- 
teer. “ I shall  be  happy,”  he  said,  “to  learn  from  a soldier 
of  your  experience.”  Colonel  Prescott,  therefore,  was  left  in 
uncontrolled  possession  of  his  post.  Nor  is  there  any  proof 
that  he  gave  an  order  at  the  rail  fence,  or  on  Bunker  Hill. 
But  he  remained  at  the  redoubt,  and  there  fought  the  battle 
with  such  coolness,  bravery,1  and  discretion,  as  to  win  the 
unbounded  applause  of  his  contemporaries,  and  to  deserve, 

The  braverjr  of  Colonel  Prescott  has  been  universally  acknowledged. 
Thus,  Samuel  Adams,  September  26,  1775,  writes  to  Elbridge  Gerry  : 
“ Until  I visited  head  quarters,  at  Cambridge,  I never  heard  of  the  valor  of 
Prescott  at  Bunker's  Hill.”  Hon.  Daniel  Webster,  in  the  North  American 
Review,  1818,  says  : “ In  truth,  if  there  was  any  commander-in-chief  in  the 
field,  it  was  Prescott.  Fro-m  the  first  breaking  of  the  ground  to  the  retreat, 
he  acted  the  most  important  part ; and  if  it  were  proper  to  give  the  battle  a 
name,  from  any  distinguished  agent  in  it,  it  should  be  called  Prescott’s 
battle.”  See  also  Colonel  Swett’s  history,  and  Rev.  Geo.  E.  Ellis’  oration. 


COLONEL  PRESCOTT. 


167 


through  all  time,  the  admiration  and  gratitude  of  his  coun- 
trymen. 

Colonel  Prescott,  the  son  of  Hon.  Benjamin  Prescott,  of 
Groton,  was  horn  in  1726.  He  served  with  distinction  as 
lieutenant  of  a company  of  foot,  under  General  Winslow,  at 
the  capture  of  Cape  Breton.  He  was  invited  to  accept  a com- 
mission in  the  regular  army,  which  he  declined.  He  became 
a warm  patriot,  and  was  chosen  to  command  the  regiment  of 
minute-men.  On  the  Lexington  alarm,  he  promptly  marched 
to  the  scene  of  action  at  their  head.  He  continued  in  the 
service  through  the  year  1776,  at  New  York ; and  when  the 
Americans  retreated  from  the  city,  he  brought  off  his  men  in 
such  good  order  as  to  be  publicly  commended  by  Washington. 
He  served  as  a volunteer  under  General  Gates,  at  the  capture 
of  Burgoyne.  He  retired  to  Pepperell,  set  off  from  Groton  in 
1753,  where  ha  lived  on  his  farm,  dispensing  a generous  hos- 
pitality, until  his  death.  His  last  military  service  was  in  the 
Shays  insurrection  of  17S6,  when  he  repaired  to  Concord 
with  his  side-arms  to  protect  the  court.  He  was  an  acting 
magistrate  during  the  remainder  of  his  life.  He  died  in  Pep- 
pered, October  13,  1795.  A simple  tablet  over  his  grave  bears 
an  inscription  stating  his  name,  the  date  of  his  death,  and  his 
age. 

Colonel  Prescott  was  over  six  feet  in  height,  of  strong  and 
intelligent  features,  with  blue  eyes  and  brown  hair.  He  was 
bald  on  the  top  of  his  head,  and  Avore  a tie  wig.  He  was 
large  and  muscular,  but  not  corpulent.  He  was  kind  in  his 
disposition,  plain  but  courteous  in  his  manners ; of  a limited 
education,  but  fond  of  reading;  never  in  a hurry,  and  cool  and 
self-possessed  in  danger.1 

1 Colonel  Prescott  married  Abigail  Hale,  of  Sutton,  who  died  October  21, 
1821,  aged  88.  They  had  one  son,  Hon.  William  Prescott,  of  Boston,  rep- 
resentative, senator,  and  judge,  who  died  in  1844,  — sustaining  through  life 
a character  which,  for  modest  talent,  substantial  learning,  and  absolute  fidel- 
ity in  every  relation  of  life,  v'as  such  as  rarely  adorns  the  walks  of  profes- 
sional excellence.  Judge  Prescott's  memoir  of  the  battle  has  been  used  with 
a reliance  warranted  by  the  clear  intellect  and  high  probity  of  its  author. 

Judge  Prescott  married  Catherine  G.  Hiekling,  daughter  of  Thomas  Hick- 
ling,  Esq.,  of  the  Island  of  St.  Michael’s.  Of  their  seven  children  four  died 
in  infancy.  Edward  G.,  an  Episcopalian  clergyman,  died  in  1844  ; Elizabeth 


168 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


General  Putnam  exhibited  throughout  the  bravery  and 
generous  devotion  that  formed  a part  of  his  nature.  Though 
of  limited  education,  fiery  and  rough  in  speech,  he  was  a 
true  patriot,  and  a fine  executive  officer.  He  was  in  com- 
mand of  the  Connecticut  troops  stationed  in  Cambridge,  and 
shared  with  them  the  peril  and  glory  of  this  remarkable  day. 
In  a regularly  organized  army  his  appearance  on  the  field,  by 
virtue  of  his  rank,  would  have  given  him  the  command.  But 
it  was  an  army  of  allies,  whose  jealousies  had  not  yielded  to 
the  vital  principle  of  subordination  ; and  he  was  present  rather 
as  the  patriotic  volunteer  than  as  the  authorized  general  com- 
mander. He  exercised  an  important  agency  in  the  battle. 
He  was  received  as  a welcome  counsellor,  both  at  the  laying 
out  of  the  works  and  during  the  morning  of  the  engagement. 
Besides  being  in  the  hottest  of  the  action  at  the  rail  fence  and 
on  Bunker  Hill, — fighting,  beyond  a question,  with  daring 
intrepidity,  — he  was  applied  to  for  orders  by  the  reinforce- 
ments that  reached  the  field,  and  he  gave  orders  without  being 
applied  to.  Some  of  the  officers  not  under  his  immediate 
command  respected  his  authority,  while  others  refused  to  obey 
him.1  But  no  service  was  more  brilliant  than  that  of  the  Con- 
necticut troops.  They  said : “ He  acts  nobly  in  every  thing.”2 
That  he  was  not  as  successful  in  leading  the  Massachusetts 
troops  into  action  ought,  in  justice,  to  be  ascribed  neither  tc 
his  lack  of  energy  nor  of  conduct,  but  to  the  hesitancy  of 
inexperienced  troops,  to  the  want  of  spirit  in  their  officers 
and  to  the  absence  of  subordination  and  discipline  in  the  army. 

married  Hon.  Franklin  Dexter;  and  William  Hickling  is  the  historian  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  who  is  adding  so  much  reputation  to  the  name. 
He  married  the  grand-daughter  of  Captain  Linzee,  who  commanded  the 
sloop-of-war  Falcon,  that  cannonaded  the  works  on  Breed’s  Hill.  The 
swords  used  by  Colonel  Prescott  and  by  Captain  Linzee  on  the  17th  .Tune  are 
now  crossed  on  the  walls  of  the  fine  library  of  the  historian.  Colonel  Pres- 
cott's is  quite  a neat-looking  rapier.  — Butler's  Groton.  Ms.  Letter. 

1 Col.  Sargent,  Dec.  20,  1825,  states,  that  he  applied  three  times  to  Ward 
for  permission  to  march  to  Charlestown,  but  it  was  not  until  about  4,  p.  m., 
when  it  was  too  late,  that  he  could  get  it ; and  also  states  that  Putnam,  then 
on  Prospect  Hill,  “ sent  an  officer  to  order  me  on  to  the  hill ; but  finding  I 
did  not  attend  to  his  order,  he  sent  a second,  who  I took  no  notice  of.  A 
third  came  open-mouthed,  saying,”  &c.  2 Chester  and  Webb,  June  19. 


GENERAL  PUTNAM. 


169 


He  did  not  give  an  order  to  Colonel  Prescott,  nor  was  he  in 
the  redoubt  during  the  action.1 

1 The  mass  of  matter  relative  to  General  Putnam’s  movements  on  this  day 
presents  the  following  account  of  them  as  the  most  probable: — On  the  evening 
of  June  10,  he  joined  the  detachment  at  Charlestown  Neck  ; took  part  in  the 
consultation  as  to  the  place  to  be  fortified  ; returned  in  the  night  to  Cambridge  ; 
went  to  the  heights,  on  the  firing  of  the  Lively,  but  immediately  returned  to 
Cambridge ; went  again  to  the  heights  about  ten  o’clock  ; was  in  Cambridge 
after  the  British  landed  ; ordered  on  the  Connecticut  troops,  and  then  went  to 
the  heights  ; was  at  the  rail  fence  at  the  time  the  action  commenced  ; was  in 
the  heat  of  the  battle,  and  during  its  continuance  made  great  efforts  to  induce 
the  reinforcements  to  advance  to  the  lines  ; urged  labor  on  works  at  Bunker 
Hill ; was  on  the  brow  of  this  hill  when  the  retreat  took  place  ; retreated 
with  that  part  of  the  army  that  went  to  Prospect  Hill,  and  remained  here 
through  the  night.  He  was  on  horseback,  and  in  a few  minutes’  space  of 
time  could  be  not  only  at  any  part  of  the  heights,  but  even  at  Cambridge.  It 
is  not,  therefore,  at  all  strange,  that  statements  made  by  the’  soldiers  as  to  the 
time  when,  and  the  place  where,  they  saw  the  general,  amid  the  confusion 
of  so  terrific  a scene,  cannot  be  reconciled  ; and  more  especially  as  these 
statements  were  made  after  an  expiration  of  forty  or  fifty  years. 

The  extracts  on  page  165  will  show  how  General  Putnam  stood  with  his 
contemporaries  at  Cambridge.  The  following  extract  from  an  article  on  the 
battle,  printed  in  the  Connecticut  Courant  in  1775,  shows  the  popular  feel- 
ing : “In  this  list  of  heroes,  it  is  needless  to  expatiate  on  the  character  and 
bravery  of  Major-general  Putnam,  whose  capacity  to  form  and  execute  great 
designs  is  known  through  Europe,  and  whose  undaunted  courage  and  martial 
abilities  strike  terror  through  all  the  hosts  of  Midianites,  and  have  raised  him 
to  an  incredible  height  in  the  esteem  and  friendship  of  his  American  brethren  ; 
it  is  sufficient  to  say,  that  he  seems  to  be  inspired  by  God  Almighty  with  a 
military  genius,  and  formed  to  work  wonders  in  the  sight  of  those  uncircum- 
cised Philistines,  at  Boston  and  Bunker  Hill,  who  attempt  to  ravage  this 
country  and  defy  the  armies  of  the  living  God.” 

The  officers  of  the  army  bear  testimony  to  General  Putnam’s  value  and 
bravery.  He  was  not  a great  general,  but  he  was  a useful  officer.  Thus 
Washington,  January  30,  1776,  writes  General  Putnam  is  a valuable 
man  and  a fine  executive  officer;”  and  in  March,  1776,  he  was  selected  to 
lead  four  thousand  men  in  the  contemplated  attack  on  Boston.  On  hearing 
of  this  proposed  attack,  Joseph  Reed,  Washington’s  private  secretary  for 
some  time,  wrote  to  Washington,  March  15,  as  follows  : “ I suppose  Old 
Put  was  to  command  the  detachment  intended  for  Boston  on  the  5th  instant, 
as  I do  not  know  any  officer  but  himself  who  could  have  been  depended  on 
for  so  hazardous  a service.”  — Reed’s  Life,  vol.  i.,  p.  172.  So  true  was  the 
saying  oi  him,  that  “ He  dared  to  lead  where  any  dared  to  follow.”  Again  : 
when  the  British  landed  at  Long  Island,  Reed  writes  to  his  wife  : “ General 
Putnam  was  made  happy  by  obtaining  leave  to  go  over , the  brave  old 


170 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


General  Warren  exerted  great  influence  in  the  battle.  Hav- 
ing served  zealously  and  honorably  in  the  incipient  councils  that 
put  in  motion  the  machinery  of  the  Revolution,  he  had  decided 
to  devote  his  energies  to  promote  it  in  its  future  battle-fields. 
He  was  accordingly  elected  major-general  on  the  14th  of  June, 
but  had  not  received  his  commission  on  the  day  of  the  battle. 
Though  he  is  understood  to  have  opposed  the  measure  of 
occupying  so  exposed  a post  as  Bunker  Hill,  yet  he  avowed 
the  intention,  if  it  should  be  resolved  upon,  to  share  the  peril 
of  it ; and  to  the  affectionate  remonstrance  of  Elbridge  Gerry 
he  replied  : Dulce  et  decorum  est  pro  patria  mori.  On  the 
16th  of  June  he  officiated  as  president  of  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress, passed  the  night  at  Watertown,  and  though  indisposed, 
repaired  on  the  morning  of  the  17th  to  Cambridge,  where  he 
threw  himself  on  a bed.  When  he  learned  that  the  British 
would  attack  the  works  on  Breed’s  Hill,  he  declared  his  head- 
ache to  be  gone ; and,  after  meeting  with  the  committee  of 
safety,  armed  himself  and  went  to  Charlestown.  A short 
time  before  the  action  commenced,  he  was  seen  in  conversa- 
tion with  General  Putnam,  at  the  rail  fence,  who  offered  to 
receive  his  orders.  General  Warren  declined  to  give  any,  but 
asked  “Where  he  could  be  most  useful?”  Putnam  directed 
him  to  the  redoubt,  remarking,  that  “ There  he  would  be  cov- 
ered.” “ Don’t  think,”  said  Warren,  “ I come  to  seek  a place 
of  safety;  but  tell  me  where  the  onset  will  be  most  furious.” 
Putnam  still  pointed  to  the  redoubt.  “ That  is  the  enemy’s 
object,  and  if  that  can  be  defended  the  day  is  ours.”  General 
Warren  passed  to  the  redoubt,  where  the  men  received  him 
With  enthusiastic  cheers.  Here,  again,  he  was  tendered  the 
command,  by  Colonel  Prescott.  But  Warren  declined  it, — 
said  that  he  came  to  encourage  a good  cause,  and  gave  the 
cheering  assurance  that  a reinforcement  of  two  thousand  was 
on  its  way  to  aid  them.  He  mingled  in  the  fight,  behaved 
with  great  bravery,  and  was  among  the  last  to  leave  the 
redoubt.  He  was  lingering,  even  to  rashness,  in  his  retreat. 
He  had  proceeded  but  a few  rods,  when  a ball  struck  him  in 

man  was  quite  miserable  at  being  kept  here.”  — p.  220.  No  higher  military 
testimony  than  this  can  be  adduced,  for  Reed  was  a soldier,  and  as  capable 
of  judging  as  any  person  in  the  army. 


GENERAL  WARREN. 


171 


the  forehead,  and  he  fell  to  the  ground.  On  the  next  day  vis- 
itors to  the  battle-field  — among  them  Dr.  Jeffries  and  young 
Winslow,  afterwards  General  Winslow,  of  Boston — recognized 
his  body,  and  it  was  buried  on  the  spot  where  he  fell.  After 
the  British  had  left  Boston,  the  sacred  remains  were  sought 
after,  and  again  identified.  In  April  they  were  re-interred, 
with  appropriate  ceremonies,  when  Perez  Morton  delivered  a 
eulogy.  They  were  first  deposited  in  the  Tremont  Cemetery, 
and  subsequently  in  the  family  vault  under  St.  Paul’s  Church, 
in  Boston. 

The  intelligence  of  his  death  spread  a gloom  over  the  coun- 
try. The  many  allusions  to  him,  in  contemporary  letters 
and  in  the  journals,  indicate  how  strong  a hold  he  had  on  the 
affections  of  his  countrymen.  “ The  ardor  of  dear  Dr.  War- 
ren,” says  one,  “could  not  be  restrained  by  the  entreaty  of  his 
brethren  of  the  Congress,  and  he  is,  alas,  among  the  slain  ! 
May  eternal  happiness  be  his  eternal  portion.”  Mrs.  Adams, 
July  5,  writes:  “Not  all  the  havoc  and  devastation  they 
have  made  has  wounded  me  like  the  death  of  Warren.  We 
want  him  in  the  senate ; we  want  him  in  his  profession ; we 
want  him  in  the  field.  W e mourn  for  the  citizen,  the  senator, 
the  physician,  and  the  warrior.”  General  Howe  could  hardly 
credit  the  report  that  the  president  of  Congress  was  among 
the  killed ; and  when  assured  of  it  by  Dr.  Jeffries,  he  is  said  to 
have  declared  that  this  victim  was  worth  five  hundred  of 
their  men.  Nor  was  his  death  known  for  a certainty  at  Cam- 
bridge, until  a few  days  after  the  battle.  On  the  19th  of 
June,  the  vote  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  in  assigning  a time 
to  choose  his  successor,  says  he  was  “ supposed  to  be  killed.” 

Eloquence  and  song,  the  good  and  the  great,  have  united  in 
eulogy  on  this  illustrious  patriot  and  early  martyr  to  the 
cause  of  the  freedom  of  America.  No  one  personified  more 
completely  the  fine  enthusiasm  and  the  self-sacrificing  patriot- 
ism that  first  rallied  to  its  support.  No  one  was  more  widely 
beloved,  or  was  more  highly  valued.  The  language  of  the 
committee  of  safety,  who  knew  his  character,  and  appreciated 
his  service,  though  brief,  is  full,  touching  and  prophetic. 
“ Among  the  dead  was  Major-general  Joseph  Warren  ; a man 
whose  memory  will  be  endeared  to  his  countrymen,  and  to 
15 


172 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


the  worthy  in  every  part  and  age  of  the  world,  so  long  as 
virtue  and  valor  shall  be  esteemed  among  mankind.”  1 

1 The  contemporary  accounts  of  the  death  of  General  Warren  differ  much 
from  each  other;  so,  also,  do  the  subsequent  statements  of  the  soldiers  who 
aver  that  they  saw  him  fall.  Among  the  relations  is  that  of  the  connection 
of  Major  Small  with  his  death.  Colonel  Trumbull  states,  March  30,  1818, 
that  when  in  London,  in  1786,  Colonel  Small  gave  him  two  anecdotes  of  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  One  — that  on  the  second  attack,  General  Putnam 
saved  his  (Small's)  life,  by  rushing  forward  and  striking  up  the  muzzles  ot 
guns  aimed  at  him  : and  the  other  — that  on  the  capture  of  the  redoubt.  Small 
endeavored  to  save  the  life  of  Warren.  Seeing  him  fall,  Small  ran  to  him, 
spoke  to  him;  but  he  only  looked  up,  smiled,  and  died.  Major  Alexander 
Garden,  also,  heard  Small’s  story,  and  in  a letter  dated  June  2,  1818,  says, 
“ I myself  heard  the  British  General  Small,  in  the  year  1791,  when  I passed 
the  summer  in  England,  declare,  that  to  the  friendship  of  Putnam  he  owed 
his  life  at  the  battle  of  Bunker’s  Hill,  for  that  when  left  almost  alone,  he  pre- 
vented his  men  from  firing  on  him,  repeatedly  saying,  “ Kill  any  but  him,  but 
spare  Small.”  Major  Garden  further  states,  that  he  met  Small  at  Major 
Pinckney’s,  where  he  was  sitting  to  Colonel  Trumbull  for  his  portrait.  “ He 
has  paid  me  the  compliment  of  endeavoring  to  save  the  life  of  Warren,  (said 
the  general,)  but  the  fact  is,  that  life  had  fled  before  I saw  his  remains.” 
These  incidents,  however,  wear  too  much  the  air  of  romance  to  be  implicitly 
relied  upon.  That  Major  Small  felt  grateful  for  an  interference  at  some  time 
in  his  behalf  is  undoubtedly  true.  It  might  have  been  the  incident  given  on 
page  79. 

The  concluding  portion  of  Captain  Chester’s  excellent  letter  on  the  battle 
is  lost.  I regret  that  endeavors  to  recover  it  have  proved  unsuccessful. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  it  contains  something  about  Warren.  In  the 
“ Eulogium,”  printed  in  1781,  the  following  passage,  coinciding  with  other 
accounts  of  his  gallantry,  indicates  that  Warren’s  last  words  were  addressed 
to  Captain  Chester  : — 

“ Ah,  fatal  ball ! Great  Warren  feels  the  wound, 

Spouts  the  black  gore  ! the  shades  his  eyes  surround ; 

Then  instant  calls,  and  thus  bespeaks  with  pain 
The  mightiest  captain  of  his  warring  train  : — 

Chester,*  ’t  is  past ! All  earthly  prospects  fly, 

Death  smiles  ! and  points  me  to  yon  radiant  sky. 

My  friends,  my  country,  force  a tender  tear,  — 

Kush  to  my  thoughts,  and  claim  my  parting  care. 

When  countries  groan  by  rising  woes  oppressed, 

Their  sons  by  bold  exploits  attempt  relief. 

* Col.  John  Chester,  of  Wethersfield,  in  the  State  of  Connecticut,  then  a captain, 
wno  behaved  with  the  greatest  intrepidity  in  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 


GENERAL  POMEROY. 


173 


General  Seth  Pomeroy  behaved  so  well  in  the  battle,  that  in 
some  of  the  accounts  he  is  assigned  a separate  command. 
Thus  President  John  Adams,  in  a letter,1  (June  19,  1818,)  says : 
“Who  was  the  first  officer  of  Massachusetts,  on  Bunker  Hill 
or  Breed’s  Hill?  I have  always  understood,  he  was  Colonel 
Pomeroy,  or  General  Pomeroy.  Colonel  Prescott  might  be  the 
most  determined,  persevering,  and  efficacious  officer  of  Massa- 
chusetts; but  Pomeroy  was  certainly  his  superior  in  com- 
mand.” General  Pomeroy  was  a veteran  of  the  French  wars, 
as  brave  as  he  was  patriotic.  It  is  admitted  that  he  also  served 
as  a volunteer.  He  requested  of  General  Ward  a horse  to  take 
him  to  the  field,  and  one  was  supplied.  On  his  arrival  at 
Charlestown  Neck,  he  declined  to  expose  the  horse  to  the 
severe  fire  that  raked  it,  and  coolly  walked  across.  He  joined 

Already,  long:,  unaided  we ’ve  withstood 

Albion’s  whole  force,  and  bathed  the  fields  with  blood. 

No  more,  my  friend,  our  country  asks  no  more  ; 

Wisdom  forbids  to  urge  the  unequal  war. 

No  longer  trust  your  unavailing  might, 

Haste,  — lead  our  troops  from  the  unequal  fight!  — 

Farewell ! — 

Senates  shall  hail  you  with  their  glad  acclaim, 

And  nations  learn  to  dread  Columbia’s  name. 

He  could  no  more  ! - — ■ thick  mists  obscure  his  eyes, 

And  from  his  cheeks  the  rosy  color  flies. 

His  active  soul,  disburdened  of  its  clay, 

To  distant  regions  wings  its  rapid  way.” 

1 President  Adams,  in  this  letter,  makes  the  following  remarks  in  relation 
to  the  army  : “ The  army  at  Cambridge  was  not  a national  army,  for  there 
was  no  nation.  It  was  not  an  United  States  army,  for  there  were  no  United 
States.  It  was  not  an  army  of  united  colonies,  for  it  could  not  be  said  in  any 
sense  that  the  colonies  were  united.  The  centre  of  their  union,  the  Congress 
of  Philadelphia,  had  not  adopted  nor  acknowledged  the  army  at  Cambridge. 
It  was  not  a New  England  army,  for  New  England  had  not  associated.  New 
England  had  no  legal  legislature,  nor  any  common  executive  authority,  even 
upon  the  principles  of  original  authority,  or  even  of  original  power  in  the 
people.  Massachusetts  had  her  army,  Connecticut  her  army,  New'  Hamp- 
shire her  army,  and  Rhode  Island  her  army.  These  four  armies  met  at 
Cambridge,  and  imprisoned  the  British  army  in  Boston.  But  who  was  the 
sovereign  of  this  united,  or  rather  congregated,  army,  and  who  its  com- 
mander-in-chief 1 It  had  none.  Putnam,  Poor,  and  Greene  were  as  inde- 
pendent of  Ward  as  Ward  was  of  them.” 


174 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


the  force  at  the  rail  fence,  and  was  received  with  cheers.  He 
fought  with  great  spirit,  and  kept  with  the  troops  until  the 
retreat.  His  musket  was  shattered  by  a ball,  but  he  retained 
it,  and  with  it  continued  to  animate  the  men.  He  thought  it 
strange  that  Warren,  “the  young  and  chivalrous  soldier,” 
says  Colonel  Swett,  “ the  eloquent  and  enlightened  legislator, 
should  fall,  and  he  escape,  old  and  useless,  unhurt.”  Soon 
after  the  battle,  he  declined,  on  account  of  age,  the  appoint- 
ment as  first  brigadier-general  of  the  army,  but  as  colonel 
commanded  a regiment  in  the  Jerseys.  His  exposure  brought 
on  pleurisy,  and  he  died  at  Peekskill,  New  York. 

James  Otis,  an  invalid,  was  at  Watertown  living  with 
James  Warren,  who  married  his  sister  Mercy.  He,  who 
had  so  nobly  served  his  country  with  his  pen  and  in 
the  council,  could  not  resist  an  impulse  to  aid  it  in  the 
held.  “ Your  brother,”  Warren,  on  the  18th  of  June, 
wrote  to  his  wife,  “ borrowed  a gun,  &c.,  and  went 
among  the  flying  bullets  at  Charlestown,  and  returned  last 
evening  at  ten  o’clock.”  1 


1 Proceedings  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society,  April,  1871,  p.  68. 


Prescott’s  regiment. 


175 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Services  of  the  Regiments.  Notices  of  the  Officers.  Numbers  engaged. 

British  Criticism.  Destruction  of  Charlestown. 

It  is  difficult  to  assign  with  precision  the  credit  due  to  the 
American  regiments  engaged  in  the  Bunker  Hill  battle.  None 
of  the  early  accounts  mention  them  in  detail.  No  official 
report  specifies  the  service  they  performed.  And  the  only 
guide,  in  the  printed  material  of  1775,  is  a list  of  the  killed 
and  wounded  of  each  regiment,  that  appeared  in  a Providence 
newspaper.  The  official  returns  of  the  army,  previous  to 
June  17,  are  very  imperfect,  while  those  of  a later  date  con- 
tain names  of  soldiers  not  in  the  action.  I propose  to  devote 
a few  pages  to  such  notices  of  the  regiments  and  their  offi- 
cers, and  such  incidents  connected  with  the  battle,  as  appear 
authentic.1 

William  Prescott’s  regiment,  from  Middlesex,  was  commis- 
sioned May  26,  and  a return  of  this  date  is  the  latest,  before 
the  battle,  I have  seen.  Its  lieutenant-colonel,  John  Robin- 
son, and  its  major,  Henry  Wood,  behaved  with  great  coolness 
and  bravery.  Its  adjutant,  William  Green,  was  wounded. 
Captains  Maxwell  and  Farwell  were  badly  wounded;  and 
Lieutenants  Faucett  and  Brown  were  wounded,  — the  former 
mortally,  and  was  left  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Lieut.  Pres- 
cott, a nephew  of  the  colonel,  and  probably  of  this  regiment, 
received  a ball  in  the  arm,  but  continued  to  load  his  musket, 
and  was  passing  by  the  sally-port  to  discharge  it,  when  a 
cannon  shot  cut  him  in  pieces. 

James  Frye’s  regiment,  from  Essex,  was  commissioned 
May  20.  The  latest  return  is  dated  May  26.  James  Bricket 
was  lieutenant-colonel ; Thomas  Poor,  major ; Daniel  Hardy, 
adjutant ; Thomas  Kittredge,  surgeon.  Colonel  Frye  did  not 

1 See  the  Appendix  for  a table  of  the  companies  of  the  several  regiments, 
and  the  number  of  the  men. 

15* 


176 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


go  to  Breed’s  Hill  with  his  regiment  on  the  evening  of  June 
16,  on  account  of  indisposition  ; but  was  in  the  battle,  behaved 
with  spirit,  and  was  active  in  urging  on  reinforcements. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Bricket,  a physician,  was  wounded  early 
in  the  action,  and,  with  other  surgeons,  repaired  to  the  north 
side  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  remained  in  attendance  on  the 
wounded. 

Ebenezer  Bridge’s  regiment  was  commissioned  May  27. 
Moses  Parker  was  lieutenant-colonel ; John  Brooks,  major ; 
Joseph  Fox,  adjutant ; John  Bridge,  quartermaster.  A return, 
dated  June  23,  gives  but  nine  companies  belonging  to  it. 
Though  the  whole  regiment  was  ordered  to  parade  on  the 
16th  of  June,  yet,  it  is  stated  that  three  of  its  companies  did 
not  go  on  under  Colonel  Prescott.  Ford’s  company  reached 
the  field  just  before  the  action  began ; and  a portion  of  this 
regiment,  — two  companies, — under  Major  Brooks,  were  on 
the  way  to  the  hill  when  the  Americans  were  retreating. 
Colonel  Bridge,  though  wounded  on  the  head  and  in  the  neck 
by  a sword  cut,  and  though  he  was  one  of  the  last  to  retreat, 
did  not  escape  the  scrutiny  that  took  place  in  relation  to  the 
battle.  It  was  charged  against  him  that  he  kept  too  cau- 
tiously covered  in  the  redoubt.  He  was  tried,  and  acquitted 
on  the  ground  of  indisposition  of  body. 

Lieutenant-colonel  Parker  was  a skilful  and  brave  veteran 
of  the  French  wars,  and  behaved  with  great  gallantry  in  the 
action.  A ball  fractured  his  knee,  and  he  was  left  in  the 
redoubt.  The  British  carried  him  a prisoner  to  Boston,  lodged 
him  in  the  jail,  where,  after  the  amputation  of  his  leg,  he 
died  on  the  4th  of  July,  aged  forty-three.  He  was  a good 
officer,  much  beloved  by  his  regiment,  and  his  loss  was 
severely  felt.  An  obituary  notice  of  him,  — in  the  New  Eng- 
land Chronicle,  July  21,  1775,  — says:  “In  him  fortitude, 
prudence,  humanity,  and  compassion,  all  conspired  to  heighten 
the  lustre  of  his  military  virtues;”  and  it  states,  that  “ through 
the  several  commissions  to  which  his  merit  entitled  him,  he 
had  always  the  pleasure  to  find  that  he  possessed  the  esteem 
and  respect  of  his  soldiers,  and  the  applause  of  his  country- 
men.” The  notice  concludes  in  the  following  strain  : “God 
grant  each  individual  that  now  is,  or  may  be,  engaged  in  the 


LITTLE  S REGIMENT. 


177 


American  army,  an  equal  magnitude  of  soul : so  shall  their 
names,  unsullied,  be  transmitted  in  the  latest  catalogue  of 
fame  ; and  if  any  vestiges  of  liberty  shall  remain,  their  praises 
shall  be  rehearsed  through  the  earth  ‘ till  the  sickle  of  time 
shall  crop  the  creation.’  ” 

Major  Brooks  — afterwards  Governor  Brooks  — was  not  on 
the  hill  in  the  afternoon.  His  duties  on  this  day  have  been 
stated.  Captain  Walker,  whose  daring  reconnoitre  service 
has  been  described,  was  carried  to  Boston,  severely  wounded. 
His  leg  was  amputated,  but  he  did  not  receive  proper  atten- 
tion, and  died  during  the  following  August.  Captain  Coburn’s 
clothes  were  riddled  with  balls.  Captain  Bancroft  fought 
nobly  in  the  redoubt,  and  was  wounded.  Captain  Ford 
behaved  with  much  spirit. 

Moses  Little’s  regiment  was  not  commissioned  until  June 
26.  A return,  dated  June  15,  of  nine  companies,  reports 
Captain  Collins’  company  in  Gloucester,  and  Captain  Parker’s 
as  ready  to  march  from  Ipswich.  Depositions  state  that,  on 
the  evening  of  June  16,  Captains  Gerrish  and  Perkins  were  at 
West  Cambridge,  and  that  Captain  Lunt  was  detached  to 
Lechmere’s  Point,  as  a guard.  Captain  Perkins’,  Wade’s,  and 
Warner’s  companies  were  led  on  by  Colonel  Little,  before  the 
action  commenced ; Captain  Lunt  went  on  near  its  close. 
Colonel  Swett  states  that  Captain  Warner,  who  narrowly 
escaped,  led  on  but  twenty-three  men,  and  that  seventeen  of 
these  were  either  killed  or  wounded.  Only  forty  are  returned 
as  killed  and  wounded  of  this  regiment.  Colonel  Little  is 
mentioned  as  behaving  with  spirit.  Depositions  state  that 

Isaac  Smith  was  lieutenant-colonel, Collins,  major,  and 

Stephen  Jenkins,  adjutant.  The  accounts  of  this  regiment 
are  very  confused. 

Ephraim  Doolittle’s 1 regiment  was  commissioned  June  12, 

1 Doolittle’s  orderly  book  contains  the  following.  June  16.  — Parole,  Leb- 
anon. Countersign,  Coventry.  Field-officer  of  the  day,  Colonel  Nixon  ; of 
the  picket  guard  to-night,  Major  Brooks.  Field-officer  of  the  main  guard 
to-morrow  morning,  Lt.-col.  Hutchinson.  Adjutant  of  the  day,  Holden. 

June  17.  — Parole,  Deerfield.  Countersign,  Conway.  Field-officer  of 
the  day,  Col.  Gerrish.  Field-officer  of  the  picket  guard  to-night,  Major 
Wood.  Field-officer  of  the  main  guard  to-morrow  morning,  Lt.-col.  Bald- 
win. Adjutant  of  the  day,  Febiger. 


178 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


when  a return  names  only  seven  companies.  The  colonel  and 
lieutenant-colonel  were  absent  on  the  day  of  the  battle,  and 
Major  Willard  Moore  led  on,  it  is  stated,  three  hundred  of  its 
men.  Pew  details  are  preserved  of  the  service  of  this  reg- 
iment, or  of  the  conduct  of  its  officers.  The  depositions  speak 
in  glowing  terms  of  the  good  qualities  of  Major  Moore.  He 
was  a firm  patriot,  and  a generous  and  chivalrous  soldier.  On 
the  second  attack  he  received  a ball  in  the  thigh,  and  while 
his  men  were  carrying  him  to  the  rear  another  ball  went 
through  his  body.  He  called  for  water,  but  none  could  be 
obtained  nearer  than  the  Neck.  He  lingered  until  the  time  of 
the  retreat,  when,  feeling  his  wounds  to  be  mortal,  he  request- 
ed his  attendants  to  lay  him  down,  leave  him,  and  take  care 
of  themselves.  He  met  with  a soldier’s  death.  He  was  from 
Paxton.  He  took  a prominent  part  in  the  Worcester  Conven- 
tion in  September,  1774 ; was  chosen  captain  of  the  minute- 
men  January  17,  1775 ; and,  on  the  Lexington  alarm 
immediately  marched  for  Cambridge.  Few  notices  appeal 
of  individuals  of  this  regiment.  Robert  Steele,  a drummer, 
stated  in  1825,  that  he  “ beat  to  Yankee  Doodle  when  he 
mustered  for  Bunker  Hill  on  the  morning  of  the  17th  of 
June,  1775.” 

Samuel  Gerrish’s  regiment,  about  which  so  much  has  been 
written,  was  neither  full  nor  commissioned.  On  the  19th  of 
May  it  was  reported  to  be  complete ; but  there  were  difficul- 
ties in  relation  to  six  of  the  companies,  which  were  investi- 
gated June  2.  Four  companies  were  in  commission  June  17, 
and  four  more  were  commissioned  June  22.  Depositions  sta- 
tion, June  16,  three  companies  at  Chelsea,  three  at  Cambridge, 
and  two  at  SewalFs  Point.  At  a meeting  of  eight  captains  of 
this  regiment,  June  16,  at  Chelsea,  Loammi  Baldwin  was 
chosen  lieutenant-colonel,  Richard  Dodge,  major.  Christian 
Febiger  was  adjutant,  Michael  Farley  was  quartermaster,  and 
David  Jones,  surgeon.  The  conduct  of  the  colonel  of  this 
regiment  became  the  occasion  of  severe  comment.  A dis- 
paraging allusion  to  him  occurs  in  Dr.  Church’s  traitorous 
letter,  in  1775  ; Wilkinson  stations  him  on  Bunker  Hill,  and 
with  him  all  the  reinforcements  that  came  on  after  Stark 
passed  to  the  rail  fence ; the  revolutionary  depositions  are 
equally  severe.  In  some  of  the  statements  the  whole  reg- 


COLONEL  GARDNER. 


179 


iment  is  also  included.  This,  however,  does  gross  injustice 
to  a part  of  it,  if  not  to  the  whole  of  it.  Part  of  it  went  on, 
under  its  gallant  adjutant,  Febiger,  and  did  good  service.  Of 
Colonel  Gerrish’s  conduct,  Colonel  Swett  says  : “ A com- 

plaint was  lodged  against  him,  with  Ward,  immediately  after 
the  battle,  who  refused  to  notice  it,  on  account  of  the  unorgan- 
ized state  of  the  army.  He  was  stationed  at  Sewall’s  Point, 
which  was  fortified;  in  a few  weeks,  a floating  battery  made 
an  attack  on  the  place,  which  he  did  not  attempt  to  repel, 
observing,  ! The  rascals  can  do  us  no  harm,  and  it  would  be 
a mere  waste  of  powder  to  fire  at  them  with  our  four-pound- 
ers.’ It  was  evening,  the  lights  were  extinguished,  and  all 
the  British  balls  flew  wide  of  the  fort.  For  his  conduct  on 
this  occasion,  and  at  Bunker  Hill,  he  was  arrested  immedi- 
ately, tried,  found  guilty  of  £ conduct  unworthy  an  officer,’ 
and  cashiered.”  This  was  August  19,  1775.  It  was  thought 
by  the  judge  advocate  of  the  court  that  he  was  treated  far  too 
severely. 

Adjutant  Christian  Febiger  behaved  with  great  gallantry  in 
leading  on  a portion  of  this  regiment  in  time  to  do  efficient 
service.  He  was  a Danish  lieutenant,  and  enlisted  April  28. 
He  afterwards  went  with  Arnold  to  Quebec,  where  he 
behaved  with  the  resolution  and  intrepidity  of  a veteran,  and 
gave  many  proofs  of  great  military  abilities.  He  was  taken 
prisoner  in  the  attack.  He  subsequently  rose  to  the  rank  of 
colonel,  and  distinguished  himself  at  the  memorable  storming 
of  Stony  Point,  in  1779,  where  he  led  a column  by  the  side 
of  General  Wayne. 

Thomas  Gardner’s  regiment,  of  Middlesex,  was  commis- 
sioned on  the  2d  of  June.  William  Bond  was  lieutenant- 
colonel,  and  Michael  Jackson  was  major.  After  the  British 
landed,  this  regiment  was  stationed  in  the  road  leading  to 
Lechmere’s  Point,  and  late  in  the  day  was  ordered  to  Charles- 
town. On  arriving  at  Bunker  Hill,  General  Putnam  ordered 
part  of  it  to  assist  in  throwing  up  defences  commenced  at  this 
place.  One  company  went  to  the  rail  fence.  The  greater 
part,  under  the  lead  of  their  colonel,  on  the  third  attack,  , 
advanced  towards  the  redoubt.  On  the  way,  Colonel  Gard- 
ner was  struck  by  a ball,  which  inflicted  a mortal  wound. 


J 80 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


While  a party  was  carrying  him  off,  he  had  an  affecting 
interview  with  his  son,  a youth  of  nineteen,  who  was  anxious 
to  aid  in  bearing  him  from  the  field.  His  heroic  father  pro- 
hibited him,  and  he  was  borne  on  a litter  of  rails  over  Winter 
Hill.  Here  he  was  overtaken  by  the  retreating  troops.  He 
raised  himself  on  his  rude  couch,  and  addressed  to  them 
cheering  words.  He  lingered  until  July  3,  when  he  died. 
On  the  5th  he  was  buried  with  the  honors  of  war.1  He  was 
in  his  fifty-second  year,  and  had  been  a member  of  the  General 
Court,  and  of  the  Provincial  Congress.  He  was  a true  patriot, 
a brave  soldier,  and  an  upright  man.  An  obituary  notice  of 
him  in  the  Essex  Gazette,  July  13,  1775,  says:  “From  the 
era  of  our  public  difficulties  he  distinguished  himself  as  an 
ardent  friend  to  the  expiring  liberties  of  America ; and  by  the 
unanimous  suffrages  of  his  townsmen  was  for  some  years 
elected  a member  of  the  General  Assembly;  but  when  the 
daring  encroachments  of  intruding  despotism  deprived  us 
of  a constitutional  convention,  and  the  first  law  of  nature 
demanded  a substitute,  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  Provincial 
Congress;  in  which  departments  he  was  vigilant  and  indefati- 
gable in  defeating  every  effort  of  tyranny.  To  promote  the 
interest  of  his  country  was  the  delight  of  his  soul.  An  inflexi- 
ble zeal  for  freedom  caused  him  to  behold  every  engine  of 
oppression  with  contempt,  horror,  and  aversion.”  He  devoted 
to  military  affairs  not  only  a large  share  of  his  time,  but  of 
his  fortune.  His  private  character  is  highly  eulogized.  He 
was,  “to  his  family  kind,  tender,  and  indulgent;  to  his 
friends,  unreserved  and  sincere;  to  the  whole  circle  of  his 
acquaintance,  affable,  condescending,  and  obliging;  while 
veneration  for  religion  augmented  the  splendor  of  his  sister 
virtues.”  2 

1 Extract  from  Washington’s  orders,  July  4,  1775.  “ Colonel  Gardner  is 

to  be  buried  to-morrow,  at  three  o’clock,  p.  m.,  with  the  military  honors  due 
to  so  brave  and  gallant  an  officer,  who  fought,  bled,  and  died  in  the  cause  of 
bis  country  and  mankind.  His  own  regiment,  except  the  company  at  Mal- 
den, to  attend  on  this  mournful  occasion.  The  place  of  these  companies,  in 
the  lines,  on  Prospect  Hill,  to  be  supplied  by  Colonel  Glover’s  regiment,  till 

* the  funeral  is  over.” 

2 In  1776,  a tract  was  published  in  Philadelphia,  entitled  “ The  Battle  of 
Bunker’s  Hill.  A Dramatic  Piece,  of  five  acts,  in  Heroic  Measure.  By  a 


WARD  S REGIMENT. 


181 


Major  Jackson  had  a personal  encounter  with  a British 
officer,  whom  he  killed,  while  he  received  a ball  through  his 
side.  His  life  was  preserved  by  his  sword  belt.  He  was 
recognized  by  his  antagonist,  with  whom  he  had  served  in 
former  wars. 

One  of  the  companies  of  this  regiment — Captain  Josiah 
Harris’  — was  raised  in  Charlestown.  Colonel  Swett  pays 
this  company — the  last  to  retreat  — the  following  compli- 
ment : “ They  were  fighting  at  their  own  doors,  on  their 
own  natal  soil.  They  were  on  the  extreme  left,  covered  by 
some  loose  stones  thrown  up  on  the  shore  of  the  Mystic,  dur- 
ing the  day,  by  order  of  Colonel  Stark.  At  this  most  import- 
ant pass  into  the  country,  against  which  the  enemy  made  the 
most  desperate  efforts,  like  Leonidas’  band,  they  had  taken 
post,  and  like  them  they  defended  it  till  the  enemy  had 
discovered  another.” 

General  Ward’s  regiment,  of  Worcester,  was  commissioned 
May  23.  Jonathan  Ward  was  lieutenant-colonel;  Edward 
Barnes,  major ; Timothy  Bigelow,  second  major  ; James  Hart, 
adjutant;  William  Boyd,  quartermaster.  This  regiment 
was  not  ordered  to  Charlestown  until  late  in  the  afternoon, 
and  halted  on  its  way ; but  a detachment  from  it  pushed  on, 
and  arrived  in  season  to  take  part  in  the  action.  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Ward,  with  a few  men,  reached  the  rail  fence;  and 
Captains  Cushing  and  Washburn,  and  another  company, 
fired  upon  the  British  after  the  retreat  commenced  from  the 

Gentleman  of  Maryland.”  In  the  dedication,  the  author  says,  “ It  was  at  first 
drawn  up  for  an  exercise  in  oratory.”  The  three  American  officers  named 
are  Warren,  Putnam,  and  Gardner.  Several  speeches  are  put  into  the  mouth 
of  Gardner.  One,  after  he  had  been  desperately  wounded,  will  give  a suffi- 
cient idea  of  the  matter  and  style  of  the  piece  : — 

“ A musket  ball,  death-winged,  has  pierced  my  groin, 

And  widely  op’d  the  swift  curr’nt  of  my  veins. 

Bear  me,  then,  soldiers,  to  that  hollow  space, 

A little  hence,  just  in  the  hill’s  decline. 

A surgeon  there  may  stop  the  gushing  wound, 

And  gain  a short  respite  to  life,  that  yet 
I may  return,  and  fight  one  half  hour  more. 

Then  shall  I die  in  peace,  and  to  my  God 
Surrender  up  the  spirit  which  he  gave.” 


182 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


redoubt.  The  remainder  of  the  regiment,  under  Major  Barnes, 
retreated  before  it  got  near  enough  to  engage  the  enemy. 

Jonathan  Brewer’s  regiment,  of  Worcester  and  Middlesex, 
consisted,  June  15,  of  397  men.  William  Buckminster  was 
lieutenant-colonel,  and  Nathaniel  Cudworth  major,  — all  of 
whom  did  excellent  duty  in  the  battle.  On  the  same  day,  the 
committee  of  safety  recommended  the  officers  of  this  regiment 
to  be  commissioned,  with  the  exception  of  Captain  Stebbins, 
who  did  not  have  the  requisite  number  of  men.  Colonel 
Swett  states  that  this  regiment  went  on  about  three  hundred 
strong ; revolutionary  depositions  state  one  hundred  and  fifty. 
It  was  stationed  mostly  on  the  diagonal  line  between  the 
breastwork  and  rail  fence.  Few  details  are  given  respecting 
Colonel  Brewer,  other  than  that  he  was  consulted  often  by 
Prescott,  behaved  with  spirit,  and  was  wounded  ; or  of  Major 
Cudworth,  — the  same  who  led  the  Sudbury  minute-men  to 
attack  the  British  troops  on  the  19th  of  April.  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Buckminster  acquired  much  reputation  for  bravery 
and  prudence  in  the  battle.  Just  before  the  retreat,  he 
received  a dangerous  wound  from  a musket  ball  entering  his 
right  shoulder,  and  coming  out  in  the  middle  of  his  back. 
This  made  him  a cripple  during  life.  He  was  much  respected 
for  his  sterling  integrity,  patriotism,  and  goodness  of  heart. 
He  was  born  in  Framingham  in  1736,  removed  in  1757  to 
Barre,  was  elected  in  1774  to  command  the  minute-men,  and 
after  his  arrival  in  camp  was  chosen  lieutenant-colonel.  He 
died  in  1786. 1 

John  Nixon’s  regiment,  from  Middlesex  and  Worcester,  was 
neither  full  nor  commissioned,  and  both  the  returns  and  the 
details  of  it  are  very  meagre.  Only  three  companies  appear 
in  a list  dated  June  16,  and  the  officers  of  them  are  all  that 
appear  to  have  been  in  commission  at  this  date.  Colonel 
Swett  states  that  three  hundred  were  led  on  to  the  field 

1 The  inscription  on  his  monument  is  said  to  faithfully  describe  his  charac- 
ter : — “Sacred  to  the  memory  of  Colonel  William  Buckminster.  An 
industrious  farmer,  a useful  citizen,  an  honest  man,  a sincere  Christian,  a 
brave  officer,  and  a friend  to  his  country  ; in  whose  cause  he  courageously 
fought,  and  was  dangerously  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Bunker’s  Hill.  He 
was  born  Dec.  15,  a.  d.  1736.  Died  June  22,  a.  d.  1786.” 


gridley’s  battalion. 


1S3 


by  Colonel  Nixon,  who  behaved  with  great  gallantry.  He 
was  badly  wounded,  and  carried  off  the  hill. 

Benjamin  R.  Woodbridge’s  regiment,  of  Hampshire,  also, 
was  not  commissioned,  and  there  are  few  details  of  it,  or  of  its 
officers,  in  the  accounts  of  the  battle.  A return  dated  June 
16  names  eight  captains,  four  lieutenants,  four  ensigns,  and 
three  hundred  and  sixty-three  men.  Abijah  Brown  was  lieu- 
tenant-colonel, and  William  Stacy  major.  Colonel  Swett 
names  this  regiment,  also,  as  going  on  three  hundred  strong. 
But  in  this  case,  and  in  the  case  of  Nixon’s,  it  is  probably 
too  high  an  estimate. 

Asa  Whitcomb’s  regiment,  of  Worcester,  had  but  few  com- 
panies in  the  battle.  One  account,  by  a soldier,  states  that 
Captain  Benjamin  Hastings,  belonging  to  it,  led  on  a company 
of  thirty-four,  and  took  post  at  the  rail  fence.  This  name 
does  not  occur  in  a return  dated  June  3.  Two  companies, 
Captains  Burt’s  and  Wilder’s,  were  probably  in  the  battle.  • 

James  Scammans’  regiment,  from  Maine,  did  not  advance 
nearer  the  battle  than  Banker  Hill ; and  its  colonel  was  tried 
for  disobedience  of  orders,  but  acquitted.  This  trial  was 
printed  at  length,  in  the  N.  E.  Journal  of  February  1776. 
In  a petition,  dated  November  14,  1776,  he  requested  a com- 
mission to  raise  a regiment,  ££  being  willing  to  show  his 
country  that  he  was  ready  at  all  times  to  risk  his  fortune  and 
life  in  defence  of  it.”  It  commenced  as  follows:  “Whereas 
his  conduct  has  been  called  in  question  respecting  the  battle 
of  Charlestown,  in  June,  1775,  wherein  the  dispositions  made 
were  such  as  could  render  but  little  prospect  of  success.” 

John  Mansfield’s  regiment  was  ordered  to  Charlestown,  but 
marched  to  Cobble  Hill,  to  protect  the  detachment  of  artillery, 
under  Major  Scarborough  Gridley.  Colonel  Mansfield  was 
tried  for  “remissness  and  backwardness  in  the  execution  of 
his  duty,”  sentenced  “to  be  cashiered,  and  rendered  unfit  to 
serve  in  the  continental  army.”  Colonel  Swett  remarks, 
that  he  “ was  obviously  guilty  of  an  error  only,  arising  from 
inexperience.” 

Richard  Gridley’s  battalion  of  artillery,  notwithstanding 
the  great  exertions  that  had  been  made  to  complete  it,  was 
not  settled  at  the  time  of  the  battle.  It  consisted  of  ten  com- 
16 


184 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


panies,  — four  hundred  and  seventeen  men.  In  a return 
dated  June  16,  Scarborough  Gridley,  son  of  the  colonel,  is 
titled  lieutenant-colonel,  and  William  Burbeck  major;  but 
the  committee  of  safety  of  this  date  recommended  Congress 
to  commission  the  captains  and  subalterns  of  the  train,  and 
William  Burbeck  as  lieutenant-colonel,  Scarborough  Gridley 
as  first  major  and  David  Mason  as  second  major.  But  these 
officers  were  not  commissioned  until  June  21,  when  Gridley 
was  made  second  major.  Three  companies  were  in  battle  : 
Captain  Gridley’s,  Trevett’s,  and  Callender’s.  One  other  — 
Capt.  Foster’s  — advanced  as  far  as  Bunker  Hill,  when  it  was 
obliged  to  retreat.  Details  of  the  conduct  of  these  companies 
have  been  given.  All  accounts  agree  that  the  artillery,  in 
general,  was  badly  served. 

Colonel  Richard  Gridley,  the  chief  engineer  of  the  army, 
who  planned  the  works  on  Breed’s  Hill,  was  a veteran  of  the 
French  wars,  and  distinguished  himself  at  the  siege  of  Louis- 
burg.  He  was  taken  ill  on  the  morning  of  the  17th,  after  the 
fatigue  of  the  night,  and  left  the  hill;  but  returned  before  the 
action  commenced,  and  fought  until  the  retreat,  aiding  in  dis- 
charging one  of  the  field-pieces.  He  was  struck,  near  the 
close  of  the  battle,  by  a ball,  and  entered  his  sulky  to  be 
carried  off;  but  meeting  with  some  obstruction,  had  but  just 
left  it,  when  the  horse  was  killed  and  the  sulky  was  riddled 
by  the  enemy’s  shot.  The  veteran  engineer  was  active  in 
planning  the  fortifications  that  were  thrown  up  immediately 
after  the  battle.  He  received  from  the  Provincial  Congress 
the  rank  of  major-general ; and  commissioned  September  20, 
1775,  to  take  the  command  of  the  artillery  in  the  continental 
army.  In  November,  he  was  superseded  by  Colonel  Knox. 
Washington,  December  31,  stated  to  Congress  that  no  one  in 
the  army  was  better  qualified  to  be  chief  engineer;  and  his 
services  were  again  called  for,  on  the  memorable  night  when 
Dorchester  Heights  were  fortified.  After  the  British  had 
left  Boston,  he  was  intrusted  with  the  duty  of  again  throw- 
ing up  works  in  Charlestown,  and  other  points  about  the 
harbor.  He  died  at  Stoughton,  June  21,  1796,  aged  eighty- 
four. 

Major  Scarborough  Gridley,  who  was  ordered  with  addi- 


CAPTAIN  CALLENDER. 


185 


tional  artillery  companies  to  Charlestown,  but  took  post  at 
Cobble  Hill  to  fire  at  the  Glasgow  frigate,  was  tried  by  a 
court-martial,  of  which  General  Greene  was  president.  The 
following  was  the  sentence,  September  24,  1775:  “Major 
Scarborough  Grid  ley,  tried  at  a late  court-martial,  whereof 
Brigadier-general  Greene  was  president,  for  1 being  deficient  in 
his  duty  upon  the  17th  of  June  last,  the  day  of  the  action  upon 
Bunker’s  Hill,’  the  court  find  Major  Scarborough  Gridley 
guilty  of  a breach  of  orders.  They  do,  therefore,  dismiss  him 
from  the  Massachusetts  service  ; but,  on  account  of  his  inex- 
perience and  youth,  and  the  great  confusion  that  attended  that 
day’s  transactions  in  general,  they  do  not  consider  him  incapa- 
ble of  a continental  commission,  should  the  general  officers 
recommend  him  to  his  excellency.”  He  was  a son  of  Colonel 
Gridley ; and  parental  partiality  procured  his  appointment  in 
preference  to  that  of  Benjamin  Thompson,  afterwards  the 
celebrated  Count  Rumford.  The  latter  accompanied  Major 
Brooks  the  last  time  he  was  ordered  on,  and  met  the  Ameri- 
cans in  their  retreat. 

Captain  Callender,  for  disobedience  of  orders  and  alleged 
cowardice,  was  tried  June  27,  — the  first  of  the  trials  on 
account  of  this  battle.  The  court  sentenced  him  to  be  cash- 
iered; and  Washington,  in  an  order,  July  7,  declared  him  to 
be  “dismissed  from  all  further  service  in  the  continental  ser- 
vice as  an  officer.”  But  Capt.  Callender  despised  the  charge 
of  cowardice;  and,  determining  to  wipe  out  the  unjust  stigma, 
continued  in  the  army  as  a volunteer.  At  the  battle  of  Long 
Island  he  fought  with  such  signal  bravery  that  Washing- 
ton ordered  the  sentence  to  be  erased  from  the  orderly  book, 
and  his  commission  to  be  restored  to  him.  He  was  taken 
prisoner  by  the  enemy,  August  27,  1776.  He  remained  over 
a year  in  the  hands  of  the  British.  A touching  petition,  dated 
September  15,  1777,  was  addressed  to  the  government  of  Mas- 
sachusetts by  his  wife,  in  his  behalf.  “Your  petitioner,”  it 
says,  “ with  four  helpless  infants,  is  now,  through  the  dis- 
tress of  a kind  and  loving  husband,  a tender  and  affectionate 
parent,  reduced  to  a state  of  misery  and  wretchedness  and 
want,  truly  pitiable.”  Her  devotion  had  found  a way  of 
relief,  by  an  exchange,  and  it  was  successful.  Colonel  Swett 


186 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


states  that  this  brave  soldier  left  the  service  at  the  peace  with 
the  highest  honor  and  reputation. 

Captain  S.  R.  Trevett’s  gallantry  and  perseverance  rescued 
the  only  field-piece  saved  of  the  six  taken  to  the  field.  He  lived 
to  an  advanced  age. 

The  New  Hampshire  troops  consisted  of  the  regiments  of 
Colonels  Stark  and  Reed,  and  one  company,  Reuben  Dow:s, 
in  Prescott’s  regiment.  They  fought  with  great  bravery. 

Colonel  John  Stark’s  regiment  was  large  and  full.  There 
is  no  return,  however,  specifying  the  number  of  men,  in  the 
office  of  the  secretary  of  state  of  New  Hampshire.  In  the  roll 
Isaac  Wyman  is  named  lieutenant-colonel;  Andrew  McClary, 
major,  (though  the  records  of  the  Congress  state  that  he  was 
appointed  major  of  the  third  or  Poor’s  regiment ;)  Abiel  Chand- 
ler, adjutant;  John  Caldwell,  quartermaster;  David  Osgood, 
chaplain;  Obadiah  Williams,  surgeon;  Samuel  McClintock, 
chaplain. 

Colonel  Stark  — afterwards  the  hero  of  Bennington  — be- 
haved with  his  characteristic  bravery.  After  he  had  detached, 
early  in  the  morning,  a third  of  his  men,  it  is  said  he  visited 
the  redoubt  in  company  with  his  major,  when  he  found  his 
men  in  the  hollow  between  Winter  and  Ploughed  Hills.  On 
leading  the  troops  into  action,  he  made  a spirited  address,  and 
ordered  three  cheers  to  be  given.  By  his  order,  also,  the 
stones  on  the  beach  of  Mystic  River  were  thrown  up  in  the 
form  of  a breastwork.  These  are  nearly  all  the  particulars 
relating  to  his  conduct  that  have  been  stated.  But  all 
accounts  speak  of  his  coolness  and  intrepidity. 

When  the  order  was  received  for  the  remainder  of  this  reg- 
iment to  march  to  Bunker  Hill,  it  was  paraded  in  front  of  a 
house  used  as  an  arsenal,  where  each  man  received  a gill  cup 
full  of  powder,  fifteen  balls,  and  one  flint.  After  this  the  car- 
tridges were  to  be  made  up,  and  this  occasioned  much  delay. 
Hence  the  regiment  did  not  get  to  the  hill  until  about  two 
o’clock. 

The  major  of  this  regiment,  Andrew  McClary,  was  a 
favorite  officer.  He  was  nearly  six  feet  and  a half  in  height, 
and  of  an  athletic  frame.  During  the  action  he  fought  with 
great  bravery ; and  amidst  the  roar  of  the  artillery  his  sten- 


reed’s  regiment. 


187 


torian  voice  was  heard  animating  the  men,  and  inspiring  them 
with  his  own  energy.  After  the  action  was  over,  he  rode  to 
Medford  to  procure  bandages  for  the  wounded ; and,  on  his 
return,  went  with  a few  of  his  comrades  to  reconnoitre  the 
British,  then  on  Bunker  Hill.  As  he  was  on  his  way  to  rejoin 
his  men,  a shot  from  a frigate  lying  where  Cragie’s  Bridge 
is,  passed  through  his  body.  He  leaped  a few  feet  from  the 
ground,  pitched  forward,  and  fell  dead  on  his  face.  He  was 
carried  to  Medford,  and  interred  with  the  honors  of  war.  He 
was,  General  Dearborn  writes,  a brave,  great,  and  good 
man.  A spirited  notice  of  him  appeared  in  the  New  Hamp- 
shire Gazette,  dated  Epsom,  July,  1 775.  It  says:  “The 
major  discovered  great  intrepidity  and  presence  of  mind  in  the 
action,  and  his  noble  soul  glowed  with  ardor  and  the  love  of  his 
country ; and,  like  the  Roman  Camiilus,  who  left  his  plough, 
commanded  the  army,  and  conquered  his  opponents,  so  the 
major,  upon  the  first  intelligence  of  hostilities  at  Concord,  left 
his  farm  and  went  a volunteer  to  assist  his  suffering  brethren, 
where  he  was  soon  called  to  a command,  which  he  executed 
to  his  eternal  honor,  and  has  thereby  acquired  the  reputation 
of  a brave  officer  and  a disinterested  patriot ; and  may  his 
name  be  held  in  respect  by  all  the  lovers  of  liberty  to  the  end 
of  time,  while  the  names  of  the  sons  of  tyranny  are  despised 
and  disgraced,  and  nothing  left  to  them  but  the  badges  of 
their  perfidy  and  infamy ! May  the  widow  of  the  deceased 
be  respected  for  his  sake ; and  may  his  children  inherit  his 
spirit  and  bravery,  but  not  meet  with  his  fate!” 

Captain  Henry  Dearborn,  who  afterwards  became  so  dis- 
tinguished in  the  history  of  the  country,  both  in  civil  and 
military  capacities,  commanded  one  of  the  companies  of  this 
regiment,  and  has  supplied  an  account  of  the  action  full  of 
interesting  details. 

The  chaplain  of  the  regiment,  Dr.  McClintock,  was  in  the 
battle,  animating  the  men  by  his  exhortations,  prayers,  and 
intrepidity. 

James  Reed’s  regiment,  consisting,  June  14,  of  486  rank 
and  file,  was  stationed  at  Charlestown  Neck.  Israel  Gilman 
was  lieutenant-colonel ; Nathan  Hale,  major ; Stephen  Pea- 
body, adjutant;  Isaac  Frye,  quartermaster;  Ezra  Green,  sur- 
16* 


188 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


geon.  Few  details  have  been  preserved  of  the  service  of  this 
regiment.  Colonel  Reed  was,  Colonel  Swett  remarks,  “a 
highly  respectable  officer,  and  served  at  Ticonderoga  in  1776. 
His  letters  to  the  New  Hampshire  Congress  bear  evidence  of 
a patriotic  spirit,  while  his  orders  to  his  regiment  evince  a 
good  disciplinarian.  No  special  mention  appears  of  him  in 
the  accounts  of  the  battle.  General  Folsom,  however,  in 
writing  of  the  gallantry  of  the  New  Hampshire  troops,  makes 
no  discrimination.  Adjutant  Peabody  behaved,  General  Sul- 
livan writes,  with  great  courage  and  intrepidity.  William 
Lee,  first  orderly  sergeant  of  Spaulding’s  company,  “not  only 
fought  well  himself,”.  — say  the  officers  and  men  of  this  com- 
pany, in  a petition  to  Washington,  August  10,  1775,  — “but 
gave  good  advice  to  the  men  to  place  themselves  in  right  order, 
and  to  stand  their  ground  well.” 

The  Connecticut  forces  at  Cambridge  were  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Putnam.  His  regiment  (see  page  100)  was 
full,  containing  ten  companies.  Experience  Storrs  was  his 
lieutenant-colonel,  John  Durkee  his  first  major,  and  Obadiah 
Johnson  his  second  major.  A letter  dated  June  20,  1775,  states 
that  the  whole  of  this  regiment,  excepting  Captain  Mosely’s 
company,  was  in  the  action.  Two  companies  that  appear  in 
the  returns  as  belonging  to  General  Spencer’s  regiment  were 
certainly  in  the  battle,  — Chester’s  and  Coit’s.  The  number 
given  — one  hundred  and  twenty  — as  constituting  the  fatigue 
party  that  went  on  under  Knowlton  on  the  night  of  the  16th, 
rests  on  Grosvenor’s  letters.  Chester  states,  that  “by  orders 
from  head  quarters,  one  subaltern,  one  sergeant,  and  thirty 
privates,  were  draughted  out  over  night  to  intrench,  from  his 
company.”  Captain  Clark,  in  a letter,  June  17,  1818,  says, 
he  received  orders  from  General  Putnam  “to  detach  one 
ensign,  with  twenty-eight  men,”  to  march  early  in  the  even- 
ing of  the  16th  of  June.  Draughts  were  made  from  Putnam’s 
and  Knowlton’s  company,  and  probably  from  one  other.1  No 
order  for  more  of  the  Connecticut  forces  to  go  on  appears  to 

1 It  is  certain  that  the  two  hundred  Connecticut  men  went  on  which 
Chester  states  were  called  for.  Thus,  Sylvester  Conant,  of  Storrs’  com- 
pany, was  on  the  hill  during  the  night ; Josiah  Cleaveland  states  that  thirty 
of  his  company  went  on. 


THE  CONNECTICUT  TROOPS. 


189 


have  been  given,  until  General  Putnam  gave  it,  after  the  Brit- 
ish landed,  about  noon,  on  the  17th. 

The  conduct  of  the  Connecticut  troops  is  mentioned  in  terms 
of  high  commendation  in  the  private  letters  and  the  journals 
of  the  time.  Major  Durkee ; Captains  Knowlton,  Chester, 
Coit ; Lieutenants  Dana,  Hide,  Grosvenor,  Webb,  Bingham, 
and  Keyes,  are  specially  named  as  deserving  of  credit.  One 
letter  states  that  the  officers  and  soldiers  under  the  command 
of  Major  Durkee,  Captains  Knowlton,  Coit,  Clark,  and  Ches- 
ter, and  all  the  Connecticut  troops  ordered  up,  and  some  from 
this  province,  did  honor  to  themselves  and  the  cause  of  their 
country.  An  article  printed  directly  after  the  battle  in  the 
Connecticut  Courant  says:  “ Captain  Chester  and  Lieutenant 
Webb,  who  marched  up  to  the  lines  and  reinforced  the  troops, 
by  their  undaunted  behavior,  timely  and  vigorous  assistance, 
it  is  universally  agreed,  are  justly  entitled  to  the  grateful 
acknowledgments  of  their  country.”  They  went  on  near 
the  close  of  the  battle.  In  a letter  dated  July  11,  1775,  and 
addressed  to  Silas  Dean,  Lieutenant  Webb  gives  a vivid  idea 
both  of  the  hotness  of  the  fire,  and  of  the  desperate  nature  of 
the  hand-to-hand  contests  of  the  day.  “ For  my  part,  I con- 
fess,” he  writes,  “ when  I was  descending  into  the  valley,  from 
off"  Bunker  Hill,  side  by  side  of  Captain  Chester,  at  the  head 
of  our  company,  I had  no  more  thought  of  ever  rising  the  hill 
again  than  I had  of  ascending  to  heaven,  as  Elijah  did,  soul 
and  bodyr  together.  But  after  we  got  engaged,  to  see  the  dead 
and  wounded  around  me,  I had  no  other  feeling  but  that  of 
revenge.  Four  men  were  shot  dead  within  five  feet  of  me, 
but,  thank  Heaven,  I escaped,  with  only  the  graze  of  a mus- 
ket ball  on  my  hat.  I think  it  my  duty  to  tell  you  of  the 
bravery  of  one  of  our  company.  Edward  Brown  stood  side 
by  side  with  Gershom  Smith,  in  the  intrenchments.  Brown 
saw  his  danger,  — discharged  his  own  and  Smith’s  gun  when 
they"  came  so  close  as  to  push  over  our  small  breastwork. 
Brown  sprang,  seized  a regular’s  gun,  took  it  from  him,  and 
killed  him  on  the  spot ; brought  off  the  gun  in  triumph,  and 
has  it  now  by  him.  In  this  engagement  we  lost  four  brave 
men,  and  four  wounded.” 

The  conduct  of  Captain  Thomas  Knowlton  elicited  high 


190 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


praise.  He  was  a native  of  Boxford,  Massachusetts,  but 
while  a boy  removed  to  Ashford,  Connecticut.  He  served 
with  distinction  in  the  French  wars,  then  became  a prosperous 
farmer;  and  on  his  appearing  on  the  Lexington  alarm,  as  a 
volunteer  in  the  Ashford  militia  company,  to  march  to  the 
camp,  was  unanimously  elected  captain.  General  Putnam 
knew  his  merit,  and  selected  him  to  command  the  fatigue 
party  to  accompany  Colonel  Prescott.  He  commenced  the 
construction  of  the  rail  fence  protection,  and  fought  here  with 
admirable  bravery  and  conduct,  until  the  retreat.  He  received 
from  a Bostonian  a gold-laced  hat,  a sash  and  gold  breast- 
plate, for  his  behavior  in  this  battle.  Soon  after,  he  was  pro- 
moted ; and  while  major,  he  made,  January  8,  1776,  a daring 
and  successful  excursion  into  Charlestown,  to  burn  several 
houses  used  by  the  British;  and  as  lieutenant-colonel,  was 
the  confidant  of  Washington  in  the  enterprise  of  the  memor- 
able Nathan  Hale.  On  the  16th  of  September,  1776,  while 
exhibiting  his  usual  intrepidity,  he  was  killed  at  the  battle  of 
Harlem  Heights.  Washington,  in  the  general  orders,  after 
alluding  to  his  gallantry  and  bravery,  and  his  fall  while 
“gloriously  fighting,”  said  he  “would  have  been  an  honor  to 
any  country.”  He  was  about  thirty-six  when  he  was  killed. 

General  Ward  expressed  his  thanks  to  the  troops  engaged 
in  this  battle,  in  the  following  order,  of  June  24  : “ The  gen- 
eral orders  his  thanks  to  be  given  to  those  officers  and  soldiers 
who  behaved  so  gallantly  at  the  late  action  in  Charlestown. 
Such  bravery  gives  the  general  sensible  pleasure,  as  he  is 
thereby  fully  satisfied  that  we  shall  finally  come  off  victori- 
ous, and  triumph  over  the  enemies  of  freedom  and  America.” 

So  conflicting  are  the  authorities,  that  the  number  of  troops 
eugaged,  on  either  side,  cannot  be  precisely  ascertained. 
“ The  number  of  the  Americans  during  the  battle,”  Colonel 
Swett  says,  “was  fluctuating,  but  may  be  fairly  estimated  at 
three  thousand  five  hundred,  who  joined  in  the  battle,  and 
five  hundred  more,  who  covered  the  retreat.”  General  Put- 
nam’s estimate  was  two  thousand  two  hundred.  General 
Washington  says  the  number  engaged,  at  any  one  time,  was 
one  thousand  five  hundred,  and  this  was  adopted  by  Dr. 
Gordon.  This  is  as  near  accuracy  as  can  be  arrived  at. 


NUMBERS  ENGAGED. 


191 


General  Gage,  in  his  official  account,  states  the  British  force 
at  “something  over  two  thousand,”  and  yet  the  same  ac- 
count acknowledges  one  thousand  and  fifty-four  killed  and 
wounded.  This  certainly  indicates  a force  far  larger  than 
two  thousand.  Neither  British  accounts,  nor  the  British 
plans  of  the  battle,  mention  all  the  regiments  that  were  in  the 
field.  Thus,  the  movements  of  the  second  battalion  of 
marines  are  not  given;  yet  the  official  table  of  loss  states  that 
it  had  seven  killed  and  thirty  wounded;  and  Clarke,  also, 
states  it  was  not  until  after  the  Americans  had  retreated  that 
General  Gage  sent  over  this  second  battalion,  with  four  reg- 
iments of  foot,  and  a company  of  artillery.  Americans,  who 
counted  the  troops  as  they  left  the  wharves  in  Boston,  state 
that  five  thousand  went  over  to  Charlestown  ; but,  proba- 
bly, not  even  four  thousand  were  actually  engaged. 

Statements  were  made  as  to  the  numbers  engaged,  in  a 
debate  in  the  House  of  Commons,  December  7,  1775.  The 
lord  mayor,  — Mr.  Sawbridge,  — said  it  had  been  very  fash- 
ionable, both  within  and  without  doors,  to  stigmatize  the 
Americans  as  cowards  and  poltroons,  but  he  believed  the 
truth  would  be  found  on  the  other  side ; for  he  was  well 
informed  that  the  king’s  troops,  in  the  action  of  Bunker’s 
Hill,  consisted  of  twenty-five  hundred  men,  and  the  pro- 
vincials not  quite  fifteen  hundred;  and  even  those  fifteen 
hundred  would  have  completely  defeated  the  king’s  troops, 
if  their  ammunition  had  not  been  totally  spent.  Lord  North 
said,  he  was  but  an  indifferent  judge  of  military  operations; 
but,  by  the  best  accounts  he  could  obtain,  the  provincials 
were,  at  least,  three  to  one,  and  were,  besides,  very  strongly 
intrenched.  He  estimated  the  number  of  Americans  at  eight 
thousand,  at  least.  Colonel  Morris  estimated  the  Americans 
at  five  thousand,  and  the  British  at  twenty-five  hundred. 

The  time  the  battle  lasted  is  variously  stated ; some  ac- 
counts state  four  hours,  but  they  include  the  heavy  fire  of 
artillery  that  covered  the  landing.  The  committee  of  safety 
(Ms.)  account  says : “ The  time  the  engagement  lasted,  from 
the  first  fire  of  the  musketry  till  the  last,  was  exactly  one 
hour  and  a half.”  The  losses  of  individuals  in  the  battle 
were  allowed  by  the  colonies,  and  there  are  hundreds  of  peti- 


192 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


tions  from  the  soldiers  m it.  They  often  state  the  number  of 
times  the  petitioner  discharged  his  musket.  Thus,  one  says : 
“He  discharged  his  piece  more  than  thirty  times,  within  fair 
gun-shot,  and  he  is  confident  he  did  not  discharge  it  in  vain.” 
Another  says:  “He  had  an  opportunity  of  firing  seventeen 
times  at  our  unnatural  enemies,  which  he  cheerfully  improved, 
being  a marksman.”  Several  letters  unite  in  stating  the  time 
of  the  action  at  one  hour  and  a half.  The  general  battle, 
with  small  arms,  began  about  half  past  three,  and  ended  about 
five.1 

The  following  is  the  record  in  General  Ward’s  orderly 
book,  — the  only  reference  to  the  battle  it  contains, — of  the 
loss  of  the  Americans  : “ June  17.  The  battle  of  Charlestown 
was  fought  this  day.  Killed,  one  hundred  and  fifteen ; 
wounded,  three  hundred  and  five;  captured,  thirty.2  Total, 

1 No  mention  is  made  of  colors  being:  used  on  either  side.  At  one  of  the 
patriotic  celebrations  of  1825,  a flag  was  borne  which  was  said  to  have  been 
unfurled  at  Bunker  Hill ; and  tradition  states  that  one  was  hoisted  at  the 
redoubt,  and  that  Gage  and  his  officers  were  puzzled  to  read  by  their  glasses 
its  motto.  A Whig  told  them  it  was  — “Come  if  you  dare!”  In  the 
eulogy  on  Warren  is  the  following,  in  a description  of  the  astonishment  of 
the  British  on  seeing  the  redoubt : — 

“ Soon  as  Aurora  gave  the  golden  day, 

And  drove  the  sable  shades  of  night  away, 

Columbia's  troops  are  seen  in  dread  array, 

And  waving  streamers  in  the  air  display.” 

In  a Ms.  plan  of  the  battle,  colors  are  represented  in  the  centre  of  each 
British  regiment. 

2 The  following  list  of  prisoners  taken  by  the  British  June  17  appeared 
in  the  journals  of  September,  1775  : — 


Lieutenant-colonel  Parker,  . 

Chelmsford,  . 

. . . Dead. 

Captain  Benjamin  W alker,  . 

Chelmsford,  . 

u 

Lieutenant  Amaziah  Fausett, 

Groton,  . . 

a 

Lieutenant  William  Scott,  . 

Peterborough, 

. . Alive. 

Sergeant  Robert  Phelps, 

Lancaster, . 

. . Dead . 

Phineas  Nevers,  .... 

Windsor,  . 

<C 

Oliver  Stevens, 

Townsend, 

u 

Daniel  McGrath,  .... 

Unknown, 

(C 

John  Perkins, 

New  Rutland, 

. . . Alive. 

Jacob  Frost, 

Tewskbury,  . 

U 

LOSS  OF  THE  AMERICANS. 


193 


four  hundred  and  fifty.”  They,  also,  lost  five  pieces  of  can- 
non out  of  six,  and  a large  quantity  of  intrenching  tools. 
The  following  table  shows  the  loss  sustained  by  each  reg- 
iment, and  presents  a somewhat  different  result:  — 


Killed. 

Wounded. 

Killed. 

Wounded. 

Prescott’s, 

. 42  . 

. 28 

Gridley’s,  . . 

0 . 

. 4 

Bridge's,  . . 

. 15  . 

. 29 

Ward’s,  . . . 

1 . 

. 6 

Frye’s,  . . 

. 15  . 

. 31 

Scammans’,  . . 

0 . 

. 2 

Brewer's, 

. 7 . 

. 11 

Gerrish’s, . 

3 . 

. 2 

Little's,  . . 

. 7 . 

. 23 

Whitcomb’s, . . 

5 . 

. 8 

Gardner’s, 

. 6 . 

. 7 

Stark’s,  . . . 

15  . 

. 45 

Nixon’s,  . 

. 3 . 

. 10 

Reed's,  . . . 

5 . 

. 21 

Woodbridge’s, 

1 . 

. 5 

Putnam  & Coit  Co. 

,11  . 

. 26 

Doolittle's,  . 

. 0 . 

. 9 

Chester’s  Co.,  . 

4 . 

. 4 

Killed,  140;  wounded,  271  ;l  captured,  30. 


Some  of  the  dead  were  buried  on  the  field  of  battle.  One 
deposit  appears  to  have  been  a trench  near  the  line  of  the 


Amasa  Fisk, 

Daniel  Sessions,  .... 

Jonathan  Norton, 

Philip  Johnson  Beck,  . . . 

Benjamin  Bigelow,  . 

Benjamin  Wilson,  . . . . 

Archibald  McIntosh,  . . . . 

David  Kemp, 

John  Deland, 

Lawrence  Sullivan,  . . . . 

Timothy  Kettell,  (a  lad,)  . , 

William  Robinson,  . . . . 

Benjamin  Ross, 

John  Dillon, 

One  unknown, 

William  Kench,  .... 

James  Dodge, 

William  Robinson,  . . . . 

John  Lord, 

James  Milliken, 

Stephen  Foster, 

Total,  — 20  dead, 


Pepperell, 

Dead. 

Andover, 

Alive. 

Newburyport, 

<( 

Boston — Mansfield,  . . 

66 

Peckerfield,  .... 

66 

Billerica, 

66 

Townsend,  .... 

Dead. 

Groton, 

66 

Charlestown, .... 

Alive. 

Wethersfield,  . . . 

66 

Dismissed  Charlestown. 

Unknown, 

Dead. 

Ashford,  Conn., 

66 

Jersey,  Old  England,  . 

66 

66 

Peckerfield,  .... 

66 

Edinburgh,  Scotland,  . 

66 

Connecticut,  .... 

66 

Unknown, 

66 

Boston, 

66 

Groton, 

66 

alive,  1 dismissed. 


1 This  list  has  been  made  up  from  letters,  official  returns,  and  an  article  in 
a Providence  newspaper.  The  latter  is  not  correct.  It  does  not  give  the 
loss  in  Reed’s  regiment. 


194 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


almshouse  estate,  running  parallel  with  Elm-street.  Here  a 
large  number  of  American  buttons  have  been  found  attached 
to  bones.  Americans  were  buried  in  other  places  in  Charles- 
town, which  are  known  from  similar  circumstances.  The 
wounded  were  carried  to  the  western  side  of  Bunker  Hill,  and 
then  to  Cambridge.  Doctors  Thomas  Kittredge,  William 
Eustis,  — afterwards  governor, — Walter  Hastings,  Thomas 
Welsh,  Isaac  Foster,  Lieut. -col.  Bricket,  David  Townsend, 
and  John  Hart,  were  in  attendance.  The  house  of  Gov- 
ernor Oliver,  in  Cambridge,  known  as  the  Gerry  estate,  was 
occupied  as  a hospital.  Many  of  the  soldiers  who  died 
of  their  wounds  were  buried  in  a field  in  front  of  this  house. 
Rev.  Samuel  Cook’s  house,  at  West  Cambridge,  was  also 
used  for  a hospital.  The  prisoners  were  carried  to  Boston 
jail. 

The  loss  of  the  British  was  admitted,  in  the  official  account, 
to  have  been  two  hundred  and  twenty-six  killed,  eight  hun- 
dred and  twenty-eight  wounded;  total,  one  thousand  and 
fifty-four.  But  the  Americans  set  it  as  high  as  fifteen 
hundred.  The  wounded,  during  the  whole  night  and  the 
next  day,  were  conveyed  to  Boston,  where  the  streets  were 
filled  with  groans  and  lamentation.  A letter,  June  30,  1775, 
says:  “I  have  seen  many  from  Boston  who  were  eye-wit- 
nesses to  the  most  melancholy  scene  ever  beheld  in  this  part 
of  the  world.  The  Saturday  night  and  Sabbath  were  taken  up 
in  carrying  over  the  dead  and  wounded;  and  all  the  wood- 
carts  in  town,  it  is  said,  were  employed, — chaises  and  coaches 
for  the  officers.  They  have  taken  the  workhouse,  almshouse, 
and  manufactory-house,  for  the  wounded.”  The  physicians, 
surgeons,  and  apothecaries  of  Boston  rendered  every  assist- 
ance in  their  power.  The  processions  were  melancholy 
sights.  “In  the  first  carriage,”  writes  Clarke,  “was  Major* 
Williams,  bleeding  and  dying,  and  three  dead  captains  of  the 
fifty-second  regiment.  In  the  second,  four  dead  officers ; then 
another  with  wounded  officers.”  The  privates  who  died  on 
the  field  were  immediately  buried  there,  — “in  holes,”  — 
Gage’s  report  states.  Collections  of  bones  have  been  occasion- 
ally found  on  the  east  side  of  Breed’s  Hill,  in  digging  wells  or 
cellars,  having  attached  to  them  buttons,  with  the  numbers 


COLONEL  ABERCROMBIE MAJOR  PITCAIRN. 


195 


of  the  different  regiments.  “ On  Monday  morning,”  a British 
account  says,  “ all  the  dead  officers  were  decently  buried  in 
Boston,  in  a private  manner,  in  the  different  churches  and 
churchyards  there.” 

A large  proportion  of  the  killed  were  officers,  and  among 
them  some  highly  distinguished.  Lieutenant-colonel  Aber- 
crombie, at  the  head  of  the  grenadiers,  was  shot  while  storm- 
ing the  works.  He  was  a brave  and  noble-hearted  soldier; 
and  when  the  men  were  bearing  him  from  the  field,  he  begged 
them  to  spare  his  old  friend  Putnam.  “ If  you  take  General 
Putnam  alive,”  he  said,  “ don’t  hang  him ; for  he’s  a brave 
man.”  He  died  on  the  24th  of  June. 

Major  Pitcairn,  the  commander  of  the  marines,  was  widely 
known  in  the  country  from  his  connection  with  the  events  of 
the  nineteenth  of  April,  and  many  of  the  Americans  claim  the 
honor  of  having  killed  him  in  this  battle.  Dr.  John  Eliot 
wrote  in  his  almanac  the  following  account  of  his  fall:  “ This 
amiable  and  gallant  officer  was  slain  entering  the  intrench- 
ments.  He  had  been  wounded  twice ; then  putting  himself 
at  the  head  of  his  forces,  he  faced  danger,  calling  out,  ‘ Now 
for  the  glory  of  the  marines  ! ’ He  received  four  balls  in  his 
body.”  1 He  was  much  beloved  by  his  command.  “I  have 
lost  my  father,”  his  son  exclaimed  as  he  fell.  “We  have 
all  lost  a father,”  was  the  echo  of  the  regiment.  His  son  bore 
him  to  a boat,  and  then  to  a house  in  Prince-street,  Boston, 
where  he  was  attended  by  a physician,  at  the  special  request 
of  General  Gage,2  but  soon  died.  He  was  a courteous  and 
accomplished  officer,  and  an  exemplary  man.  His  son  was 
soon  promoted.3 

Major  Spendlove,  of  the  forty-third  regiment,  another  dis- 
tinguished officer,  died  of  his  wounds.  He  had  served  with 

1 Memorandum  in  his  almanac  of  1775.  2 Ms.  Letter.  3 A British  account 
states  that  he  was  shot  from  the  houses.  Gage’s  official  account  implies  that 
he  did  not  die  on  the  field.  “ Major  Pitcairn  wounded  — since  dead.”  The 
following  notice  appears  in  a newspaper  of  Aug.  15,1775:  “Lieutenant 
Pitcairn,  of  the  marines,  (who  brought  his  father,  Major  Pitcairn,  when  mor- 
tally wounded  at  Boston,  off  the  field  of  action,)  is  appointed  a captain-lieu- 
tenant and  captain  in  the  said  corps,  though  not  in  his  turn,  as  an  acknowl- 
edgment of  the  services  of  his  gallant  father.”— Major  Pitcairn  had  eleven 
children.  A pension  of  £200  a year  was  settled  on  his  widow. 

17 


196 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


unblemished  reputation,  upwards  of  forty  years,  in  the  same 
regiment,  and  been  three  times  wounded, — once  when  with 
Wolfe  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  again  at  the  reduction  of 
Martinico,  and  at  the  capture  of  Havana.  His  conduct  at 
the  battle  was  favorably  mentioned  by  the  commander. 
Other  officers  of  merit  fell.  Captain  Addison,  related  to  the 
author  of  the  Spectator,  and  Captain  Sherwin,  Howe’s  aid- 
de-camp,  were  killed.  The  slaughter  of  officers  occasioned 
great  astonishment  in  England. 

Of  the  officers  who  acted  as  aids  to  General  Howe,  all  were 
wounded,  and  only  one  of  them,  Lieutenant  Page,  of  the  engi- 
neers, lived  to  reach  England.1  He  distinguished  himself  at 
the  storming  of  the  redoubt,  and  made  the  fine  plan  of  the 
battle  that  was  the  first  correct  one  engraved  in  England,  and 
is  now  first  engraved  in  this  country  for  this  work.  Many  of 
the  wounded  officers  returned  to  England ; and  for  many 
months  the  British  journals  contain  notices  of  their  arrival, 
and  presentation  at  court.  One  of  them,  selected  as  a speci- 
men, reads  as  follows  : 11  March,  28,  1776.  — Yesterday  Capt. 
Cockering,  who  lost  his  arm  at  Bunker’s  Hill,  was  introduced 
to  his  majesty  at  St.  James’,  by  the  Duke  of  Chandois.  and 
graciously  received  ; at  the  same  time  his  majesty  was  pleased 
to  present  him  with  a captain’s  commission  in  a company  of 
invalids.” 

The  British  journals  contain  many  comments  on  this  battle, 
and  for  years  they  continued  to  publish  incidents  in  relation 
to  it.  For  several  months  after  it  took  place  letters  from  offi- 
cers engaged  in  it  continued  to  appear  in  them.  They  were 
astonished  at  its  terrible  slaughter.  It  was  compared  with 
other  great  battles,  especially  with  those  of  Quebec  and  of 
Minden.  Officers  who  had  served  in  all  Prince  Ferdinand’s 
campaigns  remarked,  that  1!  so  large  a proportion  of  a detach- 

' The  London  Chronicle,  January  11,  1776.— “Afew  days  ago  arrived  in 
town,  from  Boston,  Lieutenant  Page,  of  his  majesty’s  corps  of  engineers, 
on  account  of  the  wounds  he  received  the  17th  of  June,  in  the  action  at 
Charlestown.  This  gentleman  is  the  only  one  now  living  of  those  who  acted 
as  aids-de-camp  to  General  Howe,  so  great  was  the  slaughter  of  officers  that 
day.  He  particularly  distinguished  himself  in  the  storming  of  the  redoubt, 
for  which  he  received  General  Howe’s  thanks.  ” 


THE  REDOUBT. 


197 


meiif  was  never  killed  and  wounded  in  Germany.”  It  far 
exceeded,  in  this  respect,  and  in  the  hotness  of  the  fire,  the 
battle  of  Minden.  The  manner  in  which  whole  regiments 
and  companies  were  cut  up  was  commented  upon.  The  5th,' 
52d,  59th,  and  the  grenadiers  of  the  Welsh  Fusileers  are 
specially  mentioned.  One  company  of  grenadiers,  of  the  35th, 
persevered  in  advancing  after  their  officers  fell,  aud  five  of 
their  number  only  left,  and  they  led  on  by  the  oldest  soldier. 
This  was  adduced  as  a memorable  instance  of  English  valor; 
and  it  was  exultingly  asked,  “What  history  can  produce  its 
parallel  ?’’  Attempts  were  made  to  account  for  the  facts  that 
so  many  of  the  British,  and  so  few  of  the  Americans,  fell. 
One  officer  writes  of  the  former,  that  the  American  rifles 
“ were  peculiarly  adapted  to  take  off  the  officers  of  a whole 
line  as  it  marches  to  an  attack.”  Another  writes,  “That 
every  rifleman  was  attended  by  two  men,  one  on  each  side  of 
him,  to  load  pieces  for  him,  so  that  he  had  nothing  to  do  but 
fire  as  fast  as  a piece  was  put  into  his  hand ; and  this  is  the 
real  cause  of  so  many  of  our  brave  officers  falling.”  One 
reason  given  why  the  British  troops  killed  so  few  of  the  pro- 
vincials was,  that  the  over-sized  balls  used  by  the  artillery 
would  not  permit  of  a true  shot.1  Mean-time,  transports  with 
the  wounded,  and  with  the  remains  of  the  regiments  which 
had  been  so  cut  up,  as  they  arrived  in  England,  continued  to 
afford  living  evidence  of  the  terrible  realities  of  this  conflict.2 

The  British  officers  described  the  redoubt  as  having  been  so 
strong  that  it  must  have  been  the  work  of  several  days.  One 
says  : “ The  fortification  on  Bunker  Hill  must  have  been  the 
work  of  some  days ; it  was  very  regular,  and  exceeding 

1 A British  paper  says:  “ The  reason  why  the  royal  army  killed  so  few  of 
the  rebels  was  entirely  owing;  to  the  mistake  of  those  who  had  the  care  of  the 
artillery,  — taking  with  them  a prodigious  number  of  twelve  pound  shot  for 
six  pound  pieces.  Hence,”  the  article  gravely  says,  “it  naturally  required  a 
great  while  to  ram  down  such  disproportioned  shot ; nor  did  they,  when  dis- 
charged, fly  with  that  velocity  and  true  direction  they  would  have  done,  had 
they  been  better  suited  to  the  size  of  the  cannon.” 

2 March  5,  1776. — “A  few  days  ago  the  shattered  remains  of  the  18th 
regiment  of  foot,  which  was  engaged  in  the,  action  at  Bunker’s  Hill,  and 
reduced  to  only  twenty-five  men,  arrived  at  Maidstone.”--  British  newspaper 


198 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


strong.”  1 A plan  of  it  appeared  in  the  Gentleman’s  Mag- 
azine, which  is  here  presented  as  a curious  memorial  of  the 
battle.  It  is  called  “ Plan  of  the  Redoubt  and  Intrenchment 
on  the  Heights  of  Charlestown,  (commonly  called  Bunker’s 
Hill,)  opposite  Boston,  in  New  England,  attacked  and  carried 
by  Ins  majesty’s  troops,  June  17,  1775.” 


The  Gentleman’s  Magazine  says  : “This  redoubt  was  well 
executed.  In  the  only  side  on  which  it  could  be  attacked 
were  two  pieces  of  cannon.  In  the  two  salient  angles  were 
two  trees,  with  their  branches  projecting  oft’  the  parapet,  to 
prevent  an  entry  being  made  on  the  angles.  The  two  flanks 

1 This  letter,  Boston,  June  22,  says  : “The  fortification  on  Bunker  Hill 
must  have  been  the  work  of  some  days  ; it  was  very  regular,  and  exceeding 
strong,  insomuch  that  here  the  rebels  thought  themselves  secure  from  danger, 
and  sure  of  success  in  destroying  the  town  of  Boston,  which  they  had 
determined  to  do.  Here  they  reserved  their  fire  till  our  noble  troops  were 
almost  under  their  ramparts,  and  stubbornly  opposed  them.  Had  the  rebels 
gained  the  day,  the  town  of  Boston  could  not  have  stood  long.” 


BRITISH  CRITICISM. 


199 


(A  and  B)  of  the  intrenchment  were  well  contrived,  as  the 
fire  from  them  crossed  within  twenty  yards  of  the  face  of  the 
redoubt.  The  flank  C sufficiently  secures  its  face ; and  the 
bastion  D,  with  its  flanks  E and  B.  is  the  best  defence  against 
such  troops  as  might  endeavor  to  pass  or  cut  down  the  fence.” 

General  Dearborn  says  : “ It  was  a square  redoubt,  the  cur- 
tains of  which  were  about  sixty  or  seventy  feet  in  extent,  with 
an  intrenchment  or  breastwork  extending  fifty  or  sixty  feet 
from  the  northern  angle,  towards  Mystic  River.  In  the  course 
of  the  night  the  ramparts  had  been  raised  to  the  height  of  six 
or  seven  feet,  with  a small  ditch  at  their  base ; but  it  was  yet 
in  a rude,  imperfect  state.” 

General  Howe,  it  was  conceded  even  by  his  enemies,  be- 
haved with  great  bravery  through  the  whole  battle.  Of  the 
notices  of  him  in  the  British  journals,  I select  the  following : 
“ General  Howe,  during  the  whole  engagement  on  the  17th  of 
June  last,  was  in  the  most  imminent  danger ; and  Mr.  Evans, 
an  English  servant,  who  went  over  with  him,  could  not  be 
prevailed  on  to  quit  him  till  the  whole  of  the  action  was  over. 
Evans  attended  the  whole  time  with  wine  and  other  neces- 
saries for  the  refreshment  of  the  general  and  those  about  him ; 
during  which,  Evans  had  one  of  the  bottles  in  his  hand  dashed 
to  pieces,  and  got  a contusion  on  one  of  his  arms  at  the  same 
time,  by  a ball  from  some  of  the  provincials.” 

General  Clinton’s  services  were  highly  commended,  and 
great  influence  was  ascribed  to  his  advice.  Few  details,  how- 
ever, are  mentioned  of  his  conduct,  besides  his  rally  of  the 
troops  for  the  third  attack,  and  his  advice  to  follow  up  the 
victory  by  a close  pursuit.  Few  particulars,  also,  are  named 
of  General  Pigot.  General  Gage  attributed  “ the  success  of 
the  day,  in  a great  measure,  to  his  firmness  and  gallantry.” 

General  Gage  was  severely  criticised.  It  was  said : though 
he  was  urged  to  take  possession  of  the  Heights  of  Charles 
town,  he  did  not  even  reconnoitre  the  ground,  and  this 
neglect  was  a great  error:  “another  error  certainly  was 
that  instead  of  confining  our  attack  to  the  enemy’s  left 
wing  only,  the  assault  was  made  on  the  whole  front:1  the 
army  should  have  landed  in  their  rear  and  cut  off  their 
retreat:  the  troops  should  have  marched  up  in  column  on 
1 Stedman’s  History  of  the  American  War,  vol.  1,  129. 

17* 


200 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


the  first  attack,  and  carried  the  works  by  the  bayonet:  the 
unnecessary  load  they  bore  exhausted  them  before  they  got 
into  action  : Mystic  River  was  neglected,  for  the  Symmetry 
transport  might  have  taken  a position  at  high  water  in  the 
rear  of  the  Americans,  and  played  on  their  flank  at  the  rail 
fence ; or  one  of  the  covered  boats,  musket-proof,  and  carrying 
a heavy  piece  of  cannon,  might  have  been  towed  close  in  to 
the  shore.  And  when  the  field  was  won,  the  success  was  less 
brilliant  than  it  might  have  been,  and  ought  to  have  been, 
for  no  pursuit  was  ordered  after  the  Americans  retreated. 
These  criticisms,  for  the  most  part,  were  as  just  as  they  were 
severe.  The  issue  of  this  battle  destroyed  the  military  repu- 
tation of  General  Gage,  and  occasioned  his  recall. 

Nor  did  the  British  troops,  gallantly  as  they  behaved,  escape 
the  denunciations  of  party.  Many  allusions  to  their  conduct 
on  this  day  were  made  in  the  debates  of  Parliament.  Thus 
Colonel  Barre,  February  20,  1776,  said  the  troops,  out  of  aver- 
sion to  the  service,  misbehaved  on  this  day.  General  Bur- 
goyne  arose  with  warmth,  and  contradicted  Colonel  Barre  in 
the  flattest  manner.  He  allowed  that  the  troops  gave  way  a 
little  at  one  time,  because  they  were  flanked  by  the  fire  out  of 
the  houses,  &c.,  at  Charlestown,  but  they  soon  rallied  and 
advanced ; and  no  men  on  earth  ever  behaved  with  more 
spirit,  firmness,  and  perseverance,  till  they  forced  the  enemy 
out  of  their  intrenchments.  This  charge,  in  general,  was 
certainly  undeserved.  At  no  time  was  British  valor  more 
needed  to  insure  success,  and  at  no  time,  General  Gage 
remarked,  was  it  “more  conspicuous  than  in  this  action.” 
In  the  general  orders  of  June  19  was  the  following  tribute  : 
“The  commander-in-chief  returns  his  most  grateful  thanks  to 
Major-general  Howe,  for  the  extraordinary  exertion  of  his 
military  abilities  on  the  17th  inst.  He  returns  his  thanks  also 
to  Major-general  Clinton  and  Brigadier-general  Pigot,  for  the 
share  they  took  in  the  success  of  the  day ; as  well  as  to  Lieu- 
tenant-colonels Nesbit,  Abercrombie.  Gunning,  and  Clarke; 
Majors  Butler,  Williams,  Bruce,  Tupper,  Spendlove.  Small, 
and  Mitchell ; and  the  rest  of  the  officers  and  soldiers,  who, 
by  remarkable  efforts  of  courage  and  gallantry,  overcame 
every  disadvantage,  and  drove  the  rebels  from  their  redoubt 


DESTRUCTION  OF  CHARLESTOWN. 


201 


and  strong-holds  on  the  heights  of  Charlestown,  and  gained 
a complete  victory.”  1 

The  wanton  destruction  of  Charlestown  excited  indignation 
at  home,  and  sympathy  abroad.  It  had  been  repeatedly 
threatened  previous  to  the  battle.  Its  importance,  in  a mil- 
itary point  of  view,  added  to  the  bold  and  decided  part  it  bore 
in  the  previous  ten  years’  controversy,  seemed  to  mark  it  for 
sacrifice.  The  threat  of  the  nineteenth  of  April  has  been 
stated.  The  British  general,  on  the  21st  of  April,  sent  to  the 
selectmen  a message  to  this  effect,  — that  if  American  troops 
were  allowed  to  occupy  the  town,  or  throw  up  works  on  the 
heights,  the  ships  would  be  ordered  to  fire  on  it ; and  subse- 
quently, probably  when  a part  of  the  army  marched  into  the 
town,  General  Gage  sent  word  to  the  citizens  that  if  the  troops 
were  not  removed  he  would  burn  it.  Consequently,  a com- 
mittee waited  upon  General  Ward,  informed  him  of  the  threat, 
and  stated  that  if  the  good  of  the  cause  required  that  the 
troops  should  remain  they  would  not  object.  Comment  is 
unnecessary  on  so  interesting  a fact,  and  one  so  honorable  to 
the  patriotism  of  the  inhabitants  of  Charlestown.2 

In  consequence  of  these  threats,  the  belief  in  town  was  very 
general  that  its  destruction  would  follow  any  military  oper- 
ations within  the  peninsula.  Hence  the  inhabitants,  with  the 

1 On  the  28th  of  September  the  acknowledgments  of  the  crown  were 
expressed  in  nearly  similar  terms. 

2 Among  the  Mss.  of  Richard  Devens,  of  Charlestown,  is  the  following  : 
“ This  town  was  given  up.  Upon  the  appearance  of  some  American  troops 
on  B.  Hill,  Gen.  G.  (Gage)  sent  over  from  B.  (Boston)  and  threatened  the 
town  that  if  (the)  men  were  not  removed  from  the  hill  he  would  burn  the 
town.  A committee  from  the  T.  (town)  waited  on  the  C.  in  chief,  G.  W., 
(commander-in-chief,  General  Ward,)  informed  him  of  the  threat  they  had 
received  from  G.  G.,  (General  Gage,)  and  at  the  same  time  informed  him 
that  if  it  was  for  (the)  good  of  the  whole  they  would  not  object.” 

An  article  in  the  London  Chronicle,  1777,  by  one  conversant  with  the 
ground  and  the  battle,  says  : “ So  long  before  (the  17th)  as  the  21st  of 
April,  a message  had  been  sent  to  the  selectmen  of  Charlestown,  that  if  they 
suffered  the  rebels  to  take  possession  of  their  town,  or  to  throw  up  any  works 
to  annoy  the  ships,  the  ships  would  fire  upon  them.” 

Gordon  says  : “ General  Gage  had  for  some  time  resolved  upon  burning 
the  town,  when  once  any  works  were  raised  by  the  Americans  upon  the  hills 
belonging  to  it.” 


202 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


exception  of  about  two  hundred,  had  removed  into  the  coun- 
try,— some  residing  with  friends,  the  poor  supported  by  the 
towns.  Many  carried  with  them  their  most  valuable  effects. 
Others  had  secreted  their  goods  in  various  places,  as  in  dried 
wells,  in  cellars,  and  holes  dug  in  the  ground.  Committees 
were  appointed  to  superintend  the  supply  of  provisions  to 
those  who  remained.  None  could  pass  the  Neck,  however, 
without  a permit  from  a person  stationed  at  the  “Sun  Tav- 
ern,” at  this  place.  The  owners  of  the  pastures  went  in  to  mow 
the  fields,  and  on  the  day  previous  to  the  battle  the  grass  was 
cut  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  rail  fence.  The  town,  there- 
fore, on  the  day  of  the  battle,  was  nearly  deserted. 

A few  of  the  citizens,  however,  remained  up  to  the  hour  of 
the  engagement.  While  the  British  were  embarking,  Rev. 
John  Martin,  who  fought  bravely  in  the  action,1  and  was  with 
the  troops  all  night,  left  Breed's  Hill,  went  to  Charlestown 
Ferry,  and  with  a spy-glass  — Dr.  Stiles  writes  — “ viewed 
the  shipping,  and  observed  their  preparations  of  floating  bat- 
teries, and  boats  filling  with  soldiers.  There  were  now  in 
Charlestown  a considerable  number  of  people  — one  hundred  or 
two  hundred,  or  more,  men  and  women  — not  yet  removed, 
though  the  body  of  the  people  and  effects  were  gone.  While 
he  called  in  at  a house  for  a drink  of  water,  a cannon  ball 
from  the  shipping  passed  through  the  house.  He  persuaded 
the  inhabitants  to  depart,  but  they  seemed  reluctant.  He 
assured  them  that  it  would  be  warm  work  that  day.”  He 
returned  to  the  hill,  but  soon,  about  noon,  went  down  again. 
“ Mr.  Cary  and  son,”  he  says,  — “ still  at  their  own  house.  — 
urged  him  to  take  some  refreshment  and  rest,  as  he  had  been 
fatigued  all  night.  He  lay  down  at  Mr.  Cary’s  about  ten 
minutes,  when  a ball  came  through  the  house.  He  rose  and 

1 The  following  paragraph,  dated  New-Port,  July  3,  1775,  appeared  in  a 
newspaper: 

“ Last  Friday  evening  the  Rev.  Mr.  John  Martin,  who  fought  gallantly  at 
Bunker’s  Hill,  and  is  since  appointed  to  a post  in  the  Rhode  Island  regiment, 
preached  an  animating  sermon  in  this  town,  from  Nehemiah  iv.,  and  part  of 
the  14th  verse  : ‘ Be  not  afraid  of  them  : Remember  the  Lord  which  is  great 
and  terrible,  and  fight  for  your  brethren,  your  sons  and  daughters,  your  wives 
and  your  daughters.’  The  next  morning  he  preached  another  sermon,  at 
five  o’clock,  and  then  set  out  for  the  camp.” 


DESTRUCTION  OF  CHARLESTOWN. 


203 


returned,  and  then  the  town  evacuated  with  all  haste.”  Ad- 
vertisements in  the  journals  indicate  that  furniture  was  carried 
out  on  this  day. 

General  Burgoyne’s  letter  supplies  the  most  authentic  de- 
scription of  the  burning  of  the  town.  He  writes  of  the  British 
columns  as  they  were  moving  to  the  attack:  “They  were 
also  exceedingly  hurt  by  musketry  from  Charlestown,  though 
Clinton  and  I did  not  perceive  it  till  Howe  sent  us  word  by  a 
boat,  and  desired  us  to  set  fire  to  the  town,  which  was  imme- 
diately done ; we  threw  a parcel  of  shells,  and  the  whole  was 
immediately  in  flames.”  The  town  was  burning  on  the  sec- 
ond attack.  The  smoke  was  seen  a great  distance.  “ Terrible 
indeed  was  that  scene,”  — a letter  from  Salem  reads,  — “ even 
at  our  distance.  The  western  horizon  in  the  day-time  was 
one  huge  body  of  smoke,  and  in  the  evening  a continued 
blaze ; and  the  perpetual  sound  of  cannon  and  volleys  of  mus- 
ketry worked  up  our  imaginations  to  a high  degree  of  fright.” 
The  houses  within  the  peninsula,  with  the  exception  of  a few 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Mill-street,  Avere  entirely  consumed. 
The  number  of  buildings  Avas  estimated  at  about  four  hun- 
dred; and  the  loss  of  property  at  £117,982  5s.  2d.1  Some  of 
the  property  secreted  was  found  by  the  British,  Avhile  much  of 
it  was  recovered  by  the  owners  on  the  evacuation  of  the  toAvn. 
Many  from  Boston  had  deposited  goods  in  this  town  for  safe 
keeping,  and  these  Avere  consumed.  Dr.  Mather  lost  his 
library.  The  inhabitants  made  several  applications  to  the 
General  Court  and  to  Congress  for  indemnification  for  their 
loss,  but  without  effect. 

The  destruction  naturally  excited  great  indignation  in  the 
colonies.  John  Langdon,  in  a letter  dated  Philadelphia,  July 
3,  1775,  writes:  “The  low,  mean  revenge  and  wanton  cru- 
elty of  the  ministerial  sons  of  tyranny,  in  burning  the  pleas- 
ant tOAvn  of  Charlestown,  beggars  all  description ; this  does 
not  look  like  the  fight  of  those  Avho  have  so  long  been  friends, 
and  Avould  hope  to  be  friends  again,  but  rather  of  a most  cruel 
enemy,  — though  we  shall  not  Avonder  Avhen  Ave  reflect,  that  it 
is  the  infernal  hand  of  tyranny  which  always  has,  and  ever 

1 This  estimate  was  made  by  a large  committee,  chosen  by  the  town  for 
this  purpose  in  March,  1776. 


204 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


will,  deluge  that  part  of  the  world  (which  it  lays  hold  of)  in 
blood.” 

The  British  Annual  Register  of  1775  said : “ The  fate  of 
Charlestown  was  also  a matter  of  melancholy  contemplation 
to  the  serious  and  unprejudiced  of  all  parties.  It  was  the  first 
settlement  made  in  the  colony,  and  was  considered  as  the 
mother  of  Boston,  — that  town  owing  its  birth  and  nurture  to 
emigrants  of  the  former.  Charlestown  was  large,  handsome, 
and  well  built,  both  in  respect  to  its  public  and  private  edi- 
fices ; it  contained  about  four  hundred  houses,  and  had  the 
greatest  trade  of  any  port  in  the  province,  except  Boston.  It 
is  said  that  the  two  ports  cleared  out  a thousand  vessels  annu- 
ally for  a foreign  trade,  exclusive  of  an  infinite  number  of 
coasters.  It  is  now  buried  in  ruins.  Such  is  the  termination 
of  human  labor,  industry,  and  wisdom,  and  such  are  the  fatal 
fruits  of  civil  dissensions.” 

I thus  have  attempted  to  present  the  chief  incidents  of  this 
memorable  battle.  It  is  its  connection  with  the  cause  of  Ameri- 
can liberty  that  gives  such  an  importance  to  this  occasion, 
and  such  an  interest  to  its  minute  details.  In  conclusion,  I 
cannot  forbear  to  extract  the  following  reflections  contained  in 
an  article  of  the  October  number  of  the  North  American 
Review  of  1818,  which  is  understood  to  be  from  the  pen 
of  Hon.  Daniel  Webster  : — 

“No  national  drama  was  ever  developed  in  a more  interest- 
ing and  splendid  first  scene.  The  incidents  and  the  result  of 
the  battle  itself  were  most  important,  and  indeed  most  wonder- 
ful. As  a mere  battle,  few  surpass  it  in  whatever  engages  and 
interests  the  attention.  It  was  fought  on  a conspicuous  emi- 
nence, in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  a populous  city ; and 
consequently  in  the  view  of  thousands  of  spectators.  The  at- 
tacking army  moved  over  a sheet  of  water  to  the  assault.  The 
operations  and  movements  were  of  course  all  visible  and  all 
distinct.  Those  who  looked  on  from  the  houses  and  heights 
of  Boston  had  a fuller  view  of  every  important  operation  and 
event  than  can  ordinarily  be  had  of  any  battle,  or  than  can 
possibly  be  had  of  such  as  are  fought  on  a more  extended 
ground,  or  by  detachments  of  troops  acting  in  different  places, 


REFLECTIONS  ON  THE  BATTLE. 


205 


and  at  different  times,  and  in  some  measure  independently  of 
each  other.  When  the  British  columns  were  advancing  to  the 
attack,  the  flames  of  Charlestown  (fired,  as  is  generally  sup- 
posed, by  a shell)  began  to  ascend.  The  spectators,  far  out- 
numbering both  armies,  thronged  and  crowded  on  every 
height  and  every  point  which  afforded  a view  of  the  scene, 
themselves  constituted  a very  important  part  of  it. 

“ The  troops  of  the  two  armies  seemed  like  so  many  com- 
batants in  an  amphitheatre.  The  manner  in  which  they 
should  acquit  themselves  was  to  be  judged  of,  not,  as  in  other 
cases  of  military  engagements,  by  reports  and  future  history, 
but  by  a vast  and  anxious  assembly  already  on  the  spot,  and 
waiting  with  unspeakable  concern  and  emotion  the  progress 
of  the  day. 

“In  other  battles  the  recollection  of  wives  and  children  has 
been  used  as  an  excitement  to  animate  the  warrior’s  breast 
and  nerve  his  arm.  Here  was  not  a mere  recollection,  but  an 
actual  presence  of  them,  and  other  dear  connections,  hanging 
on  the  skirts  of  the  battle,  anxious  and  agitated,  feeling  almost 
as  if  wounded  themselves  by  every  blow  of  the  enemy,  and 
putting  forth,  as  it  were,  their  own  strength,  and  all  the  energy 
of  their  own  throbbing  bosoms,  into  every  gallant  effort  of 
their  warring  friends. 

“ But  there  was  a more  comprehensive  and  vastly  more 
important  view  of  that  day’s  contest  than  has  been  men- 
tioned,— a view,  indeed,  which  ordinary  eyes,  bent  intently 
on  what  was  immediately  before  them,  did  not  embrace,  but 
which  was  perceived  in  its  full  extent  and  expansion  by  minds 
of  a higher  order.  Those  men  who  were  at  the  head  of  the 
colonial  councils,  who  had  been  engaged  for  years  in  the  pre- 
vious stages  of  the  quarrel  with  England,  and  who  had  been 
accustomed  to  look  forward  to  the  future,  were  well  apprised 
of  the  magnitude  of  the  events  likely  to  hang  on  the  business 
of  that  day.  They  saw  in  it  not  only  a battle,  but  the  begin- 
ning of  a civil  war  of  unmeasured  extent  and  uncertain 
issue.  All  America  and  all  England  were  likely  to  be  deeply 
concerned  in  the  consequences.  The  individuals  themselves, 
who  knew  full  well  what  agency  they  had  had  in  bringing 
affairs  to  this  crisis,  had  need  of  all  their  courage  ; — not  that 


206 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


disregard  of  personal  safety,  in  which  the  vulgar  suppose  true 
courage  to  consist,  but  that  high  and  fixed  moral  sentiment, 
that  steady  and  decided  purpose,  which  enables  men  to  pur- 
sue a distant  end,  with  a full  view  of  the  difficulties  and  dan- 
gers before  them,  and  with  a conviction,  that,  before  they 
arrive  at  the  proposed  end,  should  they  ever  reach  it,  they 
must  pass  through  evil  report  as  well  as  good  report,  and  be 
liable  to  obloquy  as  well  as  to  defeat. 

“ Spirits  that  fear  nothing  else,  fear  disgrace;  and  this  dan- 
ger is  necessarily  encountered  by  those  who  engage  in  civil 
war.  Unsuccessful  resistance  is  not  only  ruin  to  its  authors, 
but  is  esteemed,  and  necessarily  so,  by  the  laws  of  all  coun- 
tries, treasonable.  This  is  the  case  at  least  till  resistance 
becomes  so  general  and  formidable  as  to  assume  the  form  of 
regular  war.  But  who  can  tell,  when  resistance  commences, 
whether  it  will  attain  even  to  that  degree  of  success?  Some 
of  those  persons  who  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
in  1776  described  themselves  as  signing  it  ‘ as  with  halters 
about  their  necks.’  If  there  were  grounds  for  this  remark  in 
1776,  when  the  cause  had  become  so  much  more  general,  how 
much  greater  was  the  hazard  when  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill 
was  fought ! ” 

“These  considerations  constituted,  to  enlarged  and  liberal 
minds,  the  moral  sublimity  of  the  occasion ; while  to  the  out- 
ward senses,  the  movement  of  armies,  the  roar  of  artillery,  the 
brilliancy  of  the  reflection  of  a summer’s  sun  from  the  bur- 
nished armor  of  the  British  columns,  and  the  flames  of  a 
burning  town,  made  up  a scene  of  extraordinary  grandeur.” 


SCENES  IN  BOSTON. 


207 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Environs  of  Boston  fortified.  The  Continental  Army  established. 

Description  of  the  American  Camp. 

The  extraordinary  news  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  natu- 
rally created  astonishment  and  alarm  ; and  the  day  following 
— Sunday,  June  18  — was  characterized  around  Boston  by 
exciting  rumor,  intense  anxiety,  and  painful  suspense.  A cir- 
cular of  the  committee* of  safety,  stating  that  the  British  troops 
were  moving  into  the  country,  and  calling  upon  the  militia  to 
march  forthwith  to  Cambridge,  though  soon  countermanded, 
served  to  increase  the  excitement.  The  militia  promptly 
repaired  to  the  camp.  Thousands  accompanied  them,  to  ver- 
ify the  great  reports,  or  to  learn  the  fate  of  friends,  or  to  aid 
in  preventing  further  inroads  of  the  enemy.  The  roar  of  the 
British  cannon  had  not  ceased.  Mrs.  Adams  writes:  “It 
began  on  Saturday  morning  about  three  o’clock,  and  has  not 
ceased  yet,  and  it  is  now  three  o’clock  Sabbath  afternoon.” 
A shower  came  up  during  the  afternoon,  when  there  was  a 
cessation  of  the  cannonade.  It  was  believed,  however,  that 
the  British  would  move  out  of  Boston.  Mrs.  Adams  contin- 
ues : “ It  is  expected  they  will  come  out  over  the  Neck  to-night, 
and  a dreadful  battle  must  ensue.  Almighty  God  ! cover  the 
heads  of  our  countrymen,  and  be  a shield  to  our  dear  friends.” 

In  Boston,  there  was  hardly  less  distress  or  less  alarm.  The 
remains  of  the  gallant  officers,  the  hundreds  of  as  gallant 
privates,  that  were  borne  through  the  streets,  together  with 
the  lamentations  of  the  mourners,  made  up  heart-rending 
scenes.  They  had  a depressing  efFect  upon  all.  It  was  in 
vain  the  soldiers  called  to  mind  their  victory,  if  victory  it 
could  be  called.  The  officers  felt  that  it  was  purchased  at  too 
dear  a price,  and  there  was  an  air  of  dejection  in  their  looks. 
This  dejection  was  seen  also  in  the  men.  Bitter  were  the 
reflections  that  were  cast  on  the  policy  that  had  cut  down  the 

18 


208 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


flower  of  the  troops.  “ A disagreeable  murmur  now  (June  25) 
runs  through  the  army,  which  ever  most  disagreeably  invades 
the  general’s  ears.”  Again  the  officers  and  the  royalists 
dreaded  the  vengeance  of  the  exasperated  people,  and  felt 
apprehensive  that  the  town  would  be  attacked,  and  be  burnt 
over  their  heads.  The  Tories  again  established  a night  patrol, 
forty-nine  each  night,  to  relieve  the  troops  of  this  duty.  Two 
hundred  volunteered  in  this  work.  General  Gage  issued  (June 
19)  an  ill-natured  proclamation.  He  stated  that  the  selectmen 
and  others  had  repeatedly  assured  him  that  all  the  inhabitants 
had  delivered  up  their  fire-arms,  though  he  had  at  the  same 
time  advices  to  the  contrary ; and  that  he  had  since  full  proof 
that  many  had  been  perfidious  in  this  respect,  and  had  se- 
creted great  numbers.  He  required  those  who  had  any 
“immediately  to  surrender  them  at  the  court-house,”  and  he 
declared  “that  all  persons  in  whose  possession  any  fire-arms 
might  hereafter  be  found  should  be  deemed  enemies  to  his 
majesty’s  government.”  The  British  general  had  no  inten- 
tion of  marching  out  of  Boston.  His  main  object  was  self- 
preservation,  — to  prevent  a surprise,  and  to  strengthen  his 
defences. 

Charlestown  presented  (June  18)  melancholy  evidence  of 
the  complicated  horrors  of  the  battle-field.  A few  persons 
were  allowed  to  visit  it  from  Boston.  The  smoke  of  its  dwel- 
ling-places still  rose  on  the  air ; the  dying  and  the  dead  still 
lay  upon  its  hills.  Among  the  details  of  the  scene  is  the  state- 
ment that  ninety-two  bodies  were  counted  on  the  line  of  the 
rail  fence  protection.1  General  Howe  spent  the  preceding 
night  on  the  heights,  and  his  troops  lay  on  their  arms.  He 
was  placed  in  the  command  of  this  post,  which  he  continued 
to  hold  until  General  Gage  was  recalled.  He  was  immedi- 
ately supplied  with  additional  troops.  On  the  night  of  the 
17th  he  commenced  a breastwork  on  the  north-western  decliv- 
ity of  Bunker  Hill,  and  stationed  two  regiments,  the  47th  and 
52d,  in  the  main  street  from  the  burying-ground  to  the  Keck. 
Subsequently  regular  working  parties,  relieved  every  four 
hours,  labored  night  and  day  in  throwing  up  defences.  Gen- 

1 The  description  of  the  scenes  in  Boston,  Charlestown,  and  the  neighbor- 
hood, is  derived  from  diaries  and  letters  of  1775. 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  AMERICANS. 


209 


eral  Howe  personally  inspected  these  works,  and  made  him- 
self exceedingly  popular  with  his  men  by  sharing  their 
fatigue.  His  first  general  order  expressed  the  hope  that  the 
troops,  in  their  new  encampment,  would  show  an  attention  to 
discipline  and  regularity  equal  to  the  bravery  they  had  so 
remarkably  displayed.  They  were  forbidden  to  cut  down 
trees ; to  pilfer  in  the  deserted  houses,  on  pain  of  death ; to 
fire  upon  individuals  from  the  advanced  guard,  unless  they 
were  "fired  upon.  A picket  guard  of  two  hundred  was  posted 
at  the  Neck,  another  at  the  “rebel  redoubt,”  a third  at  the 
hill  at  Moulton’s  Point,  and  one  at  the  old  ferry.  Subse- 
quently, a guard  was  stationed  in  the  old  burying-ground. 
All  the  posts  and  rails  were  ordered  to  be  gathered  and  piled 
in  the  redoubt ; the  boards  were  used  for  the  floors  of  tents ; 
the  loose  wood — the  remains  of  the  devoted  town  — was 
collected  for  fuel.  Every  fair  day  the  tents  were  struck,  and 
when  the  tide  permitted,  sea  bathing  was  enjoined  both  morn- 
ing and  evening.1 

The  British  commander*might  well  feel  insecure  without 
strong  defences,  as  he  witnessed  the  alacrity  with  which  the 
militia  poured  into  the  American  camp,  and  the  expedition 
with  which  smiling  gardens  and  fruitful  fields  were  turned  into 
formidable  fortifications.  Besides  the  militia,  General  Ward 
was  reinforced  by  regularly  enlisted  troops.  New  Hamp- 
shire supplied  another  regiment,  excepting  one  company, 
under  Colonel  Poor  ; Connecticut  ordered  on  the  remainder  of 
Colonel  Parsons’  regiment,  and  voted  (June  20)  to  place  the 
whole  of  its  troops  under  General  Ward;  Rhode  Island 
ordered  on  the  remainder  of  its  troops,  and  voted  (June  28)  to 
place  its  forces  under  the  general  commander.  The  Massa- 
chusetts regiments  were  soon  filled  up  and  commissioned. 
There  were  now  an  authorized  commander  and  a united 
army.  War  now  was  to  be  carried  on  in  earnest,  and  the 
British  general  saw,  not  merely  how  little  the  Americans 
were  intimidated,  but  how  much  they  were  encouraged,  by 
the  issue  of  the  Bunker  Hill  battle.  “Our  troops  are  in  high 
spirits,”  one  writes,  “and  their  resolution  increases;  they 


1 Waller’s  Orderly  Book  ; Carter’s  Letters. 


210 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


long  to  speak  with  them  (the  British)  again.  “ This  battle 
has  been  of  infinite  service  to  us,”  another  writes;  it  has 
“made  us  more  vigilant,  watchful,  and  cautious.”  “I  wish 
we  could  sell  them  another  hill  at  the  same  price,”  writes 
General  Greene.  “The  enterprising  genius  and  intrepidity 
of  these  people,”  writes  a Virginian  of  the  New  Englanders, 
“ are  amazing.  They  are  now  intent  on  burning  Boston,  in 
order  to  oust  the  regulars;  and  none  are  more  eager  for  it 
than  those  who  have  escaped  out  and  who  have  left  their 
whole  property  in  it.” 

Notwithstanding  the  high  spirits  of  the  army,  strong  appre- 
hensions were  felt  of  a visit  from  the  enemy.  The  Provincial 
Congress  (June  24)  made  an  earnest  appeal  to  the  colony  of 
Connecticut  for  “ an  immediate  augmentation”  of  its  troops. 
It  represented  that  it  “had  the  best  grounds  to  suppose,  that 
as  soon  as  the  enemy  had  recovered  a little  breath  from  their 
amazing  fatigues  of  the  17th  of  June,”  and  their  losses  should 
be  made  up  by  arrivals  of  new  troops,  they  would  make  “the 
utmost  efforts”  to  force  the  American  lines,  destroy  the  maga- 
zines, and  thereby  “strike  general  terror  and  amazement  into 
the  hearts  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  whole  continent.”  Similar 
appeals  were  made  to  Rhode  Island  and  New  Hampshire. 
It  also  made  a representation  to  the  General  Congress,  which 
closed  with  the  suggestion,  that  if  a commander-in-chief 
should  be  appointed,  no  part  of  the  continent  so  much  required 
his  immediate  presence  as  Massachusetts. 

Up  to  this  time  there  appears  to  have  been  hesitancy  in 
commencing  intrenchments  on  the  hills  around  Boston,  but 
works  were  now  prosecuted  with  great  vigor  and  success. 

General  Putnam,  on  the  night  of  the  battle,  took  post  on 
Prospect  Hill,  and  commenced  throwing  up  intrenchments. 
“I  found  him,”  his  son  says,  “ on  the  morning  of  the  18th  of 
June,  about  ten  o’clock,  on  Prospect  Hill,  dashing  about 
among  the  workmen  throwing  up  intrenchments,  and  often 
placing  a rod  with  his  own  hands.1  He  wore  the  same  clothes 
he  bad  on  when  I left  him  on  the  16th,  and  said  he  had 
neither  put  them  off  nor  washed  himself  since,  and  we  might 

1 Ms.  Memoirs  by  Daniel  Putnam,  for  the  use  of  which  I am  indebted  to 
Col.  Swett. 


•WINTER  HILL,  CAMBRIDGE,  AND  ROXBURY  WORKS.  211 

well  believe  him,  for  the  aspect  of  all  here  bore  evidence  that 
he  spoke  the  truth.”  One  half  of  eight  of  the  Massachusetts 
regiments  were  ordered  (June  20)  to  be  drafted  daily,  to 
relieve  the  troops  at  work  here.  The  regiments  of  Colonels 
Brewer,  Nixon,  Mansfield,  Gerrish,  Woodbridge,  Scammans. 
Little,  and  Gardner,  were  ordered  (23d)  to  encamp  on,  or 
near  this  hill ; and  the  officers  were  directed  not  to  leave  their 
posts  without  the  permission  of  the  general.1  Nearly  four 
thousand  troops  were  here  on  the  30th  of  June.  It  has  two 
eminences,  both  of  which  were  strongly  fortified  and  connected 
by  a rampart  and  fosse.  The  works  were  soon’  considered 
(letter,  July  3)  almost  impregnable.  The  regiments  above 
named,  for  the  most  part,  continued  here  until  the  new 
arrangement  (July  22)  of  the  army  was  made.  This  fine  hill 
commanded  an  extensive  prospect,  and  both  the  British  and 
American  lines  were  in  full  view  from  it.  It  is  called  on  some 
of  the  maps  Mount  Pisgah. 

Winter  Hill  was  also  occupied  on  the  night  of  the  battle. 
Here  the  New  Hampshire  troops  stopped  and  began  to  throw 
up  defences.  Until  this  time,  the  only  force  posted  here  was 
a guard  consisting  of  a subaltern,  two  sergeants,  and  twenty 
men.  The  New  Hampshire  forces,  reinforced  by  Colonel 
Poor’s  regiment,  continued  here.  The  latter  regiment,  owing 
to  a want  of  tents,  was  obliged  to  quarter  in  Medford.  General 
Folsom  arrived  June  20,  and  took  the  command  of  them. 
The  works  were  vigorously  carried  on.  The  fort  on  this  hill 
is  said  to  have  been  larger,  and  the  intrenchments  to  have 
been  more  numerous,  than  those  of  any  of  the  other  positions 
of  the  army.  The  New  Hampshire  troops,  joined,  perhaps, 
by  a regiment  from  Rhode  Island,  continued  to  defend  this 
hill,  until  after  the  arrival  of  Washington. 

At  Cambridge  the  works  commenced  near  the  colleges,  and 
ran  towards  Charles  River.  Here,  however,  as  has  been 
stated,  works  were  thrown  up  before  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill.  It  continued  to  be  the  head  quarters  of  the  army 
during  the  siege. 

On  the  Roxbury  side  works  were  also  vigorously  carried  on 

1 Fenno’s  and  Ward’s  Orderly  Books. 

18* 


212 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


under  the  direction  of  General  Thomas.  Samuel  Gray,  July 
12,  thus  describes  them  : “ On  this  side,  we  have  a fort  upon 
the  hill,  westward  of  the  meeting-house  ; an  intrenchment  at 
Dudley  House,  including  the  garden,  and  extended  to  the  hill 
east  of  the  meeting-house.  A small  breastwork  across  the 
main  street,  and  another  on  Dorchester  road,  near  the  bury- 
ing-ground.  One  on  each  side  of  the  road  through  the  lands 
and  meadows,  a little  south  of  the  George  tavern.  Across  the 
road  are  trees,  the  top  toward  the  town  of  Boston,  sharpened, 
and  well  pointed,  to  prevent  the  progress  of  the  light  horse. 
A redoubt  near  Pierpont’s,  or  Williams’  Mill,  and  another  at 
Brookline,  the  lower  end  of  Sewall’s  Farm,  to  obstruct  their 
landing ; and  another  breastwork  at  Dorchester.”  On  the 
24th  of  June  heavy  cannon  were  planted  at  the  works  on  the 
hill  above  Roxbury  Workhouse,  and  on  the  1st  of  July  shot 
were  thrown  from  them  into  Boston. 

In  preparing  these  works,  there  was  a great  call  for  engi- 
neers. The  veteran  Colonel  Gridley  acted  as  chief,  and  was 
aided  by  his  son.  Lieutenant-colonel  Rufus  Putnam,  Captain 
Josiah  Waters,  Captain  Baldwin  of  Brookfield,  Captain  Henry 
Knox,  afterward  General  Knox,  were  actively  and  efficiently 
employed.1 

An  irregular  warfare  was  kept  up  from  the  17th  of  June 
until  the  3d  of  July,  when  Washington  took  the  command. 
Shot  and  shells  were  at  intervals  discharged  from  Boston,  and 
the  American  camp  was  several  times  alarmed  with  the 
report  that  the  British  were  making  a sally.  A company  of 
minute-men,  before  the  19th  of  April,  had  been  embodied 
among  the  Stockbridge  tribe  of  Indians,  and  this  company 2 

1 Heath's  Memoirs. 

2 The  Provincial  Congress  authorized  this  enlistment  of  minute-men.  A 
letter  of  July  9,  says  : “ Yesterday  afternoon  some  barges  were  sounding 
the  river  of  Cambridge,  (Charles,)  near  its  mouth,  but  were  soon  obliged  to 
row  off,  by  our  Indians,  (fifty  in  number,)  who  are  encamped  near  that 
place.” 

The  British  complained,  and  with  reason,  of  this  mode  of  warfare.  Lieut. 
Carter  writes,  July  2,  1775  : “ Never  had  the  British  army  so  ungenerous 
an  enemy  to  oppose ; they  send  their  riflemen,  (five  or  six  at  a time,)  who 
conceal  themselves  behind  trees,  &c.,  till  an  opportunity  presents  itself  of 
taking  a shot  at  our  advanced  sentries ; which  done,  they  immediately 
retreat.” 


IRREGULAR  WARFARE. 


213 


repaired  to  the  camp.  On  the  21st  of  June,  two  of  the  Indi- 
ans, probably  of  this  company,  killed  four  of  the  regulars  with 
their  bows  and  arrows,  and  plundered  them.1  On  the  next 
day  the  British  fired  from  Boston. 

The  camp,  on  the  24th,  was  in  alarm  at  the  prospect  of  the 
regulars  coming  out.  At  noon  the  enemy  commenced  a heavy 
cannonade  from  Boston  Neck,  and  threw  shells  into  Roxburv. 
But  through  the  alertness  of  the  men,  the  town  was  saved, 
and  no  damage  was  done.  “ Such  was  the  courage  of  our 
soldiers,”  a letter  states,  “ that  they  would  go  and  take  up  a 
burning  carcass  or  bomb,  and  take  out  the  fuse.”  2 Two 
Americans,  attempting  to  set  Brown’s  bam  on  fire,  were 
killed.  The  next  day,  also,  an  attempt  was  made,  without 
success,  to  bum  the  buildings  on  Boston  Neck,  when  a firing 
took  place  between  the  parties.  This  day  the  Indians  killed 
more  of  the  British  guard. 

On  the  26th  there  was  a skirmish  at  Boston  Neck.  A 
party  of  the  British,  about  day-break,  advanced  and  fired  on 
the  American  sentinels,  near  the  George  tavern.  The  picket 
guard  turned  out,  and  after  sharp  firing  the  British  retreated. 
Two  Indians  went  down  near  Bunker  Hill,  and  killed  a sen- 
try. On  the  30th  a fire  was  opened  from  Roxbury  into 
Boston,  which  was  returned.  A twenty-four  pound  ball  from 
the  same  place,  (July  1,)  struck  on  the  British  .parade-ground, 
and  occasioned  some  confusion. 

On  the  2d  of  July,  (Sunday,)  in  the  morning,  the  British 
commenced  a brisk  cannonade  from  the  lines  on  Boston  Neck, 
and  threw  shells  into  Roxbury.  A carcass  set  fire  to  the 
house  of  Mr.  Williams,  which  was  consumed.  But  the  dar- 
ing activity  of  the  troops,  working  in  the  face  of  a constant 
and  heavy  fire  from  the  enemy,  prevented  the  flames  from 
spreading. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  second  General  Congress,  which 
assembled  at  Philadelphia  on  the  10th  of  May,  had  unani- 

1 John  Kettell’s  Diary.  This  commences  May  17,  and  continues  to  Sept. 
31,  1775.  He  was  subsequently  an  influential  citizen  of  Charlestown  — its 
postmaster  and  town  clerk. 

2 Ms.  Letters  of  Col.  Miller,  of  Rhode  Island,  for  which,  and  other  favors, 
I am  indebted  to  S.  G.  Drake,  Esq. 


214 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


mously  resolved  to  put  the  country  into  a state  of  defence, 
had  adopted,  on  the  motion  of  John  Adams,  the  army  besieg- 
ing Boston,  and  had  voted  to  raise  ten  companies  of  rifle- 
men in  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia.  This  was  the 
origin  of  the  far-famed  continental  army.  Four  major-gener- 
als were  appointed;  namely,  Artemas  Ward,  Charles  Lee, 
Phillip  Schuyler,  and  Israel  Putnam;  and  eight  brigadier- 
generals  ; namely,  Seth  Pomeroy,  Richard  Montgomery, 
David  Wooster,  William  Heath,  Joseph  Spencer,  John 
Thomas,  John  Sullivan,  and  Nathaniel  Greene.  An  adju- 
tant-general— Horatio  Gates- — was  also  appointed,  with 
the  rank  of  brigadier.  On  the  15th  of  June,  Colonel  George 
Washington  was  chosen  commander-in-chief.  A long  contro- 
versy arose  in  relation  to  some  of  these  appointments,  and 
especially  because  Putnam  was  advanced  over  Spencer,  and 
Pomeroy  over  Thomas.  General  Spencer  left  the  army  with- 
out visiting  Washington,  or  making  known  his  intention,  and 
General  Thomas  consented  to  remain  only  after  the  urgent 
solicitations  of  his  friends.  At  length  these  difficulties  were, 
in  a great  measure,  removed,  by  Spencer’s  consenting  to 
return,  and  to  take  rank  after  Putnam,  and  Pomeroy’s  declin- 
ing to  serve. 

On  the  21st  of  June  General  Washington  set  out  from  Phila- 
delphia to  join  the  army.  He  was  everywhere  received  on  his 
route  with  the  respect  due  to  his  station.  At  New  York  he 
heard  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  this  increased  his 
anxiety  to  reach  the  camp.  A committee  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Provincial  Congress  met  him  at  Springfield.  He  reached 
Cambridge  on  the  2d  of  July,  about  two  o’clock,  escorted  by 
a cavalcade  of  citizens  and  a troop  of  light  horse.  On  the  3d 
he  assumed  the  command  of  the  army. 

When  General  Washington  reached  Watertown,  the  Pro- 
vincial Congress,  in  session  there,  honored  him  with  a con- 
gratulatory address.  “While  we  applaud,”  they  said,  “that 
attention  to  the  public  good  manifested  in  your  appointment, 
we  equally  admire  that  disinterested  virtue  and  distinguished 
patriotism,  which  alone  could  call  you  from  those  enjoyments 
of  domestic  life,  which  a sublime  and  manly  taste,  joined  with 
a most  affluent  fortune,  can  afford,  to  hazard  your  life,  and  to 


ADDRESS  TO  WASHINGTON. 


215 


endure  the  fatigues  of  war,  in  defence  of  the  rights  of  man- 
kind, and  the  good  of  your  country.”  After  complimenting 
him  on  the  despatch  made  in  his  journey,  they  remarked  on 
the  hurry  with  which  the  army  was  necessarily  collected,  and 
the  want  of  discipline  in  the  soldiers  : — “ The  greatest  part  of 
them  have  not  before  seen  service;  and  though  naturally 
brave  and  of  good  understanding,  yet,  for  want  of  experience  in 
military  life,  have  but  little  knowledge  of  divers  things  most 
essential  to  the  preservation  of  health,  and  even  of  life.  The 
youth  in  the  army  are  not  impressed  with  the  absolute,  necessity 
of  cleanliness  in  their  dress  and  lodging,  continual  exercise, 
and  strict  temperance,  to  preserve  them  from  diseases  fre- 
quently prevailing  in  camps ; especially  among  those  who, 
from  their  childhood,  have  been  used  to  a laborious  life.” 
In  conclusion,  Congress  assured  him  that  they  would  con- 
tribute all  the  aid  in  their  power  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties 
of  his  exalted  office.  Washington  replied  to  this  address  on 
the  4th  of  July.  “In  exchanging”  he  said,  “ the  enjoyments 
of  domestic  life  for  the  duties  of  my  present  honorable  but 
arduous  station,  I only  emulate  the  virtue  and  public  spirit  of 
the  whole  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  which,  with  a 
firmness  and  patriotism  without  example  in  modern  history, 
has  sacrificed  all  the  comforts  of  social  and  political  life,  in 
support  of  the  rights  of  mankind,  and  the  welfare  of  our  com- 
mon country.  My  highest  ambition  is,  to  be  the  happy  instru- 
ment of  vindicating  those  rights,  and  to  see  this  devoted 
province  again  restored  to  peace,  liberty,  and  safety.” 

A congratulatory  address  was  also  made  to  General  Lee. 
It  says — “We  admire  and  respect  the  character  of  a man 
who,  disregarding  the  allurements  of  profit  and  distinction  his 
merit  might  procure,  engages  in  the  cause  of  mankind,  in 
defence  of  the  injured,  and  relief  of  the  oppressed.  From 
your  character,  from  your  great  abilities  and  military  experi- 
ence, united  with  those  of  the  commander-in-chief,  under  the 
smiles  of  Providence,  we  flatter  ourselves  with  the  prospect  of 
discipline  and  order,  success  and  victory.”  The  general 
made  a neat  reply,  in  which  he  remarked.  — “ Nothing  can  be 
so  flattering  to  me  as  the  good  opinion  and  approbation  of  the 
delegates  of  a free  and  uncorrupt  people.” 


216 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


On  assuming  the  command  1 of  the  army,  the  commander- 
in-chief  immediately  visited  its  posts  and  reconnoitred  the 
works  of  the  enemy.  In  a letter  dated  July  10,  he  describes 
the  lines  as  follows:  “I  found  the  latter  (British)  strongly 
intrenching  on  Bunker’s  Hill,  about  a mile  from  Charlestown, 
and  advanced  about  half  a mile  from  the  place  of  the  late 
action,  with  their  sentries  extended  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  yards  on  this  side  of  the  narrowest  part  of  the  Neck, 
leading  from  this  place  to  Charlestown.  Three  floating  bat- 
teries lie  in  Mystic  River,  near  their  camp,  and  one  twenty 
gun  ship  below  the  ferry  place,  between  Boston  and  Charles- 
town. They  have  also  a battery  on  Copp’s  Hill,  on  the  Bos- 
ton side,  which  much  annoyed  our  troops  in  the  late  attack. 
Upon  Roxbury  Neck,  they  are  also  deeply  intrenched  and 
strongly  fortified.  Their . advance  guards,  till  last  Saturday, 
occupied  Brown’s  houses,  about  a mile  from  Roxbury  meet- 
ing-house, and  twenty  rods  from  their  lines;  but,  at  that 
time,  a party  from  General  Thomas’  camp  surprised  the 
guard,  drove  them  in,  and  burned  the  houses.  The  bulk  of 
their  army,  commanded  by  General  Howe,  lies  on  Bunker’s 
Hill,  and  the  remainder  on  Roxbury  Neck,  except  the  light 
horse,  and  a few  men  in  the  town  of  Boston. 

“On  our  side,  we  have  thrown  up  intrenchments  on  Win- 
ter and  Prospect  Hills,  — the  enemy’s  camp  in  full  view,  at 
the  distance  of  little  more  than  a mile.  Such  intermediate 
points  as  would  admit  a landing,  I have,  since  my  arrival, 
taken  care  to  strengthen,  down  to  Sewall’s  Farm,  where  a 
strong  intrenchment  has  been  thrown  up.  At  Roxbury,  Gen- 
eral Thomas  has  thrown  up  a strong  work  on  the  hill,  about 

11  From  general  orders,  July  4,  1775  : — The  Continental  Congress  having 
now  taken  all  the  troops  of  the  several  colonies  which  have  been  raised,  or 
which  may  hereafter  be  raised,  for  the  support  and  defence  of  the  liberties  of 
America,  into  their  pay  and  service,  they  are  now  the  troops  of  the  United 
Provinces  of  North  America ; and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  all  distinctions  of 
colonies  will  be  laid  aside,  so  that  one  and  the  same  spirit  may  animate  the 
whole,  and  the  only  contest  be,  who  shall  render,  on  this  great  and  trying 
occasion,  the  most  essential  service  to  the  great  and  common  cause  in  which 
we  are  all  engaged. 

Thomas  Mifflin  was  appointed  aid-de-camp  to  General  Washington,  and 
Joseph  Reed  his  secretary.  Samuel  Osgood  was  aid-de-camp  to  General 
Ward,  and  Samuel  Griffin  to  General  Lee. 


THE  LINE  OF  DEFENCES. 


217 


two  hundred  yards  above  the  meeting-house ; which,  with 
the  brokenness  of  the  ground,  and  a great  number  of  rocks, 
has  made  that  pass  very  secure.  The  troops  raised  in  New 
Hampshire,  with  a regiment  from  Rhode  Island,  occupy 
Winter  Hill ; a part  of  those  of  Connecticut,  under  General 
Putnam,  are  on  Prospect  Hill.  The  troops  in  this  town  are 
entirely,  of  the  Massachusetts ; the  remainder  of  the  Rhode 
Island  men  are  at  Se walks  Farm.  Two  regiments  of  Con- 
necticut, and  nine  of  the  Massachusetts,  are  at  Roxbury. 
The  residue  of  the  army,  to  the  number  of  about  seven  hun- 
dred, are  posted  in  several  small  towns  along  the  coast,  to 
prevent  the  depredations  of  the  enemy.” 

A private  letter,  also  of  July  10,  gives  a more  particular 
view  of  the  American  works  : “ About  two  hundred  rods 
below  the  college  we  have  a redoubt,  which  begins  the  line ; 
then  about  sixty  rods  from  that  another  redoubt,  and  lines 
continued  near  an  hundred  rods ; then  at  Charlestown  road, 
on  the  west  side  of  the  road,  at  the  foot  of  Prospect  Hill, 
another  redoubt  and  strong  fortification ; then  on  Prospect 
Hill  is  Putnam’s  Post,  a very  strong  fortification ; then  be- 
tween that  and  Winter  Hill  a strong  citadel  and  lines  over 
Charlestown  road  to  Mystic ; then  in  Mr.  Temple’s  pasture 
(Ten  Hills  Farm)  a strong  redoubt  that  commands  to  Mystic 
River ; so  that  we  have  a complete  line  of  circumvallation 
from  Charles  River  to  Mystic  River.”  “ On  Roxbury  side  the 
enemy  have  dog  across  the  Neck,  and  let  the  water  through  ; 
and  our  people  in  turn  have  intrenched  across  the  outer  end 
of  the  Neck,  and  are  strongly  fortified  there,  and  on  the  hill 
by  the  meeting-house.”  1 

General  Washington  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a body 
of  armed  men,2  rather  than  of  regular  ranks  of  soldiers,  — of 

1 The  town  of  Malden  requested,  June  23,  that  measures  might  be 
taken  for  its  defence.  The  Provincial  Congress  appointed  a committee  to 
take  the  subject  into  consideration,  who  directed  them  to  make  the  best  use 
of  artillery  they  could  for  their  defence,  and  to  apply  to  the  general  of  the 
army.  No  works  of  importance  appear  to  have  been  erected  in  Malden 
during  the  siege. 

2 1 found  a mixed  multitude  of  people  here,  under  veTy  little  discipline, 
order,  or  government.  — Washington's  letter,  July  27,  1775.  The  orderly 
books  of  this  period  attest  the  difficulty  of  reducing  the  men  to  the  habits  of 


218 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


men  grown  rugged  in  the  calls  of  labor,  patriotic,  true  to  the 
American  cause,  but  with  high  notions  of  independence,  and 
hence  impatient  of  the  necessary  restraints  of  a life  of  war. 
Discipline  was  lax,  offences  were  frequent,  there  was  no 
general  organization,  and,  worse  than  all,  hardly  powder 
enough  in  the  camp  for  nine  cartridges  to  a man.  Washing- 
ton felt  the  difficulty  of  maintaining,  with  such  material,  a 
line  of  posts  so  exposed  against  an  army  of  well-disciplined 
and  well-supplied  veterans.  He  was  obliged  to  keep  every 
part  of  his  extended  works  well  guarded,  while  the  enemy 
could  concentrate  his  force  on  any  one  point,  and  without  an 
hour’s  notice  could  make  a formidable  attack.  It  was  under 
such  circumstances  that  he  was  obliged  to  remodel  his  army, 
and  summon  order  to  arise  out  of  confusion. 

General  Washington  called  a council  of  war,  (July  9,)  con- 
sisting of  the  major-generals  and  brigadiers.  They  estimated 
the  force  of  the  British  at  11,500,  — too  high  an  estimate, 
however,  — and  that  at  least  an  army  of  22,000  was  neces- 
sary to  act  successfully  against  it ; whereas  there  were  only 
17,000  enrolled,  including  the  sick  and  the  absent,  and  only 
14,500  fit  for  duty.  The  council  decided  unanimously  to 
maintain  the  positions  that  had  been  taken,  and  adopt  meas- 
ures to  strengthen  the  army.  The  commander-in-chief  was 
directed  to  apply  to  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts 
for  a temporary  reinforcement,  and  steps  were  taken  to 
increase  the  recruits.  It  was  agreed  that,  should  the  army  be 
attacked  by  the  enemy  and  routed,  the  place  of  rendezvous 
should  be  Wales  Hill,  in  the  rear  of  the  Roxbury  lines;  and 
also,  that  it  was  neither  expedient  to  take  possession  of  Dor- 
chester Point,  nor  to  oppose  the  enemy  if  they  should  attempt 
to  take  possession  of  it. 

The  army  was  arranged  in  three  grand  divisions,  each  con- 
sisting of  two  brigades  or  twelve  regiments,  in  which  the 

the  soldier’s  life.  Offences  were  frequent.  Intoxication,  peculation,  false 
returns,  disobedience  of  orders,  disrespect  to  officers,  want  of  soldier-like 
conduct,  were  the  most  common  offences  : and  the  punishment  administered 
consisted  of  pecuniary  fines,  standing  in  the  pillory,  riding  the  wooden  horse, 
drumming  out  of  camp,  whipping  at  the  head  of  the  regiment,  or  in  still 
more  public  places. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  ARMY. 


219 


troops  from  the  same  colony,  as  far  as  practicable,  were 
brought  together.  The  right  wing,  under  Major-general 
Ward,  consisted  of  two  brigades,  as  follows:  — 


1.  BRIGADIER-GENERAL  THOMAS. 

Regiments. 

Total. 

Regiments. 

Total. 

General  Ward, 

453 

Mass. 

Colonel  Cotton, 

500 

Mass. 

“ Thomas, 

500 

(C 

“ Davidson, 

493 

(( 

Colonel  Fellows, 

434 

u 

“ D.  Brewer, 

374 

(« 

“ Learned, 

489 

(( 

2.  BRIGADIER-GENERAL  SPENCER. 

Regiments. 

Total. 

Regiments. 

Total. 

General  Spencer, 

) 

Conn. 

Colonel  Walker, 

491 

Mass. 

Colonel  Parsons, 

> 2333 

<C 

“ J.  Reed, 

495 

il 

“ Huntington, 

') 

Ci 

Independents, 

239 

U 

This  • division  of  the  army  was  stationed  at  Roxbury,  and 
its  southern  dependencies. 


The  left  wing  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Major- 
general  Lee,  who  had  under  him  Brigadier-general  Greene, 


stationed  at  Prospect  Hill,  and 

General  Sullivan,1 

at  Winter 

Hill.  These  brigades  were  as 

follows  : — 

1.  BRIGADIER-GENERAL  SULLIVAN. 

Regiments.  Total. 

Regiments. 

Total. 

Colonel  Stark,  1 N.  Hamp. 

Colonel  Nixon, 

412 

Mass. 

“ Poor,  1 1664  “ 

“ Mansfield, 

470 

U 

“ Reed,  ) “ 

“ Doolittle, 

333 

cc 

2.  BRIGADIER-GENERAL  GREENE. 

Regiments.  Total. 

Regiments. 

Total. 

Colonel  Yarnum,  ) R.  Isl. 

Colonel  Whitcomb, 

523 

Mass 

“ Hitchcock,  > 1085  “ 

“ Gardner, 

417 

“ Church,  ) “ 

“ J.  Brewer, 

301 

u 

“ Little, 

472 

a 

The  centre,  stationed  at  Cambridge,  was  commanded  by 
Major-general  Putnam.  These  brigades  were  as  follows  : — 


Regiments. 

General  Heath, 
Colonel  Patterson, 
“ Scammans, 


1.  BRIGADIER-GENERAL  HEATH. 


Total. 

483  Mass. 
409  “ 

456  “ 


Regiments. 

Colonel  Phinney, 
“ Gerrish, 
“ Prescott, 


Total. 

319  Mass. 
498  “ 

430  “ 


1 General  Sullivan  had  succeeded  General  Folsom  in  the 
New  Hampshire  forces. 

19 


command  of  the 


220 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Regiments. 
General  Putnam, 
Colonel  Glover, 

“ Frye, 


2.  SENIOR  OFFICER 


Total. 

Conn. 
454  Mass. 
406  “ 


Regiments.  Total. 

Colonel  Bridge,  . 470  Mass. 

“ Woodbridge,  366  “ 

“ Sargent,  “ 


Of  these  regiments,  General  Heath’s  was  ordered  to  take  post 
at  No.  2,  Colonel  Patterson’s  at  No.  3,  Colonel  Scammans’  at  No. 
1 and  the  redoubt  between  that  and  No.  2,  Colonel  Prescott’s 
at  Sewall’s  Point,  and  Colonel  Gerrish’s  to  furnish  the  com- 
panies for  Chelsea,  Malden,  and  Medford. 

The  total  of  the  above,  as  returned,  without  including 
Colonel  Sargent’s  regiment,  which  had  not  been  completed, 
was  16,770.  To  thus  must  be  added  the  regiment  of  artil- 
lery, under  Colonel  Richard  Gridley,  of  489  men  ; and  Major 
Train’s  company  of  Rhode  Island  artillery,  of  96  men.1 

The  environs  of  Boston  presented  at  this  period  an  animat- 
ing sight.  Time  had  wrought  out  wonderful  changes  in  their 
political  condition.  Hardly  a century  had  elapsed  since  the 
two  principal  passes  into  the  country — Boston  Neck  and 
Charlestown  Neck  — were  fortified  to  save  the  infant  Ameri- 
can civilization  from  the  inroads  of  the  savage ; now  the 
beautiful  hills  that  surrounded  them  and  commanded  them 
were  covered  with  all  the  pomp  and  pride  of  war,  to  protect 
the  same  civilization  from  being  destroyed  from  without  by 
the  hand  that  should  have  protected  it.  The  unrivalled 
natural  scenery  could  not  pass  unobserved  by  a lover  of 
nature.  “ The  country,”  writes  an  officer  in  Boston,  “ is  most 


1 The  following  is  the  return  of  the  army  made  pursuant  to  a general  order 
of  July  3,  1775  : — 


Colonies. 

No.  of  regiments.  || 

Commissioned 
officers  and  staff. 

Non-comm’sd 

officers. 

Rank  and  file. 

Present  fit  for 
duty. 

| Sick  present. 

Sick  absent. 

On  furlough. 

On  command 

Total. 

Massachusetts,  . . . 

26 

789 

1326 

9396 

757 

450 

311 

774 

11688 

Connecticut,  .... 

3 

125 

174 

2105 

212 

2 

14 

2333 

New  Hampshire,  . . 

3 

98 

160 

1201 

115 

20 

49 

279 

1664 

Rhode  Island,  . . . 

3 

107 

108 

1041 

24 

18 

2 

1085 

35 

1119 

1768 

13743 

1108 

490 

376 

1053 

16770 

THE  AMERICAN  CAMP. 


221 


beautifully  tumbled  about  in  hills  and  valleys,  rocks  and 
woods,  interspersed  with  straggling  villages,  with  here  and 
there  a spire  peeping  over  the  trees,  and  the  country  of  the 
most  charming  green  that  delighted  eye  ever  gazed  on.” 1 
The  beauty  of  nature  was  now  intermingled,  on  the  land, 
with  white  tents,  glittering  bayonets,  and  frowning  cannon, 
while  no  small  portion  of  the  navy  of  England  rode  proudly 
in  the  harbor.  Occasionally  the  scene  was  enlivened  by  a 
peaceful  parade  or  a hostile  skirmish.  These  sights  were  no 
less  novel  than  interesting ; and  thousands  flocked  to  the  neigh- 
borhood, either  to  greet  their  friends,  or  to  witness  the  exciting 
scenes. 

Among  others,  Rev.  William  Emerson  has  furnished  a 
graphic  description  of  the  camp,  after  the  arrival  of  Wash- 
ington. “ There  is  great  overturning  in  the  camp,  as  to  order 
and  regularity.  New  lords,  new  laws.  The  Generals  Wash- 
ington and  Lee  are  upon  the  lines  every  day.  New  orders 
from  his  excellency  are  read  to  the  respective  regiments  every 
morning  after  prayers.  The  strictest  government  is  taking 
place,  and  great  distinction  is  made  between  officers  and  sol- 
diers. Every  one  is  made  to  know  his  place,  and  keep  in  it, 
or  be  tied  up  and  receive  thirty  or  forty  lashes,  according  to 
his  crime.  Thousands  are  at  work  every  day  from  four  till 
eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning.  It  is  surprising  how  much 
work  has  been  done.  The  lines  are  extended  almost  from 
Cambridge  to  Mystic  River,  so  that  very  soon  it  will  be  mor- 
ally impossible  for  the  enemy  to  get  between  the  works,  except 
in  one  place,  which  is  supposed  to  be  left  purposely  unforti- 
fied, to  entice  the  enemy  out  of  their  fortresses.  Who  would 
have  thought,  twelve  months  past,  that  all  Cambridge  and 
Charlestown  would  be  covered  over  with  American  camps, 
and  cut  up  into  forts  and  intrenchments,  and  all  the  lands, 
fields,  orchards,  laid  common,  — horses  and  cattle  feeding  in 
the  choicest  mowing  land,  whole  fields  of  corn  eaten  down  to 
the  ground,  and  large  parks  of  well-regulated  locusts  cut 
down  for  firewood  and  other  public  uses  ? This,  I must  say, 
looks  a little  melancholy.  My  quarters  are  at  the  foot  of  the 
famous  Prospect  Hill,  where  such  great  preparations  are  made 
1 Capt.  Harris,  afterwards  Lord  Harris. 


222 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


for  the  reception  of  the  enemy.  It  is  very  diverting  to  walk 
among  the  camps.  They  are  as  different  in  their  form  as  the 
owners  are  in  their  dress;  and  every  tent  is  a portraiture  of 
the  temper  and  taste  of  the  persons  who  encamp  in  it.  Some 
are  made  of  boards,  and  some  of  sail-cloth.  Some  partly  of 
one  and  partly  of  the  other.  Again,  others  are  made  of  stone 
and  turf,  brick  or  brush.  Some  are  thrown  up  in  a hurry ; 
others  curiously  wrought  with  doors  and  windows,  done  with 
wreaths  and  withes,  in  the  manner  of  a basket.  Some  are 
your  proper  tents  and  marquees,  looking  like  the  regular  camp 
of  the  enemy.  In  these  are  the  Rhode  Islanders,  who  are 
furnished  with  tent-equipage,  and  everything  in  the  most 
exact  English  style.  However,  I think  this  great  variety 
is  rather  a beauty  than  a blemish  in  the  army.”  1 

The  commander-in-chief  was  received  with  warmth  by  the 
army,  and  everything  about  him  inspired  confidence  and 
hope.  The  house  occupied  by  him  is  still  standing  in  Cam- 
bridge, and  is  known  as  Washington’s  head  quarters.  The 
contemporary  accounts  name  him  with  enthusiasm.  “I  have 
been  much  gratified  this  day”  — Thatcher  writes,  July  20  — 
“with  a view  of  General  Washington.  His  excellency  was 
on  horseback,  in  company  with  several  military  gentlemen. 
It  was  not.  difficult  to  distinguish  him  from  all  others ; his 
personal  appearance  is  truly  noble  and  majestic,  being  tall  and 
well-proportioned.  His  dress  is  a blue  coat  with  buff-colored 
facings,  a rich  epaulette  on  each  shoulder,  buff  under  dress, 
and  an  elegant  small-sword;  a black  cockade  in  his  hat.” 
Mrs.  Adams  writes  to  her  husband,  July  16:  “I  was  struck 
with  General  Washington.  You  had  prepared  me  to  enter- 
tain a favorable  opinion  of  him,  but  I thought  the  half  was 
not  told  me.  Dignity,  with  ease  and  complacency,  the  gen- 
tleman and  soldier,  look  agreeably  blended  in  him.  Mod- 
esty marks  every  line  and  feature  of  his  face.  Those  lines 
of  Dryden  instantly  occurred  to  me  : 

Mark  his  majestic  fabric  ! he ’s  a temple 

Sacred  by  birth,  and  built  by  hands  divine  ; 

His  soul ’s  the  deity  that  lodges  there  ; 

Nor  is  the  pile  unworthy  of  the  god.” 

1 Sparks’  Washington,  vol.  hi.,  p.  491. 


LEE  AND  BURGOYNE. 


223 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Fortification  of  Plou\hed  Hill.  Skirmishes.  Distress  in  Boston. 

% 

General  Washingtoi  , while  introducing  subordination  into 
the  army,  made  great  < fforts  to  strengthen  his  position,  to 
confine  the  enemy  closely  to  their  quarters,  and  to  cut  off  their 
supplies  of  provisions.  The  belief  was  long  entertained  that 
the  British  were  preparing  for  an  attack,  and  the  camp  was 
occasionally  alarmed  with  reports  that  they  were  coming 
out.  Every  precaution  was  taken  to  prevent  surprise,  and 
parties  in  whale-boats  were  soon  on  the  watch  every  night, 
to  give  early  notice  of  any  movements  by  water.  On  the  day 
Washington  took  the  command  (July  3)  it  was  supposed  the 
British  were  about  to  attack  the  lines  on  Winter  Hill,  where 
General  Folsom  was  in  command.  Colonel  Glover’s  regiment 
was  ordered  to  be  ready  at  a moment’s  warning  to  support 
General  Folsom.  Colonel  Prescott  was  ordered  to  take 
possession  of  the  woods  leading  to  Lechmere’s  Point,  and  if 
an  attack  was  made  in  this  quarter,  Colonel  Glover  was 
directed  to  support  him.1 

Early  in  July  a correspondence  between  Generals  Lee  and 
Burgoyne  attracted  much  attention.  General  Lee  had  served 
with  Genera]  Burgoyne  in  Portugal,  and  an  intimate  friendship 
had  long  existed  between  them.  On  the  arrival  of  the  latter 
in  Boston,  General  Lee,  then  in  Philadelphia,  wrote  to  his  friend 
a letter  full  of  invectives  against  the  British  ministry,  and  con- 
taining an  elaborate  statement  of  his  views  of  the  merits  of 
the  contest.  Though  written  with  a warmth  approaching  to 
violence,  General  Burgoyne  replied  to  it  courteously,  and 
proposed  an  interview  with  General  Lee  at  Brown’s  house, 
on  Boston  Neck.  This  letter  was  sent  out  (July  8)  by  a 
trumpeter.  The  letter  and  the  expediency  of  the  proposed 
interview  were  laid  before  the  Provincial  Congress.  Though 

1 Washington’s  Orderly  Book,  in  Force’s  American  Archives. 

19* 


224 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Congress,  to  prevent  jealousy,  appointed  Elbridge  Gerry  to 
attend  General  Lee,  they  suggested  whether  it  “might  not 
have  a tendency  to  lessen  the  influence  which  the  Congress 
would  wish  to  extend  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  to  facili- 
tate and  succeed  the  operations  of  the  war.”  In  consequence 
of  this  hint,  General  Lee,  in  a note  tr  General  Burgoyne, 
declined  to  meet  him.  The  correspor  ^Crce  between  the  two 
generals  was  published,  and  was  com  mted  on  in  the  jour- 
nals. 

On  the  8th  of  July,  about  two  in  the  morning,  a party  of 
volunteers,  under  Majors  Tupper  and  Crane,  attacked  the 
advanced  guard  of  the  British  at  Brown’s  house,  on  Boston 
Neck,  within  three  hundred  yards  of  their  main  works.  A 
party  of  six,  detached  about  ten  o’clock  the  preceding  even- 
ing. gained  the  rear  of  the  guard-house;  and  the  remainder 
of  the  volunteers  secreted  themselves  in  the  marsh  on  each 
side  of  the  Neck.  Two  brass  field-pieces  were  drawn  quietly 
across  the  marsh  to  within  three  hundred  yards  of  the  house. 
On  a signal  from  the  advance  party,  two  rounds  of  shot  were 
fired  into  the  house,  when  the  guard  retreated  with  precipita- 
tion to  the  lines.  The  six  men  immediately  set  fire  to  the 
house  and  another  building.  The  party  took  several  muskets 
and  retreated  without  loss.  A scattering  fire  from  the  out- 
posts continued  some  time.  The  British  moored  a floating 
battery  up  in  the  bay  so  as  to  cover  the  right  flank  of  their 
works  on  Boston  Neck.1 

On  the  11th  a party  of  Americans  drove  in  the  British  guard 
on  Boston  Neck,  and  burnt  Brown’s  store.  A visiter  in  the 
camp  at  Roxbury  this  day  says,  — “We  were  amused  with  a 
heavy  fire  of  cannon  and  mortars  from  the  lines  of  the  regulars 
on  the  Neck,  and  from  one  of  their  floating  batteries,  against 
two  hundred  of  our  men,  who  were  throwing  up  a breastwork 
in  front  of  the  George  tavern,  on  the  same  Neck,  and  within  a 
few  rods  of  the  regulars’  advanced  guard  ; our  people  kept  on 
their  work,  and  never  returned  a shot.  Three  bombs  burst  near 
our  men,  without  injuring  one  of  them ; most  of  the  cannon 
shot  were  taken  up  and  brought  to  the  general.  It  is  divert- 

1 Heath’s  Memoirs,  p.  23.  Perm.  Packet,  1775. 


SKIRMISHES. 


225 


ng  to  see  our  people  contending  for  the  balls  as  they  roll 
along.”  On  this  day  a liberty-pole  was  raised  on  Winter 
Hill;  and  at  night  a party  went  from  Roxbury  camp  to  Long 
Island,  and  brought  off  fifteen  prisoners,  200  sheep,  19  cattle, 
13  horses,  and  3 hogs.  The  prisoners  were  carried  to  Con- 
cord.1 

On  the  12th,  in  the  forenoon,  Colonel  Greaton.  with  a party 
of  136  men,  went  in  whale-boats  to  Long  Island,  burnt  the 
house  on  it,  and  the  barns,  with  a large  lot  of  hay  done  up  in 
bundles  and  intended  for  the  British  horses.  An  armed 
schooner,  and  several,  barges,  made  for  the  Americans,  and 
some  of  the  ships  near  the  island  cannonaded  them;  but, 
though  they  narrowly  escaped  being  taken,  Colonel  Greaton 
and  his  daring  band  gained  the  shore.  One  American  was 
killed  in  this  affair.  A letter  dated  on  this  day  says:  “ We 
have  just  got  over  land  from  Cape  Cod  a large  fleet  of  whale- 
boats ; in  a day  or  two,  we  shall  man  them  in  Cambridge  and 
Mystic  Rivers,  and  try  to  keep  our  enemy’s  boats  from  insult- 
ing us.  The  regulars  do  not  seem  willing  to  come  out,  but 
our  people  are  perpetually  provoking  them.”  This  day  six 
transports  full  of  men  arrived  in  the  harbor. 

A party  of  Americans  were  at  work  on  the  rocky  hill,  then 
Colonel  Williams’,  south-west  of  the  works  above  Roxbury 
workhouse.  The  British  opened  (July  13)  a heavy  cannon- 
ade upon  them,  but  did  no  damage.  This  work,  Heath  says, 
was  one  of  the  strongest  that  were  erected.  General  Wash- 
ington visited  the  Roxbury  camp  this  day.  On  the  day 
following  there  was  also  firing  from  Boston,  and  a Connecti- 
cut soldier  was  killed. 

The  declaration  of  the  Continental  Congress,  setting  forth 
the  causes  and  necessity  of  their  taking  up  arms,  was  read  on 

1 Kettell’s  Diary  ; Heath  ; Force’s  Archives,  n. , 1650. 

On  the  13th  of  July  the  Provincial  Congress  revised  the  commission  of  the 
committee  of  safety,  and  continued  in  it  full  executive  power  until  the  30th 
of  July,  or  until  their  commission  should  be  abrogated  by  the  representatives. 
The  committee  consisted,  at  this  time,  of  John  Hancock,  Benjamin  Church, 
Benjamin  White,  Joseph  Palmer,  Richard  Devens,  Abraham  Watson,  Azor 
Orne,  Benjamin  Grecnleaf,  Nathan  Cushing,  Samuel  Holten,  and  Enoch 
Freeman. 


226 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


the  loth,  before  the  army  at  Cambridge,  by  President  Lang- 
don.  General  Washington,  other  general  officers,  and  a 
large  number  of  people,  were  present.  It  was  received  with 
great  enthusiasm,  and  was  immediately  responded  to  by  three 
huzzas.  On  the  18th,  it  was  read  to  the  troops  on  Prospect 
Hill,  under  the  immediate  command  of  General  Putnam 
“After  which,”  the  Essex  Gazette  states,  “an  animated  and 
pathetic  address  to  the  army  was  made  by  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Leonard,  chaplain  to  General  Putnam’s  regiment,  and  suc- 
ceeded by  a pertinent  prayer ; when  General  Putnam  gave  the 
signal,  and  the  whole  army  shouted  their  loud  amen  by  three 
cheers ; immediately  upon  which,  a cannon  was  fired  from 
the  fort,  and  the  standard  lately  sent  to  General  Putnam  was 
exhibited  flourishing  in  the  air,  bearing  on  one  side  this  motto, 
— ‘An  Appeal  to  Heaven!’  and  on  the  other  side,  — 1 Qui 
Transtulit  Sustmet!’'  The  whole  was  conducted  with  the 
utmost  decency,  good  order,  and  regularity,  and  to  the  uni- 
versal acceptance  of  all  present.  And  the  Philistines  on  Bun- 
ker’s Hill  heard  the  shout  of  the  Israelites,  and  being  very 
fearful,  paraded  themselves  in  battle  array.” 

In  the  evening  (18th)  a strong  party  took  possession  of  an 
advanced  post  in  lloxbury,  and  the  next  day  there  was  an 
incessant  cannonade  kept  up  on  the  works.  There  was  an 
appearance  of  a sally  by  the  British  during  this  cannonade. 
“ But,”  a letter  states,  “ they  disappointed  General  Thomas, 
who  commands  there,  and  made  an  excellent  disposition  to 
receive  them.  Roxbury  is  amazingly  strong.  I believe  it 
would  puzzle  ten  thousand  troops  to  go  through  it,  — I mean 
of  the  best  in  the  world.” 

Thursday,  the  20th,  was  a day  of  general  fasting  and 
prayer.  In  general  orders  it  was  directed  to  be  religiously 
observed  in  the  camp.  The  troops,  in  attending  worship,  Avere 
ordered  to  take  their  arms,  ammunition,  and  accoutrements, 
and  be  prepared  for  immediate  action.  The  labor  on  the 
works  was  ordered  to  be  suspended,  if,  in  the  judgment  of  the 
officers,  their  condition  would  permit. 

A party  under  Major  Vose,  of  Heath’s  regiment,  in  whale- 
boats, landed  on  Nantasket  Point,  before  day,  and  set  fire  to 
the  light-house.  At  daylight  the  men-of-war  discovered  them, 


THE  RIFLEMEN. 


227 


and  fired  upon  them.  An  eye-witness  says:  — “I  ascended 
an  eminence  at  a distance,  and  saw  the  flames  of  the  light- 
house ascending  up  to  heaven  like  grateful  incense,  and  the 
ships  wasting  their  powder.  Our  men  proceeded  from 
thence  to  Point  Shirley,  in  order  to  drive  off  some  young  colts 
which  were  there.  A party  of  regulars  attacked  them,  but 
were  repulsed  and  drove  into  their  boats.”  Major  Yose 
returned  the  next  day.  He  burnt  the  wooden  portions  of  the 
light-house,  brought  off  its  furniture,  lamps,  &c.,  and  the 
boats.  He  also  brought  from  Nantasket  a thousand  bushels 
of  barley,  and  a quantity  of  hay.  An  armed  schooner  and 
several  barges  engaged  the  detachment,  and  wounded  two 
Americans.  Major  Yose  gained  much  credit  for  his  success  in 
this  enterprise. 

An  occasional  cannonade,  the  coming  in  of  deserters  from 
the  enemy,  the  arrangement  of  the  army  into  brigades,  and 
the  arrival  of  the  riflemen  from  the  south,  constituted  the 
chief  incidents  of  the  siege  for  eight  days.  The  general 
orders  indicate  a strict  attention  to  discipline.  They  prohib- 
ited all  conversation,  both  by  officers  and  soldiers,  with  the 
enemy’s  sentries,  and  declared  that  any  guilty  of  it  should 
be  tried  by  a court-martial,  and  punished  with  the  utmost 
severity.  They  prohibited  the  injury  of  trees ; enjoined  the 
faithful  reading  of  the  orders ; discouraged  the  application  for 
furloughs,  and  required  the  prompt  delivery  of  returns.  One 
order  (July  17)  says:  “If,  after  what  has  happened,  the 
enemy,  in  revenge  of  their  late  loss,  should  dare  to  attempt 
forcing  our  lines,  the  army  may  be  assured,  that  nothing  but 
their  own  indolence  and  remissness  can  give  the  least  success 
to  so  rash  an  enterprise.”  The  southern  riflemen  attracted 
much  attention.  They  had  enlisted  with  great  promptness, 
and  had  marched  from  four  to  seven  hundred  miles.  In  a 
short  time,  large  bodies  of  them  arrived  in  camp.  They  were 
remarkably  stout,  hardy  men,  dressed  in  white  frocks  or  rifle- 
shirts,  and  round  hats,  and  were  skilful  marksmen.  At  a 
review,  a company  of  them,  while  on  a quick  advance,  fired 
their  balls  into  objects  of  seven  inches  diameter,  at  the  dis- 
tance of  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards.  They  were  stationed 
on  the  lines,  and  became  terrible  to  the  British.  The  accounts 


228 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


of  their  prowess  were  circulated  over  England.  One  of  them, 
taken  prisoner,  was  carried  there,  and  the  papers  describe  him 
minutely,  as  a remarkable  curiosity.1 

The  British  officers,  about  this  time,  were  much  annoyed 
at  the  success  of  the  American  sentinels  in  dispersing  hand- 
bills among  their  rank  and  file.  One  was  framed,  entitled 
“An  address  to  the  soldiers;”  and  another  contained  the 
following  comparison : — 


PROSPECT  HILL. 

I.  Seven  dollars  a month. 

II.  Fresh  provisions  and  in  plenty. 

III.  Health. 

IV.  Freedom,  ease,  affluence,  and 

good  farm. 


bunker’s  HILL. 

I.  Three  pence  a day. 
n.  Rotten  salt  pork. 

III.  The  scurvy. 

IV.  Slavery,  beggary,  and  want. 


“ These  bills,”  says  a letter,  July  24,  “ are  blown  into  their 
camp,  and  get  into  the  hands  of  their  soldiers,  without  the 
officers  being  able  to  prevent  it.  Major  Bruce  complained,  at 
an  interview  the  other  day,  of  such  usage.  We  retorted  his 
decoying  our  sentries  from  their  posts,  two  rascals  having  left 
us  a day  or  two  before,  by  his  or  some  other  officer’s  means.” 
Colonel  Reed,  also,  sent  to  General  Gage  a copy  of  the  decla- 
ration of  the  united  colonies,  who  pronounced  its  contents  to 
be  “ as  replete  with  deceit  and  falsehood  as  most  of  their  (the 
Americans)  publications.”  2 

The  works  on  Winter  Hill  were  prosecuted  with  vigor  at 
this  time.  General  Lee  sent,  July  24,  the  following  note  to 
General  Sullivan  : — “ General  Lee  begs  General  Sullivan  will 
get  as  much  work  as  possible  out  of  the  men  this  day.  If 
they  cannot  all  work  on  the  face  of  the  citadel,  let  them 
deepen  and  widen  the  ditch  of  the  flank  and  rear  faces,  and 
heighten  the  parapet  all  round.  P.  S.  For  God’s  sake,  finish 
and  strengthen  the  abatis.” 

On  the  29th  of  July  the  British  planted  a bomb  battery  on 


1 A letter,  July  19,  says  : — “ The  general  uniforms  are  made  of  brown 
Holland  and  Osnaburghs,  something  like  a shirt,  double  caped  over  the  shoul- 
der, in  imitation  of  the  Indians ; and  on  the  breast,  in  capital  letters,  is  their 
motto,  ‘ Liberty  or  Death  ! ’ ” 

2 Gage’s  Letter,  July  24. 


SKIRMISH  AT  CHARLESTOWN  NECK. 


229 


Bunker  Hill,  advanced  their  guard  on  Charlestown  Neck  fur- 
ther into  the  country,  and  began  to  throw  up  an  abatis  to 
protect  it,  cutting  down  large  trees  for  this  purpose.1  Wash- 
ington, in  the  evening,  ordered  the  York  county  rifle  company 
to  cut  off  these  outposts,  and  bring  off  a prisoner.  The  com- 
pany attempted  this  service  in  the  following  manner.  Cap- 
tain Dowdle  and  thirty-nine  men  flled  off  to  the  right,  and 
crept  on  their  hands  and  knees  to  the  rear  of  the  enemy’s 
works;  Lieutenant  Miller,  with  a party,  in  like  manner,  got 
behind  the  sentries  on  the  left.  But  just  as  the  two  divisions 
were  about  to  join,  a party  of  the  British  came  down  from 
Bunker  Hill  to  relieve  the  guard,  and  discovered  the  riflemen. 
Both  sides  fired.  The  riflemen  killed  five  and  took  two  pris- 

1 Col.  William  T.  Miller,  of  the  Rhode  Island  forces,  was  at  Prospect 
Hill,  and  in  a letter  dated  “ Camp  Prospect  Hill,  July  29,  1775,”  gives  an 
incident  relating  to  cutting  down  trees,  and  the  camp  rumors,  as  follows  : — 
“ I had  the  honor  to  be  field  officer  of  the  day  here  yesterday  ; and  as  I was 
visiting  the  out  sentries,  which  stand  within  half  musket  shot  of  the  enemy’s 
sentries,  the  regulars  came  out  with  a party,  and  began  to  cut  some  trees  and 
remove  some  fencing  stuff  which  was  between  the  sentries.  I beckoned  to 
two  officers  who  commanded  there,  one  of  whom  I took  to  be  Major  Bruce  of 
the  regulars,  who  came  out  and  met  me  between  the  sentries,  when  I told  him 
that  his  conduct  in  felling  the  timber  so  near  our  sentries  created  a jealousy, 
and  desired  him  to  desist  from  any  further  encroachments  ; when  he  told  me 
he  thought  the  trees,  &c.,  which  they  were  getting,  were  as  near  their  lines 
as  they  were  to  ours,  and  that  they  had  not  interrupted  our  men  in  cutting 
hay  close  to  the  lines ; and  he  promised  me  he  would  advance  no  further.  I 
immediately  returned,  and  reported  what  had  happened  to  Major-general  Lee, 
who  thanked  me  for  my  conduct. 

“ I also  saw  a gentleman  that  came  out  of  Boston  yesterday,  who  says  the 
people  of  Boston  and  the  soldiers  are  very  sickly  and  much  dejected  ; that 
General  Gage  had  given  orders  for  all  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  that  have  a 
mind  to  depart  by  water  to  return  their  names,  and  they  should  have  liberty  to 
depart.  We  have  three  deserters  from  the  regulars  come  into  this  camp 
since  we  came  here,  one  of  whom  found  his  own  brother  here  in  the  camp. 
Their  meeting  was  very  affecting.  One  hath  deserted  by  way  of  Roxburv, 
who  it  is  thought  will  prove  a very  serviceable  man  to  our  army,  as  he  is  able 
to  give  a plan  of  all  the  works  and  fortifications  in  Boston,  and  knows  all 
their  plans.  Pie  says  he  can  direct  the  army  to  storm  Boston,  with  the  loss 
of  very  few  men  ; that  it  has  been  in  contemplation  among  the  Gageites  to 
set  Boston  on  fire,  and  withdraw  all  the  troops  and  ships.  But  we  ought  not 
to  catch  at  such  shadows  as  that.  We  have  nothing  under  God  to  depend 
upon,  but  our  own  strength.” 


230 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


oners,  and  retreated,  having  one  man  captured.  General 
Howe,  in  general  orders  the  following  day,  stated  that  had  his 
directions  relative  to  reliefs  been  complied  with,  “ the  soldiers  ! 
could  not  have  failed  to  destroy  a number  of  the  rebels  last 
night.” 

On  the  30th,  Sunday,  at  eleven  o’clock,  about  five  hun- 
dred British  troops  marched  over  the  Neck,  and  built  a 
slight  breastwork  to  cover  their  guard.  The  American  camp 
was  in  alarm  through  the  day,  and  at  night  the  troops  lay  on 
their  arms.  The  British,  mortified  at  the  success  of  the  rifle- 
men, resolved  to  retaliate  on  the  American  sentries,  and  hence 
the  night  proved  an  eventful  one.  About  one  o’clock  a Brit- 
ish floating  battery  went  up  Charles  River,  within  three  hun- 
dred yards  of  Sewall’s  Point,  and  discharged  a number  of 
shot  into  the  American  works  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  At 
the  same  time  a party  sallied  out  towards  Roxbury,  drove  in 
the  American  sentinels,  set  fire  to  the  George  tavern,  and 
returned  to  the  works.  The  picket  guard  at  Charlestown 
Neck  attacked  and  drove  in  the  American  advanced  guard  of 
sixty  men,  who,  being  reinforced  by  orders  of  General  Lee, 
beat  off  the  enemy,  recovered  their  ground,  killed  several, 
and  took  seven  muskets,  without  the  loss  of  a man.  This 
simultaneous  firing  kept  the  army  in  a state  of  alarm 
through  the  night,  as  the  design  of  the  British  general  was 
not  known.1 

The  enemy  had  commenced  rebuilding  the  light-house,  and 
this  day,  July  31,  Major  Tapper,  with  three  hundred  men. 
was  detached  with  orders  to  disperse  the  working  party.  The 
enemy  prepared  to  receive  the  Americans  in  a hostile  manner. 
Major  Tapper  landed  in  good  order  on  the  island,  marched  up 

1 A royalist  lady  in  Boston,  in  a letter  dated  August  10,  1775,  gives  a 
vivid  picture  of  the  alarm  felt  by  the  residents  during  this  night:  — “We 
were  roused  about  one  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  31st  ult.  by  the  most 
dreadful  cannonading  I ever  heard.  It  seemed  to  be  a general  attack  on  all 
sides  around  us.  It  is  impossible  to  convey  an  idea  how  terrible  it  was  in  the 
dead  of  night,  with  the  apprehensions  that  naturally  seize  every  one,  either 
of  the  enemy  breaking  in,  or  the  town  being  set  on  fire.  It  appears  that 
they  attempted  again  to  cut  off  our  outposts,  upon  which  General  Howe 
attacked  their  intrenchments  with  cannon  and  bombs  on  that  side  ; and  we 
attacked  them  in  several  places  besides,  at  the  same  time,  all  in  the  dark.” 


DEFICIENCY  OF  POWDER. 


231 


to  the  works,  killed  ten  or  twelve  on  the  spot,  and  took  the 
remainder  prisoners.  Having  demolished  the  works,  the  party 
were  ready  to  embark,  but  the  tide  leaving  them,  they  were 
obliged  to  remain  until  its  return.  Meantime,  a number  of 
boats  came  up  from  the  men-of-war  to  reinforce  those  at  the 
island,  and  a smart  firing  from  both  parties  took  place.  A 
field-piece,  under  Major  Crane,  planted  on  Nantasket  Point  to 
cover  a retreat,  sunk  one  of  the  boats,  and  killed  several  of 
the  crew.  Major  Tupper  brought  his  party  off  with  the  loss 
of  only  one  man  killed,  and  two  or  three  wounded.  He  killed 
and  captured  fifty-three  of  the  enemy.  Washington,  the  next 
day,  in  general  orders,  thanked  Major  Tapper,  and  the  officers 
and  soldiers  under  his  command,  “for  their  gallant  and  sol- 
dier-like behavior,”  and  remarked  that  he  doubted  not  “but 

■v  * 

the  continental  army  would  be  as  famous  for  their  mercy  as 
their  valor.” 

No  movements  were  made,  nor  were  there  any  skirmishes 
of  importance,  in  the  early  part  of  August.  General  Wash- 
ington felt  more  anxious  than  ever  at  the  shortness  of  his  sup- 
ply of  powder.  A council  of  war  (August  3)  was  held  on 
this  important  subject,  when  the  whole  stock  was  represented 
to  be  only  9,937  pounds.  Measures  were  taken  to  procure  a 
supply  from  the  neighboring  colonies.  “Our  situation,” 
Washington  wrote  to  Congress,  “in  the  article  of  powder,  is 
much  more  alarming  than  I had  the  most  distant  idea  of.” 
He  felt  the  more  anxious,  as  he  was  expecting  an  attack. 
Things  looked  like  it  in  Boston.  Detachments  of  the  enemy 
practised  embarking  in  boats  daily,  and  rowing  about  the  har- 
bor ; and  they  paraded  in  large  detachments  of  seven  or  eight 
hundred,  with  their  light  horse,  on  Charlestown  common, 
where  their  brilliant  appearance  contrasted  strangely  with  the 
homely  garb  of  the  continentals.  They  kept  up,  too,  a con- 
tinual cannonade.  Colonel  Reed  writes,  (August  7,)  “The 
enemy,  having  more  ammunition  to  sport  than  we  have,  divert 
themselves  every  day  with  cannonading  our  lines ; but  with 
very  little  effect,  except  where  the  imprudence  of  some  of  our 
own  people  exposes  them  to  danger.  Two  were  killed  at  the 
lines  last  week,  by  running  after  cannon  shot.  We  scarcely 
lie  down  or  rise  up,  but  with  the  expectation  that  the  night  or 
20 


232 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


the  day  must  produce  some  important  event.”  1 He  writes 
August  24 : “ The  word  ‘powder’  in  a letter  sets  us  all  on 
tiptoe.  We  have  been  in  a terrible  situation,  occasioned  by  a 
mistake  in  a return  ; we  reckoned  upon  three  hundred  quar- 
ter-casks, and  had  but  thirty-two  barrels.”  He  remarked  that 
this  damped  their  spirits,  and  obliged  them  “to  bear  with  the 
rascals  on  Bunker  Hill,  when  a few  shot,  now  and  then,  in 
return,  would  keep  the  men  attentive  to  their  business,  and 
give  the  enemy  alarms.” 

A few  incidents  may  be  worthy  of  notice.  Kettell,  Aug.  1, 
writes  : “ They  continue  quarrelling  on  the  common.  The 
riflemen  keep  round,  picking  them  (the  British)  off.  They 
fire  in  from  their  hill  and  their  batteries,  and  our  men  pick  up 
the  balls ; fired  eight  or  ten  guns  from  the  ship,  but  did  no 
mischief.  We  raised  a high  liberty-pole  upon  Rand’s  Hill 
(at)  five  o’clock  this  afternoon,  and  gave  three  cheers  all 
round,  and  then  fired  a twenty-four  pounder  at  the  ship.” 
The  next  day,  in  the  skirmish,  the  Americans  burnt  a barn 
near  the  Charlestown  Neck,  in  which  hay  was  stored,  and 
wounded  a British  officer,  who  was  carried  within  the  lines. 
On  the  6th,  Sunday,  a party  landed  from  two  barges,  covered 
by  a floating  battery,  on  the  Malden  side  of  Penny  Ferry, 
(where  Malden  Bridge  is,)  and  set  the  ferry-house  on  fire.2 
On  the  13th  two  barges  and  two  sail-boats,  on  their  way  to 
the  floating  battery  in  Mystic  River,  bearing  near  Malden 
Point,  Captain  Lindsey’s  company  opened  a smart  fire  upon 
them,  which  obliged  them  to  return ; when  they  commenced 
a fire  on  a party  of  Americans,  under  Lieut. -colonel  Baldwin, 
stationed  in  Chelsea,  which  was  briskly  returned.  “Our 
brave  Yankees,  so  called,”  Rettell  writes,  “played  the  man, 
and  beat  them.”  On  the  20th,  the  British,  it  was  thought, 

i Reed’s  life  of  President  Reed,  vol.  i.,  p.  117. 

s Kettell  writes,  August  10  :“Thursday,  cloudy.  Much  firing  among  the 
sentries.  A flag  of  truce  was  sent  out  this  afternoon,  with  three  letters.  He 
was  a drum-major  of  the  grenadiers.  I heard  that  he  brought  an  account  of 
the  men  killed  since  yesterday  morning,  — amounts  to  forty  odd.  A man  in 
Boston  sent  a letter  to  his  brother  in  the  army,  and  says  that  they  are  taking 
all  the  interest  out  of  Boston,  and  everything  that  is  good  for  anything. 
Some  thunder.  Considerable  of  rain  this  evening.” 


PLOUGHED  HILL. 


233 


were  about  to  sally  out  of  Charlestown,  when  the  camp  was 
alarmed,  and  the  men  ordered  to  lie  on  their  arms.  On  the 
25th  there  was  a smart  firing  at  the  relief  of  guard,  and  the 
British  exercised  their  cavalry  on  Charlestown  common.1 

The  next  enterprise  was  an  important  one.  In  front  of 
Winter  Hill,  and  within  point-blank  shot  of  Bunker  Hill,  is 
Ploughed  Hill,  now  Mount  Benedict.  Washington  determined 
to  take  possession  of  it.  For  weeks  it  had  been  rumored  that 
the  British  intended  to  come  out  of  Boston,  and  storm  the 
American  intrenchments  ; 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 and  hence  it  was  expected  that 
taking  possession  of  a post  so  exposed  would  bring  on  a gen- 
eral action.  This  made  the  occasion  one  of  uncommon  inter- 


1 It  was  customary,  for  several  years,  to  celebrate  the  anniversary  of  the 
14th  of  August,  1765,  the  day  of  the  first  forcible  resistance  to  the  acts  of 
the  British  Parliament,  when  the  stamp  office  in  Boston  was  demolished. 
The  following  account  appeared  in  the  newspapers  : — 

Cambridge,  Aug.  14,  1775. 

This  day  the  field-officers  of  the  6th  brigade,  under  the  command  of  Col. 
James  Frye,  met  at  the  house  of  Jonathan  Hastings,  Esq.,  to  celebrate  the 
14th  of  August,  where  the  following  toasts  were  drunk,  viz  : — 


1.  The  Continental  Congress. 

2.  Success  to  our  undertaking. 

3.  The  memorable  14th  of  August, 

1765. 

4.  May  American  valor  ever  prove 

invincible  to  the  attempts  of 
ministerial  tyranny  to  oppress 
them. 

5.  The  twelve  United  States. 

6.  All  our  friends  in  Great  Britain. 

7.  Liberty  without  licentiousness. 

8.  A speedy  and  happy  conclusion  to 

the  present  unhappy  disputes. 

9.  The  19th  of  April. 

10.  A speedy  entrance,  possession, 


and  opening,  of  the  town  of 
Boston. 

11.  The  president  of  the  Continental 

Congress. 

12.  General  Washington,  and  the 

other  general  officers  of  the 
American  army. 

13.  A speedy  export  of  all  the  ene- 

mies of  America,  without  any 
drawback. 

14.  Immortal  honor  to  that  patriot 

and  hero,  Doctor  Warren,  and 
the  brave  American  troops  who 
fought  the  battle  on  the  17th 
of  June,  1775. 


2 Col.  Jedediah  Huntington,  August  26,  writes  : “ We  have  been  told 
that  our  enemies  have  for  some  time  past  been  boasting  the  25th  August, 
intending  then  to  make  a visit  to  us,  and  that  General  Gage  has  given  Earl 
Percy  the  command  of  the  lines  on  the  Neck,  who  is  to  exhibit  such  proofs 
of  his  military  abilities  as  will  retrieve  the  honor  he  lost  at  the  Lexington 
affray  ; but  matters  remain  this  morning  in  statu  quo.” 


234 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


est  in  the  camp.  On  the  night  of  August  26  a fatigue  party 
of  a thousand,  with  a guard  of  twenty-four  hundred,  under 
General  Sullivan,  marched  on  to  this  hill,  and  worked  so  dili- 
gently, during  the  night,  that  in  the  morning  the  works  were 
strong  enough  to  form  a good  protection  against  the  enemy’s 
cannon.  About  nine  o’clock,  on  the  27th,  Sunday,  the  British 
began  a heavy  cannonade  from  Bunker  Hill,  and  from  one  of 
the  ships  hauled  into  Mystic  River,  and  from  two  floating  bat- 
teries stationed  in  this  river,  which  continued  throughout  the 
day.  Adjutant  Mumford,  of  Colonel  Yarnum’s  Rhode  Island 
regiment,  and  a soldier,  had  their  heads  shot  off,  and  a rifle- 
man was  mortally  wounded.  On  account  of  the  scarcity  of 
powder  in  the  camp,  this  cannonade  was  not  returned.  A nine- 
pounder,  however,  was  planted  on  a point  at  the  Ten  Hills 
Farm  to  play  against  the  two  floating  batteries,  and  so  effect- 
ual was  the  shot  that  one  of  them  was  sunk  and  the  other 
was  silenced.  At  night  the  firing  ceased.  On  Monday  morn- 
ing the  enemy,  were  observed  from  Chelsea,  to  be  "drawn  up 
and  in  motion  on  Bunker  Hill.  The  camp  was- alarmed  ; five 
thousand  troops  were  marched  to  Ploughed  Hill  and  to  the 
Charlestown  road;  and  Washington  expected,  and  even  hoped, 
that  at  high  water  the  British  intended  to  attack  him.  Until 
three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  “ the  most  awful  silence  was 
observed  on  both  sides.”  The  enemy  declined  the  challenge. 
They  continued  for  several  days  to  bombard  the  works.  On 
the  10th  of  September  the  firing  had  ceased.1 

In  the  mean  time,  so  successful  a blockade  had  made  an  im- 
pression on  the  British  commander,  and  was  seriously  felt  by 
the  troops  and  the  people  of  Boston.  General  Gage,  although 
he  had  received  reinforcements  since  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill, 
began  to  despair  of  reducing  Massachusetts  to  submission. 
He  informed  Lord  Dartmouth  (July  24)  that  the  rebellion  was 
general.  “This  province  began  it,”  he  said,  “I  might  say 
this  town,  for  here  the  arch-rebels  formed  their  scheme  long 
ago.  This  circumstance  brought  the  troops  first  here,  which 
is  the  most  disadvantageous  place  for  all  operations.”  He 

1 Newspapers  of  1775  ; Sparks’  Washington  ; General  Sullivan’s  letter, 
in  Force’s  Archives,  n.,  1755  ; the  date  should  be  August  29,  1775,  instead 
of  July. 


THE  BRITISH  ARMY. 


235 


suggested  that  the  province  of  New  York  might  be  more 
easily  reduced,  and  that  the  friends  of  government  there  might 
he  able  to  raise  forces  to  join  the  troops.  His  general  orders 
of  this  period  rather  indicate  apprehensions  of  an  attack  from 
the  Americans  than  any  idea  of  moving  into  the  country. 
Thus  an  order  of  August  28  enjoined  the  utmost  alertness 
from  the  troops,  as  well  in  the  day  as  in  the  night ; and  it 
predicted,  that  in  case  “ the  rebels  presumed  to  make  an 
attack”  they  would  meet  with  a fate  similar  to  that  of  the 
17th  of  June. 

In  the  last  week  in  July  the  number  of  inhabitants  was 
stated  at  6753 ; the  number  of  troops,  with  their  dependents, 
women  and  children,  at  13,600.  The  town  became  sickly, 
both  among  the  people  and  the  troops,  for  neither  had  been 
accustomed  to  live  on  salt  provision.  “We  are  in  the  strang- 
est state  in  the  world,”  a lady  writes,  August  10,  “surrounded 
on  all  sides.  The  whole  country  is  in  arms,  and  intrenched. 
We  are  deprived  of  fresh  provisions,  subject  to  continual 
alarms  and  cannonadings,  the  provincials  being  very  auda- 
cious, and  advancing  near  to  our  lines,  since  the  arrivals  of 
Generals  Washington  and  Lee  to  command  them.” 

The  troops  had  an  abundance  of  salt  provision,  and  of  fish, 
but  this  exclusive  diet  rendered  many  unfit  for  service.  The 
weather  was  extremely  hot.  They  were  encamped  on  the 
common,  and  in  other  places,  without  proper  shade  to  screen 
them  from  the  sun,  or  without  sufficient  straw  to  lie  on  in 
their  tents.  “ It  is  not  to  be  wondered,”  a letter,  August  2, 
says,  “ that  the  fatigue  of  duty,  bad  accommodation,  and  the 
use  of  too  much  spirits,”  should  produce  fevers  in  the  camp. 
“ The  soldiers  cannot  be  kept  from  rum  ; sixpence  will  buy  a 
quart  of  West  India  rum,  and  fourpence  is  the  price  of  a quart 
of  this  country  rum.”  “ Even  the  sick  and  wounded  have 
often  had  nothing  to  eat  but  salt  pork  and  fish.”  The  sailors 
were  better  off.  The  ships  had  a wider  range,  and  got  sup- 
plies of  fresh  meat  along  the  coasts. , “ Even  in  those  that 
lie  in  Boston  harbor,”  a letter  states,  “ though  the  men  have  a 
great  deal  of  fatiguing  duty  in  boats,  yet  they  are  coolly  and 
cleanly  lodged  on  board  ; the  decks  are  shaded  with  awnings, 
the  lower  ports  are  open,  the  hammocks  are  up,  and  the  ships 
20* 


236 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


washed  inside  and  out  twice  a day,  and  there  is  always  a 
little  air  of  wind  on  the  water  that  is  not  upon  the  shore.” 
The  sailors  were  more  accustomed  to  salt  diet,  and  had  be- 
sides a full  supply  of  wine  and  spruce  beer,  and  they  enjoyed 
good  health.  General  Gage  made  exertions  to  obtain  supplies 
of  fresh  meat  from  the  neighboring  colonies  ; and  a fleet  that 
returned  from  a plundering  excursion  1 from  the  neighborhood 
of  New  London,  and  the  capture  of  an  American  vessel  with 
stores,  gave  him  a temporary  supply.  “ With  these  trophies 
of  victory,”  — the  Essex  Gazette  states,  August  17,  — “on 
their  arrival  in  Boston,  the  bells,  we  hear,  were  set  to  music,  to 
the  no  small  joy  and  comfort  of  the  poor,  half-starved  Tories.” 

The  patriotic  portion  of  the  inhabitants  were  annoyed  by 
the  stringent  regulations  of  martial  law,  and  often  insulted  by 
the  conduct  of  individual  soldiers.  Sometimes  these  insults 
were  minutely  related  in  the  journals.  The  citizens2  were 
charged  with  taking  plans  of  the  works,  with  making  signals 
from  the  church  steeples,  with  holding  correspondence  with 

1 General  Gage,  Aug.  20,  1775,  informed  Lord  Dartmouth  of  the  arrival 
of  this  fleet,  “ with  about  1800  sheep,  and  above  100  head  of  oxen,  which 
will  be  some  relief  to  the  troops  in  general,  and  of  great  benefit  to  the  hos- 
pitals.” This  letter  was  published,  when  there  appeared  in  the  London 
Chronicle  the  following  impromptu,  written  on  hearing  that  a detachment  of 
regulars  had  returned  safe  to  Boston  with  the  sheep  : — 

In  days  of  yore  the  British  troops 
Have  taken  warlike  kings  in  battle  ; 

But  now,  alas  ! their  valor  droops, 

For  Gage  takes  naught  but  — harmless  cattle. 

Britons,  with  grief,  your  bosoms  strike  ! 

Your  faded  laurels  loudly  weep  ! 

Behold  your  heroes,  Quixote-like, 

Driving  a timid  flock  of — sheep. 

2 Prisoners,  inhabitants  of  Boston,  Sept.  2,  1775  : — 

Master  Lovell,  imprisoned  sixty-five  days,  charged  with  being  a spy,  and 
giving  intelligence  to  the  rebels. 

Mr.  Leach,  sixty-five  days,  charged  with  being  a spy,  and  suspected  of 
taking  plans. 

Mr.  Peter  Edes,  son  of  Mr.  - Benjamin  Edes,  printer,  and  Mr.  William 
Starr,  seventy-five  days  each,  for  having  fire-arms  concealed  in  their  houses. 

Mr.  John  Gill,  printer,  twenty-nine  days,  for  printing  treason,  sedition, 
and  rebellion.  — Newspaper,  1775. 


THE  BOSTON  PATRIOTS. 


237 


their  friends.  Dr.  Eliot  writes,  “We  are  offenders  for  a 
word.”  Some  were  thrown  into  prison,  — among  others,  Mas- 
ter Lovell  and  Mr.  Edes.  At  the  commencement  of  the  siege 
passes  to  go  out  might  be  bought,  and  some  paid  as  high  as 
forty  dollars  for  them,  but  they  were  generally  refused.  At 
length  the  scarcity  of  provisions  made  so  many  inhabitants  a 
burden  to  General  Gage,  and  he  endeavored  to  make  an 
arrangement  for  their  removal  from  Boston.  A notification  1 
was  posted  up  in  town,  requesting  such  as  wished  to  go  into 
the  country  to  leave  their  names  with  James  Urquhart,  town 
major,  and  in  two  days  upwards  of  two  thousand  applied. 
Many  hesitated  as  to  the  course  to  take,  being  unwilling  to 
leave  their  effects  subject  to  the  plunder  of  the  soldiery,  and 
as  unwilling  to  remain  and  suffer  the  hazards  of  the  siege. 
No  plate  of  any  kind  was  allowed  to  be  carried  away,  nor 
more  than  five  pounds  in  cash.  But  much  silver  found  its 
way  out,  and  many  are  the  stories  told  as  to  the  way  the  men 
concealed  it  among  their  goods,  and  the  women  quilted  it  in 
their  garments.  Some  were  refused  permission  to  leave. 
Many  who  obtained  it  landed  at  Chelsea,  and  scattered 
through  the  country.  There  is  much  matter  relating  to  the 
poor  at  this  period.  They  were  provided  for  by  the  Provin- 
cial Congress,  and  donations  also  continued  to  be  made  for 
their  relief.  Congress  (July  5)  authorized  the  town  clerk  to 
summon  the  citizens  of  Boston  to  meet  at  Concord,  July  18, 
to  choose  representatives  to  the  General  Court.  The  patriots 
who  continued  in  town  were  much  annoyed.  Among  other 
vexations,  they  saw  their  celebrated  liberty-tree  cut  down  by 
the  troops  and  the  Tories.  Armed  with  axes,  the  Essex 
Gazette  (August  31)  says,  “ they  made  a furious  attack  upon 
it.  After  a long  spell  of  laughing  and  grinning,  sweating, 
swearing,  and  foaming,  with  malice  diabolical,  they  cut  down 
a tree  because  it  bore  the  name  of  liberty.”  A soldier  was 
killed  during  the  operation.  Be  it  known,  says  the  Gazette, 

1 Notification.  — All  persons  who  are  desirous  of  leaving  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton are  hereby  called  upon  to  give  in  their  names  to  the  town  major  forth- 
with. By  order  of  his  excellency  the  general, 

James  Urquhart,  Town  Major. 


Boston,  24th  July,  1775. 


238 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


“ that  the  grand  American  tree  of  liberty,  planted  in  the 
centre  of  the  united  colonies  of  North  America,  now  flourishes 
with  unrivalled,  increasing  beauty,  and  bids  fair,  in  a short 
time,  to  afford  under  its  wide-spreading  branches  a safe  and 
happy  retreat  for  all  the  sons  of  liberty,  however  numerous 
and  dispersed.”  1 

The  Tories  were  willing  to  put  up  with  the  inconveniences 
of  the  siege,  in  consideration  of  the  boon  of  security.  One 
writing  to  a friend  (August  10)  says:  “ Although  we  are 
deprived  of  the  comforts  and  luxuries,  and  some  of  the  con- 
veniences of  life,  yet,  our  being  in  a place  of  safety  lessens 
the  want  of  those  conveniences;  and  I heartily  wish  you 
and  your  good  family  were  as  safe  as  we  are  here,  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  Tory  hunters.”  This  letter  names  “ a Mr.  Hitch- 
born,  a young  lawyer,”  taken  prisoner,  as  on  board  of  the 
Preston,  and  as  standing  fair  “for  the  gallows.”  They  felt 
confident  that  the  rebellion  would  be  put  down.  They  had 

1 A tract  was  printed  in  1775,  entitled,  “ Voyage  to  Boston.”  The  trav- 
eller was  supplied  by  “ the  native  genius  of  North  America  ” with  a mantle 
which  had  the  virtue  of  rendering  the  wearer  invisible.  After  being  in  the 
midst  of  Gage’s  council  of  war,  he  visited  the  liberty-tree  while  the  Tories 
were  cutting  it  down,  and  describes  the  scene  as  follows  : — 

“Now  shined  the  gay-faced  sun  with  morning  light, 

All  nature  joyed  exulting  at  the  sight, 

When  swift  as  wind,  to  vent  their  base-born  rage, 

The  Tory  Williams  and  the  Butcher  Gage 
Rushed  to  the  tree,  a nameless  number  near, 

Tories  and  negroes  following  in  the  rear  — 

Each,  axe  in  hand,  attacked  the  honored  tree, 

Swearing  eternal  war  with  Liberty  ; 

Nor  ceased  their  strokes,  ’till  each  repeating  wound 
Tumbled  its  honors  headlong  to  the  ground  ; 

But  e’er  it  fell,  not  mindless  of  its  wrong, 

Avenged,  it  took  one  destined  head  along. 

A Tory  soldier  on  its  topmost  limb  — 

The  genius  of  the  shade  looked  stern  at  him, 

And  marked  him  out  that  same  hour  to  dine 
Where  unsnuffed  lamps  burn  low  at  Pluto’s  shrine, 

Then  tripped  his  feet  from  off  their  cautious  stand ; 

Pale  turned  the  wretch  — he  spread  each  helpless  hand, 

But  spread  in  vain — with  headlong  force  he  fell, 

Nor  stopped  descending  ’till  he  stopped  in  hell.” 


BOSTON  TORIES. 


239 


manifested  their  loyalty  by  volunteering  to  act  as  patrol,  and 
now  enrolled  themselves  into  regiments.1  “We  learn  from 
Boston  ” — Col.  Reed  writes,  Aug.  24  — “ that  they  have  been 
employed  in  cutting  oft’  all  the  limbs  of  the  trees  in  the  town 
for  fascines,  — that  the  Tories  and  refugees  are  regimented, 
have  a green  uniform,  and  are  called  the  king’s  volunteers.” 
The  Essex  Gazette,  the  same  day,  says:  “We  are  informed 
that  the  negroes  in  Boston  were  lately  summoned  to  meet  in 

1 The  following  extracts  from  Draper’s  Gazette  will  give  some  idea  of 
things  in  Boston  : — 

Sept.  21,  1775.— “Last  week  the  Rev.  Doctor  Morrison  received  a call  to 
the  elegant  new  church  in  Brattle-street,  vacated  by  the  flight  of  Dr.  Cooper  ; 
and  on  Sunday  he  delivered  an  excellent  discourse  to  a genteel  audience. 
His  discourse  tended  to  show  the  fatal  consequences  of  sowing  sedition  and 
conspiracy  among  parishioners,  which  this  pulpit  has  been  most  wickedly 
practising  ever  since  the  corner-stone  was  laid. 

We  are  desired  to  acquaint  the  public  that  service  will  begin  every  Sunday 
at  11  o'clock,  at  Dr.  Morrison’s  church,  in  Brattle-street. 

Tuesday  a Snow  arrived  from  Cork,  laden  with  claret,  pork,  and  butter  ; 
she  brings  advice  of  great  armaments  fitting  out  in  England,  which  may  be 
expected  here  in  the  course  of  next  month  ; and  that  a certain  popular  magis- 
trate had  been  sent  to  the  tower,  from  whence  (’t  is  imagined)  he  will  be 
drawn  on  a sledge  to  Tyburn,  there  to  meet  the  reward  due  to  treason  and 
rebellion. 

A brigade  of  Irish  Roman  Catholics  is  forming  in  Munster  and  Connaught, 
in  order  to  be  sent  to  Boston,  to  act  against  the  rebels. 

Col.  Gorham,  lately  arrived  from  England,  has  almost  completed  his  bat- 
talion here,  which  is  called  the  Royal  Fencible  Americans. 

Several  other  corps  are  actually  raising  in  the  northern  provinces,  with 
great  success,  and  many  deluded  people  have  left  the  rebels  to  enter  therein. 

We  hear  a certain  person  of  weight  among  the  rebels  hath  offered  to 
return  to  his  allegiance,  on  condition  of  being  pardoned  and  provided  for  ; 
w'hat  encouragement  he  has  received  remains  a secret.” 

Sept.  28,  1775.— “Such  is  the  abundance  of  fuel,  and  provision  for  man 
and  beast,  daily  arriving  here,  that  instead  of  being  a starved,  deserted  town, 
Boston  will  be,  this  winter,  the  emporium  of  America  for  plenty  and 
pleasure. 

The  Hivernal  concert  will  be  open  on  Thursday  next,  and  the  play-house 
(Faneuil  Hall)  will  shew  away  with  the  tragedy  of  Zara  on  Tuesday,  the 
17th  of  October,  and  continue  to  perform  on  those  days  weekly. 

Six  hundred  pounds  sterling  (donation  money)  are  received  from  Canada, 
for  the  sick  and  wounded  soldiers  of  his  majesty's  army. 

The  Cerberus  man-of-war  arrived  on  Tuesday.” 


240 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Faneuil  Hall,  for  the  purpose  of  choosing  out  of  their  body  a 
certain  number  to  be  employed  in  cleaning  the  streets,  — in 
which  meeting  Joshua  Loring,  Esq.,  presided  as  moderator. 
The  well-known  Caesar  Merriam  opposed  the  measure,  for 
which  he  was  committed  to  prison,  and  confined  until  the 
Streets  are  all  cleaned.”  The  journals  contain  a minute 
description  of  a street-fight  that  took  place  in  August,  between 
Commissioner  Hallowell  and  Admiral  Graves.  In  September 
the  arrival  of  supplies  of  provisions  made  things  look  a little 
more  cheerful  in  Boston.  Madam  Draper’s  Gazette  predicted 
(Sept.  28)  that  Boston,  instead  of  being  a starved,  deserted 
town,  would  be,  this  winter,  the  emporium  of  America  for 
plenty  and  pleasure. 

The  treatment  of  the  prisoners  taken  at  Bunker  Hill,  and 
at  other  places,  occasioned  an  interesting  correspondence  be- 
tween the  commanding  generals  of  the  two  armies.  They 
were  thrown  into  a common  jail.  No  distinction  was  made 
between  officers  and  soldiers;  and  though,  in  July,  a message 
from  them  stated  that  they  were  treated  kindly,  yet  it  was 
reported  in  August  that  they  were  treated  with  severity.  This 
called  for  action  on  the  part  of  Washington.  “The  occa- 
sion,” Sparks  writes,  “awakened  recollections  of  more  than 
common  interest.  Just  twenty  years  bad  elapsed  since  he 
and  Gage  fought  side  by  side  on  the  bloody  battle-field  of  the 
Monongahela.  An  intimacy  then  subsisted  between  them, 
which  was  cherished  afterwards  by  a friendly  correspondence. 
Far  different  was  the  relation  in  which  they  now  stood  to 
each  other,  at  the  head  of  contending  armies  : the  one  obey- 
ing the  commands  of  his  sovereign,  the  other  upholding  the 
cause  of  an  oppressed  people.”  Their  letters  were  significant 
of  the  change.  Washington’s  was  severe  in  the  mere  relation 
of  the  facts  already  stated.  In  addition,  he  stated  that  some, 
languishing  with  wounds  and  sickness,  had  been  amputated 
in  the  unworthy  situation  of  a jail ; and  he  informed  Gage 
(August  11)  that  he  should  be  obliged  to  resort  to  the  neces- 
sity of  retaliation.  General  Gage’s  reply  (13th)  was  arrogant 
and  insulting  : “ Britons,  ever  preeminent  in  mercy,  have  out- 
gone common  examples,  and  overlooked  the  criminal  in  the 
captive.  Upon  these  principles,  your  prisoners,  whose  lives, 


AMERICAN  PRISONERS. 


241 


by  the  laws  of  the  land,  are  destined  to  the  cord,  have  hith- 
erto been  treated  with  care  and  kindness,  and  more  comfort- 
ably lodged  than  the  king’s  troops  in  the  hospitals;  indis- 
criminately, it  is  true,  for  I acknowledge  no  rank  that  is  not 
derived  from  the  king.”  He  then  stated,  that  he  had  intelli- 
gence that  the  Americans  were  guilty  of  inhumanity  in  the 
treatment  of  British  prisoners.  General  Washington  replied 
to  this  letter  on  the  20th,  in  which  he  denied  the  correctness 
of  this  intelligence,  and  read  him  a wholesome  political  lesson: 
“ You  affect,  sir,  to  despise  all  rank  not  derived  from  the  same 
source  with  your  own.  I cannot  conceive  one  more  honor- 
able than  that  which  flows  from  the  uncorrupted  choice  of  a 
brave  and  free  people, — the  purest  source  and  original  foun- 
tain of  all  power.  Far  from  making  it  a plea  for  cruelty,  a 
mind  of  true  magnanimity  and  enlarged  ideas  would  compre- 
hend and  respect  it.”  On  receiving  Gage’s  first  letter,  Wash- 
ington resolved  to  treat  the  British  prisoners  the  same  way 
the  Americans  were  treated,  and  ordered  Colonel  Reed,  his 
secretary,  to  direct  those  at  Watertown  and  Cape  Ann  to  be 
confined  in4  Northampton  jail.  Accordingly,  Captain  Knight 
and  others  were  immediately  sent  to  Northampton.  Wash- 
ington, however,  soon  changed  his  mind  with  regard  to  their 
imprisonment,  and  the  order  was  countermanded.  The  three 
letters  on  this  subject  were  published  together  in  October,  by 
order  of  Congress. 

The  following  notes  passed  between  General  Washington 
and  Sir  William  Howe,  this  month  : — 

“ Charlestown  Camp,  22 d August,  1775. 

<£  Sir  : — The  men  under  your  command  having  repeatedly 
fired  upon  the  officers  of  his  majesty’s  troops,  before  they 
were  returned  to  the  outworks  of  this  camp  from  parleys  that 
have  been  brought  on  by  your  desire,  I am  to  request  all  fur- 
ther intercourse  between  the  two  camps  may  be  at  an  end, 
your  own  letters  excepted,  which  will  be  received,  if  you  are 
pleased  to  send  them  by  a drummer. 

“ I am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

“W.  Howe. 

“George  Washington,  Esq.,  Cambridge.” 


242 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


“ To  Sir  William  Howe. 

“ Camp  at  Cambridge,  23 d August,  1775. 

“Sir:  — I flatter  myself  you  have  been  misinformed  as  to 
the  conduct  of  the  men  under  my  command,  complained  of  in 
yours  of  yesterday.  It  is  what  I should  highly  disapprove 
and  condemn. 

“ I have  not  the  least  objection  to  put  a stop  to  the  inter- 
course between  the  two  camps,  either  totally  or  partially.  It 
obtained  through  the  pressing  solicitations  of  persons  cruelly 
separated  from  their  friends  and  connections,  and  I under- 
stood was  mutually  convenient. 

“I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

“George  Washington.” 

The  month  of  September  passed  without  any  important 
military  enterprise  about  Boston,  though  some  incident  daily 
occurred  that  served  to  give  life  and  animation  to  the  camp. 
Skirmishes  continued  between  the  American  riflemen  and  the 
British  regulars ; while,  at  intervals,  shot  and  shells  were  dis- 
charged, both  by  day  and  night,  from  the  lines  of* the  enemy. 
The  British  paid  special  attention  to  the  new  works  at 
Ploughed  Hill.  On  the  2d  two  shells  fell  inside  of  them,  but 
did  no  damage ; on  the  20th  and  21st,  after  a furious  cannon- 
ade of  shot  and  shells  at  the  works,*  and  at  a fatigue  party 
near  them,  they  killed  an  ox  and  wounded  two  men ; on  the 
25th  nine  shells  were  discharged  at  them,  without  success.  On 
the  side  of  Roxbury,  the  month  opened  with  a severe  cannon- 
ade, which  killed  two  and  wounded  several  Americans.  On 
the  2d  the  British  threw  up  a slight  work  on  Boston  Neck,  in 
advance  of  their  lines,  to  cover  their  guard.  This  was  fol- 
lowed, on  the  6th,  by  a similar  movement,  without  molesta- 
tion, by  the  Americans,  though  within  musket-shot  of  the 
enemy.  This  work  was  below  the  George  tavern.  On  the 
10th  a strong  work  at  Lamb’s  Dam  was  completed,  and 
mounted  with  four  eighteen-pounders.  On  the  23d  the  British 
discharged  one  hundred  and  eight  cannon  and  mortars  on  the 
works  at  Roxbury,  without  doing  any  damage.  On  the  27th 
Major  Tupper,  with  two  hundred  men,  embarked  in  whale- 
boats at  Dorchester,  landed  on  Governor’s  Island,  brought  off 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  TIMES. 


243 


twelve  head  of  cattle,  two  fine  horses,  burnt  a pleasure-boat 
just  ready  to  be  launched,  and  returned  without  loss  to  the 
camp.1  It  was  on  the  13th  of  this  month  that  Washington 
detached  Colonel  Arnold,  with  one  thousand  men,  to  Quebec. 

1 The  following-  song  shows  the  spirit  of  the  times.  It  is  taken  from  the 
New  Hampshire  Gazette  of  September  12,  1775  : — 

LIBERTY  TREE,  — A NEW  SONG. 

Tune  — The  Gods  of  the  Greeks. 

In  a chariot  of  light,  from  the  regions  of  day, 

The  Goddess  of  Liberty  came  ; 

Ten  thousand  celestials  directed  the  way, 

And  hither  conducted  the  Dame. 

A fair  budding  branch  from  the  gardens  above, 

Where  millions  with  millions  agree, 

She  brought  in  her  hand,  as  a pledge  of  her  love, 

And  the  plant  she  named  Liberty  Tree. 

The  celestial  exotic  struck  deep  in  the  ground, 

Like  a native  it  flourished  and  bore  : 

The  fame  of  its  fruit  drew  the  nations  around, 

To  seek  out  this  peaceable  shore. 

Unmindful  of  names  or  distinctions  they  came, 

For  freemen  like  brothers  agree  ; 

With  one  spirit  endued,  they  one  friendship  pursued, 

And  their  temple  was  Liberty  Tree. 

• 

Beneath  this  fair  tree,  like  the  patriarchs  of  old, 

Their  bread  in  contentment  they  ate  ; 

Unvexed  with  the  troubles  of  silver  and  gold, 

The  cares  of  the  grand  and  the  great. 

With  timber  and  tar  they  Old  England  supplied, 

And  supported  her  power  on  the  sea  ; 

Her  battles  they  fought,  without  getting  a groat, 

For  the  honor  of  Liberty  Tree. 

But  hear,  O ye  swains,  (’tis  a tale  most  profane,) 

How  all  the  tyrannical  powers, 

King,  Commons,  and  Lords,  are  uniting  amain, 

To  cut  down  this  guardian  of  ours  : 

From  the  east  to  the  west  blow  the  trumpet  to  arms  ; 

Through  the  land  let  the  sound  of  it  flee, 

Let  the  far  and  the  near  — all  unite  with  a cheer, 

In  defence  of  our  Liberty  Tree. 

21 


244 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


The  fitting  out  this  memorable  expedition  occupied  a large 
share  of  his  time.  The  details  of  it,  however,  do  not  come 
within  the  limits  of  this  work. 

Washington  was  compelled  by  circumstances  around  him 
to  pursue  an  inactive  defensive  policy.  This,  together  with 
the  condition  of  his  army,  more  especially  as  to  enlistments, 
weighed  heavily  on  his  mind.  The  Connecticut  and  Rhode 
Island  troops  were  engaged  only  until  the  first  of  December, 
and  those  of  Massachusetts  only  until  the  first  of  January; 
and  he  was  desirous,  before  this  time,  by  “ some  decisive 
stroke,”  to  drive  the  enemy  from  Boston,  and  thus  to  relieve 
the  country  from  the  expense  of  an  army.  On  the  8th  of 
September,  he  addressed  a circular  to  his  major  and  brigadier- 
generals,  calling  a council  of  war  on  the  following  Monday; 
and  he  requested  them  to  consider,  preparatory  to  the  meet- 
ing, whether  it  was  expedient  to  make  a simultaneous  attack, 
by  land  and  water,  on  Boston.  This  council  was  held  on  the 
11th,  consisting  of  the  commander-in-chief,  Major-generals 
Ward,  Lee,  and  Putnam;  and  Brigadier-generals  Thomas, 
Heath,  Sullivan,  Spencer,  and  Greene.  It  was  unanimously 
agreed,  “ That  it  was  not  expedient  to  make  the  attempt  at 
present,  at  least.”  On  the  21st  of  September,  Washington 
communicated  this  result  to  Congress,  and  stated  that  he  had 
not  wholly  laid  aside  the  project  of  an  attack.  He  remarked, 
“Of  this  I hope  the  honorable  Congress  can  need  no  assur- 
ance, that  there  is  not  a man  in  America  who  more  earnestly 
wishes  such  a termination  of  the  campaign  as  to  make  the 
army  no  longer  necessary.”  His  secretary,  Joseph  Reed,  in 
a letter,  September  29,  expressed  the  views  entertained  on  this 
point  in  the  camp:  — “Boston  must,  I fear,  be  given  up  for 
the  common  safety.  The  army  and  navy  here  must,  at  all 
events,  be  destroyed  this  winter.  Should  it  be  reinforced,  the 
consequences  to  America  will  be  dreadful.  I preach  this  doc- 
trine with  all  my  might,  and  hope  the  committee  of  Congress, 
who  are  expected  here  this  week,  will  confirm  it.  The  gen- 
eral is  anxious  to  strike  some  decisive  stroke,  and  would  have 
done  it  before  this,  if  matters  had  not  been  misrepresented  to 
him.”  In  an  elaborate  letter  (September  21)  Washington 
forcibly  describes  his  situation  : — “ My  situation  is  inexpress- 


APPLICATIONS  FOR  DETACHMENTS. 


245 


ibly  distressing — to  see  the  winter  fast  approaching  upon  a 
naked  army,  the  time  of  their  service  within  a few  weeks  of 
expiring,  and  no  provision  yet  made  for  such  important  events. 
Added  to  these,  the  military  chest  is  totally  exhausted ; the 
paymaster  has  not  a single  dollar  in  hand.  The  commissary- 
general  assures  me  he  has  strained  his  credit  for  the  subsist- 
ence of  the  army  to  the  utmost.  The  quartermaster-gen- 
eral is  precisely  in  the  same  situation ; and  the  greater  part  of 
the  troops  are  in  a state  not  far  from  mutiny,  upon  the  deduc- 
tion from  their  stated  allowance.” 

Washington,  at  this  period,  received  many  applications  for 
detachments  from  the  main  army,  to  defend  the  towns  along 
the  coast  from  the  pillage  parties  of  the  enemy ; and  among 
them,  formal  requests  from  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts, 
and  the  governor  of  Connecticut.  It  was  a delicate  task  to 
refuse  them,  for  it  might  create  serious  disaffection  among  the 
people  ; it  was  a dangerous  policy  to  grant  them,  for  it  would 
have  so  seriously  weakened  the  army  as  to  have  exposed  it  to 
a successful  attack.  Washington,  taking  council  of  the  stern- 
est dictates  of  public  duty,  declined  to  comply  with  these 
requisitions.  In  reply  to  a letter  of  the  patriotic  Governor 
Trumbull,  September  21,  he  said:  “I  wish  I could  extend 
protection  to  all;  but  the  numerous  detachments,  necessary  to 
remedy  the  evil,  would  amount  to  a dissolution  of  the  army,  or 
make  the  most  important  operations  of  the  campaign  depend 
upon  the  piratical  expeditions  of  two  or  three  men-of-war  and 
transports.”  The  policy  of  leaving  isolated  points  to  the 
protection  of  the  local  militia  was  acted  upon  through  the 
war. 


246 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Recall  of  General  Gage.  Proclamations  of  General  Howe.  New  Organi- 
zation of  the  American  Army.  Armed  Vessels. 

General  Gage  saw  reason  to  alter  his  opinion  of  the  colo- 
nists after  a short  experience,  and  in  a despatch  of  June  25, 
1775,  told  Lord  Dartmouth  much  wholesome  though  unwel- 
come truth.  After  regretting  his  loss  of  the  17th.  he  wrote: 
“ The  trials  we  have  had  show  the  rebels  are  not  the  despica- 
ble rabble  too  many  have  supposed  them  to  be ; and  I find  it 
owing  to  a military  spirit,  encouraged  among  them  for  a few 
years  past,  joined  with  an  uncommon  degree  of  zeal  and 
enthusiasm,  that  they  are  otherwise.”  He  informed  his  supe- 
rior that  the  conquest  of  the  country  was  not  an  easy  work. 
It  could  only  be  effected  by  time  and  perseverance,  and  by 
strong  armies  attacking  it  in  various  quarters.  He  remarked 
of  the  colonists,  that  “ In  all  their  wars  against  the  French, 
they  never  showed  so  much  conduct,  attention,  and  persever- 
ance, as  they  do  now.”  The  general  here  was  in  error.  The 
colonists  manifested  the  same  spirit  in  conquering  Louisburg, 
and  in  saving  the  remnant  of  Braddock’s  army.  His  percep- 
tive powers  had  been  blinded  by  contempt.  When  he  repre- 
sented that,  in  conquering  a square  mile  of  territory,  a detach- 
ment made  up  of  the  flower  of  his  army  had  one  half  of  its 
number  killed  and  wounded,  and  that  after  a complete  victory, 
the  whole  of  his  army  was  closely  besieged,  it  became  neces- 
sary, in  accounting  for  such  facts,  to  admit  the  presence  of 
something  besides  cowardice. 

General  Gage,  though  in  favor  of  occupying  New  York, 
regarded  the  evacuation  of  Boston  as  a measure  of  too  much 
danger,  and  difficulty,  and  importance,  to  be  taken  without 
having  the  sanction  of  government.  He  accordingly  deter- 
mined to  winter  his  army  in  its  present  position,  and  the  last 
of  September  he  commenced  preparations  to  quarter  it  in  the 


GENERAL  GAGE  RECALLED. 


247 


houses  of  the  inhabitants.  In  consequence  of  this  determina- 
tion. it  was  necessary  to  remove  the  furniture  from  the  build- 
ings that  would  be  required : and  on  the  1st  of  October, 
Crean  Brush  received  a commission  authorizing  him  to  receive 
for  safe  keeping  such  goods  as  the  people  might  voluntarily 
intrust  to  him.  On  the  2d  General  Gage  issued  a proclama- 
tion requiring  a return  of  the  names  of  all  inhabitants,  the 
army  and  navy  excepted,  and  their  places  of  abode,  unto  the 
town  major,  at  his  office,  in  Long-lane,  on  or  before  the  5th 
of  October.  On  the  7th  he  issued  a proclamation  appointing 
“ Joshua  Loring,  Jr.,  Esq.,  to  be  sole  vendue  master  and 
auctioneer,  in  and  for  the  town  of  Boston,”  and  strictly  pro- 
hibiting any  other  person  from  doing  such  business. 

This  was  one  of  the  last  official  acts  of  General  Gage  in 
Boston.  Just  before  the  reception,  in  England,  of  intelligence 
of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  a despatch  had  been  made  out 
for  him,  in  which  a sketch  of  future  operations  was  drawn, 
and  important  questions  were  proposed  for  his  consideration. 
But  when  this  intelligence  arrived,  a separate  letter  was  writ- 
ten, bearing  the  same  date  with  the  other, — August  2,  — and 
closing  in  the  following  terms  : From  the  tenor  of  your 
letters,  and  from  the  state  of  affairs  after  the  action  of 
the  17th,  the  king  is  led  to  conclude  that  you  have  little 
expectation  of  effecting  anything  further  this  campaign,  and 
has  therefore  commanded  me  to  signify  to  you  his  majesty’s 
pleasure,  that  you  do,  as  sooft  as  conveniently  may  be  after 
you  receive  this  letter,  return  to  England,  in  order  to  give  his 
majesty  exact  information  of  everything  that  it  may  be 
necessary  to  prepare,  as  early  as  possible,  for  the  operations 
of  next  year,  and  to  suggest  to  his  majesty  such  matters  in 
relation  thereto  as  your  knowledge  and  experience  of  the 
service  enable  you  to  furnish.”  He  was  directed  to  leave  the 
other  despatch,  when  he  came  away,  with  General  Howe, 
who  would  succeed  him  in  the  command.  These  letters  were 
received  in  Boston,  by  the  Cerberus,  on  the  26th  of  Septem- 
ber. General  Gage  replied  in  full  to  the  letter  of  Lord  Dart- 
mouth, in  a communication  dated  October  1,  which  certainly 
bears  the  marks  of  ability,  good  sense,  and  sound  judgment. 
Subsequent  events  show,  that  if  the  ministry  rejected  the 
21* 


248 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


general,  they  accepted  his  advice.  He  recommended  the 
occupancy  of  New  York,  and  stated  the  difficulty  of  making 
New  England  the  seat  of  the  war.  “I  am  of  opinion,”  he 
wrote,  “that  no  offensive  operations  can  be  carried  on  to 
advantage  from  Boston.  On  the  supposition  of  a certainty 
of  driving  the  rebels  from  their  intrenchments,  no  advantage 
would  be  gained  but  reputation ; victory  could  not  be  im- 
proved, through  the  want  of  every  necessary  to  march  into 
the  country.  The  loss  of  men  would  probably  be  great,  and 
the  rebels  be  as  numerous  in  a few  days  as  before  their  defeat; 
besides,  the  country  is  remarkably  strong,  and  adapted  to  their 
way  of  fighting.” 

General  Gage  immediately  prepared  for  his  departure.  On 
this  occasion  he  received  several  testimonials  from  his  friends. 
On  the  6th  his  council,  and  the  leading  loyalists,  presented 
separate  addresses  to  him,  drawn  up  in  a similar  loyal  tone, 
and  expressing  gratitude  for  his  civil  and  military  services. 
Both  of  them  are  highly  eulogistic  of  his  personal  character. 
That  of  the  inhabitants  is  reserved  in  its  endorsement  of  his 
proceedings  ; that  of  the  council  is  fulsome  in  its  flattery.  It 
not  only  expressed  “profound  respect”  for  his  “prudence, 
benevolence,  and  candor,”  in  civil  affairs,  but  for  the  “steadi- 
ness, vigilance,  and  humanity,”  of  his  military  career.  They 
presented  their  “loyalty  to  the  best  of  kings”  as  their  title 
“to  the  care  and  protection”  of  Gage’s  successors;  and  they 
requested  him  to  assure  their  “gracious  sovereign”  that  they 
were  “unalienably  attached  to  his  sacred  person  and  govern- 
ment.” 1 Gage,  in  one  of  his  replies,  lamented  the  miseries 
brought  upon  this  once  happy  country,  through  the  deep 
designs  and  dark  contrivances  of  ambitious  men,  to  raise 
themselves  from  obscurity  to  power  and  emoluments.  He 
could  not  reflect  “ without  pain  upon  the  infatuation  of  the 

1 The  council,  in  their  address,  said  : “ We  have  seen  with  pleasure  the 
many  efforts  you  have  made  to  avert  this  unhappy  rebellion.  We  lament 
that  the  success  has  not  been  equal  to  your  endeavors.  But  the  undisturbed 
constancy  and  firmness  with  which  you  have  pursued  this  principle,  opposed 
to  every  abuse  which  wickedness,  delusion,  or  enthusiasm  could  devise,  has 
been  as  much  the  object  of  admiration  to  the  loyal,  as  the  subject  of  disap- 
pointment to  the  disaffected,  people  of  this  province.” 


GENERAL  WILLIAM  HOWE. 


249 


multitude,”  “ who  enjoyed  perfect  liberty,  who  felt  no  oppres- 
sion, but,  deceived  and  betrayed,  had  flown  to  arms  to  avert 
evils  that  existed  only  in  imagination;”  and  “in  lieu  of  lib- 
erty had  madly  erected  a tyranny  upon  the  most  free,  happy, 
and  lenient  government.”  The  country  loyalists  in  Boston 
presented  (the  7th)  another  address  to  Gage,  which  vied  with 
that  of  the  council  in  its  fulsome  flattery.  Their  regrets  at 
his  departure  were  relieved  by  the  hopes  of  his  speedy  return  ; 
their  lamentations  at  the  few  who  dared  to  stem  the  torrent 
of  rebellion  and  sedition  were  softened  by  the  anticipation  of 
the  establishment  of  the  rightful  supremacy  of  Parliament 
over  America.  Gage,  in  his  reply,  gave  them  the  welcome 
assurance  that,  during  his  absence,  his  successors  in  civil  and 
military  command  would  afford  them  every  favor  and  protec- 
tion. This  language  indicated  that  he  expected  to  resume  his 
command  in  America,  after  he  had  given  the  “exact  informa- 
tion” which  the  British  cabinet  demanded  and  needed.  He 
sailed  October  10  for  England,  and  soon  found  that  his  serv- 
ices would  be  dispensed  with.  He  did  not  return  to  America. 
On  this  day  General  Howe  took  the  command.1 

General  Howe  was  superior  in  ability  to  his  predecessor, 
inferior  to  him  in  education,  and  no  better  informed  of  the 
temper  of  the  people  he  was  ordered  to  conquer.  He  had 
learned,  however,  to  respect  their  courage,  and  was  as  averse 
as  his  predecessor  had  been  to  offensive  operations  about  Bos- 
ton. His  reasoning,  of  the  inductive  cast,  was  conclusive. 
If  the  works  of  a single  night,  unfinished  as  they  were,  ill- 
supplied  with  ammunition  and  cannon  as  they  were,  cost  so 
much  blood  to  carry,  tvhat  would  be  the  sacrifice  in  storming 
lines  made  formidable  by  the  labor  of  months,  and  frowning 
with  heavy  artillery  ? And  if  successful,  no  other  end  would 
be  gained  than  to  drive  the  Americans  from  one  stronghold  to 

'Boston,  Oct.  10,  1775. — “The  king  having  ordered  the  commander-in- 
chief to  repair  to  Britain,  and  that,  during  his  absence,  Major-general  Carle- 
ton  should  command  his  majesty’s  forces  in  Canada,  and  upon  the  frontiers, 
with  the  full  powers  of  commander-in-chief ; and  that  Major-general  Howe 
should  have  the  like  command  within  the  colonies  on  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  from 
Nova  Scotia  to  West  Florida  inclusive,  — orders  are  hereby  given  to  the  troops 
to  obey  the  said  major-general  accordingly.”— Howe’s  Orderly  Book. 


250 


THE  SIEGE  OF  EOSTON. 


another.  In  his  letter  in  reply  to  the  important  despatch  of 
August  2,  which  was  dated  October  9,  he  frankly  stated  to 
Lord  Dartmouth,  “ That  the  opening  of  the  campaign  from 
this  quarter  would  be  attended  with  great  hazard,  as  well 
from  the  strength  of  the  country,  as  from  the  intrenched  posi- 
tion the  rebels  had  taken.”  He  recommended  an  entire  evac- 
uation of  Boston.  Further  south  the  army  might  possibly 
penetrate  into  the  country,  but  here  it  could  only  defend  this 
post,  and  send  out  plundering  expeditions,  without  having  the 
power  of  reducing  the  inhabitants.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
letter  he  assured  Lord  Dartmouth  that  Boston,  “ without  the 
most  unforeseen  accident,  would  be  in  no  danger  from  the 
enemy  during  the  winter  at  the  close  of  the  letter  he  earn- 
estly solicited  the  arrival  of  the  destined  reinforcement  early 
in  the  spring.  In  the  mean  time  he  proposed  to  keep  quiet, 
and  to  attempt  nothing  material.  The  British  veterans  in 
Boston  would  “shortly  have  full  employment  in  preparing 
quarters  for  the  winter while  the  reinforcement  of  five  bat- 
talions of  two  thousand,  expected  from  Ireland,  would  enable 
him  “to  distress  the  rebels  by  incursions  along  the  coast.” 
He  “hoped  Portsmouth,  in  New  Hampshire,  would  feel  the 
weight  of  his  majesty’s  arms.”  Such  was  the  policy  prescribed 
by  the  ministry 1 to  bring  the  freemen  of  America  to  the  feet 
of  the  British  throne.  It  was  carried  out  to  the  letter  by  the 
king’s  generals,  in  their  wanton  sacrifice  of  life  and  property. 
Its  mission  was  to  widen  the  breach  between  England  and 
her  colonies,  to  break  the  charm  of  loyalty  that  so  long  had 
bound  them  together,  and  thus  to  pave  the  way  for  political 
independence  and  national  unity. 

The  change  of  commanders  was  popular  with  the  army. 
They  thought  General  Gage  lacked  enterprise  and  nerve. 
They  thought  he  had  been  too  lenient  to  the  people  of  Boston, 

1 This  savage  policy  was  expressly  authorized  by  the  British  government, 
although  it  affected  to  be  displeased  at  the  destruction  of  Falmouth.  It  ought 
to  have  the  full  odium  of  it.  Thus  Lord  Dartmouth,  in  a despatch  dated 
October  22,  1775,  authorized  Howe  to  employ  the  troops  in  “attacking  and 
doing  their  utmost  to  destroy  any  towns  in  which  the  people  should  assemble 
in  arms,  hold  meetings  of  committees  or  congresses,  or  prevent  the  king’s 
courts  of  justice  from  assembling.” 


howe’s  popularity. 


251 


and  too  favorably  disposed,  out  of  family  connections,  towards 
the  body  of  the  colonists.  They  fancied  General  Howe  to 
possess  opposite  qualities.  One  letter  says,  “he  is  in  the  high- 
est estimation  and  honor  among  his  brave  countrymen;” 
another  account  says,  “even  the  blunders  of  Bunker  Hill  were 
forgotten,  so  happy  were  most  people  at  the  change.”  He 
had  proved  himself  brave  and  energetic  in  battle,  and  gen- 
erous and  humane  in  sharing  the  fatigues  and  in  ministering 
to  the  necessities  of  the  troops.  Measures  more  decisive  and 
uncompromising  were  expected.1 

General  Howe  first  improved  his  defences,  and  provided 
quarters  for  his  troops.  The  main  works  in  progress  at  this 
time  were,  a fort  on  Bunker  Hill,  and  additional  fortifications 
at  Boston  Neck.  The  former  was  so  far  completed,  October 
26th,  that  a general  order  designated  the  manner  in  which  the 
several  regiments  were  to  line  it  in  case  of  an  attack.  This 
was  a very  strong  work.  In  describing  it,  an  account  says  : 
“I  do  not  recollect  whether  you  saw  Charlestown-side  in  that 
forwardness  to  give  you  any  idea  of  its  present  strength  ; nor 
can  I,  with  words,  well  describe  the  plan  ; — suffice  it  to  say, 
that  we  thought  six  hundred  men,  commanded  by  two  field- 
officers,  so  fully  sufficient  to  protect  it  against  the  whole  rebel 
army,  that  the  flushes  are  levelled,  and  the  Neck  left  open  for 
their  approach.”  General  Clinton  took  the  command  of  this 
post  September  29,  on  the  promotion  of  General  Howe. 

1 In  England  the  British  commander  was  much  blamed  for  his  inactivity. 
A British  journal,  Sept.  S3,  says  : “ With  a degree  of  apathy  scarce  recon- 
cilable to  the  honor  of  a great  nation,  we  see  our  whole  force  penned  up  in 
America  by  a rabble  of  half-armed  militia-men.  Even  on  the  element  of  our 
nation,  the  sea,  we  have  been  strangely  inactive,  if  not  negligent.  Both  by 
sea  and  by  land  our  commanders  have  been,  with  reason,  complained  of ; and 
while  we  complain  like  women,  we  have  not  the  spirit  of  men  to  remove 
them  from  places  which  they  fill  so  awkwardly.” 

The  British  officers  wrote  various  apologies  to  their  friends  in  England  for 
this  inaction.  A letter,  dated  August  19,  says,  that  the  Bunker’s  Hill  busi- 
ness of  the  17th  of  .Tune  has  convinced,  the  provincials  so  entirely  of  the  irre- 
sistible intrepidity  of  our  troops,  that  they  have  attempted  nothing  of  any 
moment  since.  They  have  formed  a line  of  contravallation  from  Mystic 
River,  which  runs  by  Bunker’s  Hill  round  to  Dorchester,  about  eight  miles 
in  extent,  and  carry  on  the  petit  guerre  of  popping  at  sentries. 


252 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Adjutant  Waller’s  orderly  book,  kept  on  the  heights,  gives 
glimpses  of  camp  scenes.  The  troops  were  enjoined  to  main- 
tain a high  state  of  discipline.  They  were  occasionally 
assembled  for  divine  service,  when  they  were  directed  to 
appear  “ clean,”  to  be  arrayed  in  order,  and  to  be  “ as  much 
as  possible  sheltered  by  a grove  of  trees.”  Sometimes  rogues 
were  barbarously  flogged,  and  deserters  were  hang  on  Charles- 
town Neck.  Views  of  the  heights  sent  to  England  represent 
two  clusters  of  tents,  — one  on  Bunker  Hill,  and  the  other  on 
Breed’s  Hill.  These  beautiful  hills,  at  this  time  unincum- 
bered with  scarcely  a building,  and  in  full  view  of  the  sur- 
rounding country,  presented  a fine  appearance,  as  the  British 
troops,  in  their  brilliant  uniforms,  paraded  on  their  summits. 

The  British  general  was  uncommonly  busy  in  Boston. 
Many  buildings  near  the  hay-market,  at  the  south  end,  were 
pulled  down,  and  an  opening  was  made  from  water  to  water. 
Here  the  troops  Avere  engaged  in  raising  works.  Six  hundred 
men  were  employed  on  Boston  Neck.  The  lines  here  also 
were  made  very  strong.  Other  defences  also  Avere  thrown  up. 
“Our  works,”  Carter  writes,  October*  19,  “are  daily  increas- 
ing ; we  are  noAV  erecting  redoubts  on  the  eminences  on  Bos- 
ton common  ; and  a meeting-house,  where  sedition  has  been 
often  preached,  is  clearing  out,  to  be  made  a riding-house  for 
the  light  dragoons.” 

General  HoAve,  on  the  28th  of  October,  issued  three  procla- 
mations, which  created  much  indignation.  In  one  he  stated 
that  several  inhabitants  had  “ lately  absconded,”  to  join,  as 
he  apprehended,  “ his  majesty’s  enemies,  assembled  in  open 
rebellion  ; ” and  he  threatened  any  who  Avere  detected  in  an 
attempt  to  leave  the  toAvn,  “ without  his  order  or  permission 
given  in  writing,”  with  “ military  execution.”  Any  Avho 
escaped  he  should  treat  as  traitors,  “by  seizure  of  their  goods 
and  effects.”  A second  proclamation  prohibited  any  person 
who  had  thus  obtained  permission  to  go  out  from  taking  more 
than  five  pounds  in  specie,  and  threatened  offenders  with  the 
forfeit  of  the  whole  sum  discovered,  and  Avith  such  fine  and 
imprisonment  as  might  be  adjudged  proper  for  the  offence. 
To  insure  sharpness,  he  promised  that  one  half  of  the  moneys 
thus  detected  should  go  to  the  informer.  A third  proclama- 


EVENTS  OF  OCTOBER. 


253 


tion  recommended  the  inhabitants  to  associate  themselves  into 
companies,  which  were  to  be  employed  solely  within  the  pre- 
cincts of  the  town,  to  preserve  order  and  good  government. 
They  were  to  be  armed,  such  as  were  able,  and  to  be  allowed 
fuel  and  provisions  equal  to  the  allowance  of  the  troops. 
This  proclamation  was  equivalent  to  a threat ; for  it  said,  in 
order  “ that  no  one  might  plead  ignorance,”  the  association, 
under  the  direction  of  Hon.  Peter  Oliver,  Foster  Hutchinson, 
and  William  Brown,  Esquires,  would  continue  in  session  four 
days  in  the  Council  Chamber.  Up  to  this  time  the  Tories  in 
the  country,  and  even  the  officers  of  the  crown,  if  neutral, 
were  generally  unmolested.  It  could  not,  however,  be  ex- 
pected, that  there  could  be  burning  of  towns  and  seizure  of 
private  property  on  the  one  side,  and  forbearance  on  the  other 
side.  Washington  (Nov.  12)  recapitulated  the  substance  of 
these  harsh  proclamations,  and  ordered  Gen.  Sullivan,  about 
to  repair  to  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  to  seize  all  officers  of  govern- 
ment there  who  had  given  proofs  of  their  unfriendly  disposi- 
tion to  the  patriot  cause.  On  the  same  day  he  gave  similar 
orders  to  Governor  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut.  He  wrote 
(Nov.  15)  also  to  Governor  Cooke,  of  Rhode  Island,  as  fol- 
lows : “ Would  it  not  be  prudent  to  seize  on  those  Tories  who 
have  been,  are,  and  that  we  know  will  be,  active  against  us  ? 
Why  should  persons,  who  are  preying  on  the  vitals  of  the 
country,  be  suffered  to  stalk  at  large,  whilst  we  know  they 
will  do  us  every  mischief  in  their  power?” 

No  skirmish  of  importance  occurred  in  October  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Boston,  nor  was  a new  position  taken.  Early  in 
the  month  there  was  a sharp  cannonade  on  Roxbury,  but  after 
this, things  for  some  days  continued  remarkably  quiet.  On 
the  19th,  the  Essex  Gazette  states  that  scarcely  a gun  had 
been  fired  for  a fortnight.  On  the  4th,  a small  fleet,  under 
Capt.  Mowatt,  sailed  out  of  Boston.  It  consisted  of  a sixty- 
four,  a twenty  gun  ship,  two  sloops  of  eighteen  guns,  two 
transports,  and  six  hundred  men.  They  took  two  mortars, 
four  howitzers,  and  other  artillery.  This  was  the  fleet  that 
burnt  Falmouth.  About  the  12th  a naval  skirmish  took  place 
at  Beverly.  One  of  the  privateers  fitted  out  at  this  place  was 
driven  in  by  the  Nautilus  man-of-war,  and  getting  aground 


254 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


in  a cove  just  out  of  the  harbor,  the  people  collected, 
stripped  her,  and  carried  her  guns  ashore.  The  ship  also  got 
aground,  but  was  able  to  bring  her  broadside  to  bear  on  the 
privateer,  when  she  began  to  tire  upon  it.  The  Salem  and 
Beverly  people  soon  returned  the  compliment  from  the  shore, 
and  the  firing  lasted  for  two  or  three  hours.  When  the  tide 
rose  the  ship  got  off.  The  privateer  was  but  little  damaged. 
On  the  night  of  the  17th  the  Americans  saluted  the  British 
camp  on  Boston  common.  Carter  writes  : “ They  brought 
three  floats  (with  a piece  of  cannon  in  each)  out  of  Cam- 
bridge River,  and  fired  a number  of  shot,  — some  of  which 
went  over,  several  fell  short ; in  fine,  we  had  not  even  a tent- 
cord  broke.”  The  assailants  did  not  fare  so  well.  One  of 
their  cannon  burst,  damaging  the  battery,  and  wounding  some 
of  the  men.  Colonel  Huntington  writes,  Oct.  19:  “We  had 
three  fine  floating  batteries,  — two  in  Cambridge,  and  one  in 
Mystic  River.  Two  of  them  remain  good  yet;  and  about 
twenty  flat-bottom  boats,  that  will  carry  near  an  hundred  men 
each,  besides  a number  of  whale-boats.” 

Dr.  Belknap  (Oct.  20)  visited  the  lines  at  Roxbury,  and 
writes  : “Nothing  struck  me  with  more  horror  than  the  pres- 
ent condition  of  Roxbury ; that  once  busy,  crowded  street  is 
now  occupied  only  by  a picquet-guard.  The  houses  are 
deserted,  the  windows  taken  out,  and  many  shot-holes  visible ; 
some  have  been  burnt,  and  others  pulled  down,  to  make  room 
for  the  fortifications.  A wall  of  earth  is  carried  across  the 
street  to  Williams’  old  house,  where  there  is  a formidable  fort 
mounted  with  cannon.  The  lower  line  is  just  below  rvhere 
the  George  tavern  stood ; a row  of  trees,  root  and  branch,  lies 
across  the  road  there,  and  the  breastwork  extends  to  Lamb’s 
Dam,  which  makes  a part  thereof.  I went  round  the  whole, 
and  was  so  near  the  enemy  as  to  see  them  (though  it  was 
foggy  and  rainy)  relieve  their  sentries,  which  they  do  every 
hour.  Their  outmost  sentries  are  posted  at  the  chimneys  of 
Brown’s  house.”  1 

Washington,  during  October,  was  occupied  with  making 
preparations  for  the  winter,  and  in  a new  organization  of  the 
army.  He  was  not  in  a condition  to  act  offensively.  This 
1 Life  of  Dr.  Belknap,  p.  92. 


WASHINGTON  IN  OCTOBER. 


255 


inactivity,  however,  grew  more  and  more  irksome  to  the  com- 
mander, and  more  unsatisfactory  to  the  country ; and  it  occa- 
sioned audible  murmurs.  It  was  believed  that  an  assault  on 
Boston  was  delayed  out  of  a desire  to  spare  its  inhabitants, 
and  to  save  their  property.  Congress,  either  sharing  this 
feeling  or  willing  to  hazard  an  engagement,  suggested  to  the 
commander-in-chief,  that  if  he  thought  a successful  attempt 
against  the  British  troops  practicable,  it  would  be  advisable  to 
make  the  “attack  upon  the  first  favorable  occasion,  and 
before  the  arrival  of  reinforcements.”  But  Washington 
hardly  needed  this  hint,  for  at  no  period  of  his  command  was 
he  more  solicitous  to  act  on  the  offensive  than  during  the 
siege  of  Boston.  He  stated  his  position,  and  the  necessity  of 
his  continuing  to  act  on  the  defensive,  in  a letter  dated  Octo- 
ber 5,  1775  : “ The  enemy  in  Boston  and  on  the  heights  of 
Charlestown  are  so  strongly  fortified,  as  to  render  it  almost 
impossible  to  force  their  lines,  thrown  np  at  the  head  of  each 
neck.  Without  great  slaughter  on  our  side,  or  cowardice 
on  theirs,  it  is  absolutely  so.  We  therefore  can  do  no  more 
than  keep  them  besieged,  which  they  are  to  all  intents  and 
purposes,  as  closely  as  any  troops  upon  earth  can  be,  that 
have  an  opening  to  the  sea.  Our  advanced  works  and  theirs 
are  within  musket-shot.  We  daily  undergo  a cannonade, 
which  has  done  no  injury  to  our  works,  and  very  little  hurt 
to  our  men.  These  insults  we  are  compelled  to  submit  to  for 
want  of  powder,  being  obliged,  except  now  and  then  giving 
them  a shot,  to  reserve  what  we  have  for  closer  work  than 
cannon  distance.”  1 

1 A paper  dated  October  28,  1775,  gives  the  names,  rates,  and  situation  of 
the  navy  in  Boston  harbor : — 

The  Boyne  — mounts  64  guns,  and  lies  near  the  western  end  of  Spectacle 
Island. 

The  Preston  — 50  guns  — is  now  moored  for  the  winter  between  Long 
Wharf  and  Hancock's  Wharf,  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  town. 

The  Scarborough,  and  another  sloop,  — one  of  twenty  and  the  other  of 
sixteen  guns,  — are  moored  at  a small  distance  to  the  southward  of  the  Pres- 
ton. 

There  are  at  present  no  other  ships  of  force  in  the  harbor,  except  the 
Mercury,  stationed  at  the  north-west  side  of  the  town,  upon  Charles  River. 

A plan  was  proposed  to  capture  the  Preston  by  surprise. 

22 


256 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Washington  was  much  relieved  by  the  arrival  (October  15) 
of  a committee  from  Congress,  appointed  to  consult  with  other 
committees,  in  relation  to  a new  organization  of  the  army.  It 
consisted  of  Dr.  Franklin,  Hon.  Thomas  Lynch,  of  Carolina, 
and  Colonel  Harrison,  of  Virginia.1  Deputy  Governor  Gris- 
wold and  Judge  Nathaniel  Wales  were  present  from  Connect- 
icut; Deputy  Governor  Cooke  from  Rhode  Island  ; Hon.  James 
Bowdoin,  Colonel  Otis,  Hon.  William  Sever,  and  Hon.  Wal- 
ter Spooner,  of  the  Massachusetts  council.  The  president  of 
the  Provincial  Congress  appeared  for  New  Hampshire.  The 
labors  of  this  “committee  of  conference”  continued  several 
days,  — from  the  18th  to  22d,  — and  embraced  all  the  points 
of  the  proposed  new  army.  Joseph  Reed  acted  as  secretary. 
His  records  have  been  preserved.  On  the  last  day  the  dele- 
gates from  the  several  colonies  stated  the  number  of  men  each 
colony  could  supply  before  the  10th  of  March,  and  the  terms 
on  which  they  could  be  enlisted.  Massachusetts  could  furnish 
twenty  thousand  men,  on  the  terms  on  which  the  present 
army  were  raised;  viz.,  a coat,  forty  shillings  a month, — 
one  month’s  pay  being  advanced ; and  a greater  number  on 
any  emergency.  Connecticut  could  supply  eight  thousand 
men,  at  forty  shillings  a month,  and  forty  shillings  bounty. 
New  Hampshire  could  furnish  three  thousand  at  forty  shillings, 
without  a bounty.  Rhode  Island  could  not  go  any  further 
than  to  continue  its  force  of  fifteen  hundred  men.  The  con- 
ference decided  that  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  ought 
properly  to  take  cognizance  of  all  armed  vessels  fitted  out  by 
its  citizens,  and  that  commissions  should  be  granted,  and  cap- 
tures made,  at  least  under  some  authority;  and  that  captures 
made  by  armed  vessels  in  the  pay  of  the  continent  should  be 
disposed  of  by  the  general  for  the  public  use.  The  result  of 
this  conference  was  extremely  satisfactory  to  Washington.  A 
plan  was  agreed  upon  for  a new  organization  of  the  army, 
which  provided  for  the  enlistment  of  twenty-six  regiments,  of 
eight  companies  each,  besides  riflemen  and  artillery.  This 

1 General  Greene  writes,  October  16,  1775  : The  committee  of  Congress 
arrived  last  evening,  and  I had  the  honor  to  be  introduced  to  that  very  great 
man  Doctor  P'ranldin,  whom  I viewed  with  silent  admiration  during  the  whole 
evening.  Attention  watched  his  lips,  and  conviction  closed  his  periods.” 


PROPOSED  ATTACK  ON  BOSTON. 


257 


plan,  and  the  details  of  it,  were  substantially  adopted  by  Con- 
gress. 

On  the  23d  and  24th,  the  delegates  from  Congress  held  a 
formal  conference  with  Washington  on  sundry  matters  upon 
which  no  order  had  been  made  by  Congress.  The  most 
prominent  of  them  was  the  important  measure  of  an  attack  on 
Boston.  A council  of  war,1  convened  in  consequence  of  an 
intimation  from  Congress,  had  decided  that  at  present  it  was 
not  practicable.  Washington  desired  the  delegates  to  state 
how  far  it  might  be  deemed  advisable  to  destroy  the  troops  in 
Boston  by  bombardment;  in  other  words  — whether  the  town 
and  the  property  were  to  be  so  considered  that  an  attack  on 
the  troops  should  be  avoided  when  it  evidently  appeared  that 
the  town  must,  in  consequence,  be  destroyed?  The  delegates 
considered  the  subject  of  too  much  importance  to  be  decided 
by  them,  and  referred  it  to  Congress.2  Dr.  Belknap  was  in  the 
camp  during  this  conference,  and  dined  with  a party  consist- 
ing of  the  delegates  and  the  generals.  He  writes  of  the  con- 
versation: “Lynch,  Harrison,  and  Wales  wished  to  see 

1 At  a council  of  war,  held  at  head-quarters  October  18,  1775,  present  his 
excellency  General  Washington;  Major-generals  Ward,  Lee,  Putnam; 
Brigadier-generals  Thomas,  Heath,  Sullivan,  Greene,  Gates. 

The  general  acquainted  the  members  of  the  council,  that  he  had  called 
them  together  in  consequence  of  an  intimation  from  the  Congress  that  an 
attack  upon  Boston,  if  practicable,  was  much  desired.  That  he  therefore 
desired  their  opinions  on  the  subject. 

General  Gates.  — That  under  present  circumstances  it  is  improper  to 
attempt  it. 

General  Greene.  — That  it  is  not  practicable  under  all  circumstances  ; but 
if  ten  thousand  men  could  be  landed  at  Boston,  thinks  it  is. 

General  Sullivan.  — That  at  this  time  it  is  improper.  The  winter  gives  a 
more  favorable  opportunity. 

General  Heath.  — Impracticable  at  present. 

General  Thomas.  — Of  the  same  opinion. 

General  Putnam.  — Disapproves  of  it  at  present. 

General  Lee.  — Is  not  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  men  to  judge ; 
therefore  thinks  it  too  great  a risk. 

General  Ward.  — Against  it. 

General  Washington. 

2 The  documents  in  relation  to  this  committee  of  conference  may  be  found 
in  American  Archives,  vol.  iii. 


258 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Boston  in  flames.  Lee  told  them  it  was  impossible  to  burn  it 
unless  they  sent  men  in  with  bundles  of  straw  on  their  backs 
to  do  it.  He  said  it  could  not  be  done  with  carcass  and  hot 
shot;  and  instanced  the  Isle  Royal,  in  St.  Lawrence  River, 
which  was  fired  at  in  1760  a long  time,  with  a fine  train  of 
artillery,  hot  shot,  and  carcasses,  without  effect.”  1 

In  October  much  excitement  was  occasioned  in  the  camp, 
and  in  the  colonies,  by  the  discovery  of  a correspondence  of 
Dr.  Church,  who  had  been  a prominent  patriot,  with  the 
enemy.  In  the  month  of  July,  he  gave  a letter  to  a woman 
who  was  going  to  Newport,  with  directions  to  go  on  board 
a British  man-of-war  stationed  there,  and  give  it  to  its  com- 
mander, Captain  Wallace.  She  applied  to  Mr.  Wainwood, 
a patriot,  to  assist  her  in  getting  access  to  the  vessel,  who 
artfully  drew  from  her  the  fact  of  her  errand.  It  occurring  to 
him  that  the  letter  might  be  from  a traitor  in  the  army,  he 
prevailed  on  her  to  intrust  the  delivery  of  it  to  him.  He 
then  imparted  the  secret  to  Mr.  Maxwell,  another  patriot, 
who  opened  the  letter,  and  found  it  written  in  characters 
which  he  did  not  understand.  The  matter  here  rested  until 
Mr.  Wainwood  received  a letter  from  the  woman,  manifesting 
uneasiness  as  to  the  missing  letter.  This  led  them  to  con- 
clude that  such  correspondence  might  be  still  continued. 
They  then  advised  with  Mr.  Henry  Ward,  of  Providence,  who 
sent  the  letter,  with  an  account  of  the  matter,  to  General 
Greene.  He  immediately  conferred  with  Washington.  The 
woman  was  examined,  and  after  some  hesitation,  she  said 
Dr.  Church  gave  her  the  letter.  He  was  then  arrested.  The 
letter  was  deciphered  by  Rev.  Samuel  West.  It  was  mostly 
made  up  of  a description  of  the  force  of  the  Americans,  but 
contained  no  disclosure  of  consequence,  and  no  expressions 
prejudicial  to  the  cause  of  the  country.  Dr.  Church,  as  soon 
as  the  contents  were  found  out,  wrote  an  incoherent  account  of 
the  matter  to  Washington,  in  which  he  attempted  to  vindicate 
himself  from  any  design  unfriendly  to  his  country.  A coun- 
cil of  war  assembled,  (October  3,)  before  which  Dr.  Church 
confessed  that  he  wrote  the  letter,  stated  that  his  object  was 


1 Life  of  Dr.  Belknap,  96. 


CASE  OF  DR.  CHURCH. 


259 


to  effect  a speedy  accommodation  of  the  dispute,  but  protested 
his  innocence  of  any  traitorous  design.  The  council  were 
not  satisfied,  but  were  unanimously  of  opinion  that  he  had 
carried  on  a criminal  correspondence.  They  decided  to  refer 
the  case  to  Congress  ; and  in  the  mean  time  to  confine  the 
prisoner  closely,  and  allow  no  person  to  visit  him  but  by 
special  direction. 

Washington  immediately  laid  the  matter  before  Congress. 
It  also  came  before  the  committee  of  conference  in  the  camp. 
This  body,  after  discussion,  resolved  to  refer  Dr.  Church  for 
trial  and  punishment  to  the  Massachusetts  General  Court,  with 
the  understanding  that  no  procedure  should  be  had  until  the 
pleasure  of  Congress  was  known. 

Dr.  Church  underwent  next  the  ordeal  of  the  General  Court. 
He  was  examined  by  this  body  October  27.  His  letter  was 
read,  and  he  made  a long  and  curious  speech  in  his  own  justi- 
fication. It  failed  to  convince  his  associates  of  his  innocence, 
and  he  was,  November  2,  expelled  from  his  seat.  His  fate 
was  decided  by  the  Continental  Congress.  It  resolved, 
November  6,  that  he  should  be  confined  in  a jail  in  Connecti- 
cut, “ without  the  use  of  pen,  ink,  or  paper,  and  that  no  per- 
son be  allowed  to  converse  with  him,  except  in  the  presence 
and  hearing  of  a magistrate  of  the  town,  or  the  sheriff  of  the 
county,  where  he  should  be  confined,  and  in  the  English  lan- 
guage,” until  the  further  order  of  Congress.  He  was  im- 
prisoned at  Norwich.  In  the  following  May  he  petitioned 
Congress  for  his  release  from  confinement,  on  the  ground  of 
declining  health.  This  was  granted,  on  the  condition  that  he 
should  be  removed  to  Massachusetts,  and  be  put  in  the  charge 
of  the  council  of  this  colony;  and  that,  he  should  give  his 
parole,  with  sureties  in  the  penalty  of  one  thousand  pounds, 
not  to  hold  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  or  to  leave  the 
colony  without  license.1  He  accordingly  returned  to  Boston, 

1 The  documents  relative  to  this  affair  are  voluminous.  They  are  collected 
in  the  American  Archives.  See  Sparks’  Washington,  vol.  in.  Dr. 
Church,  during  his  confinement,  wrote  two  long  and  earnest  letters  to  Wash- 
ington's secretary,  Joseph  Reed,  in  relation  to  his  case.  — Reed’s  Life  of 
President  Reed,  vol.  i.,  p.  123. 


22* 


260 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


and  during  the  year  1776  obtained  permission  to  visit  the 
West  Indies.  The  vessel  in  which  he  sailed  was  never  heard 
of. 

Efficient  measures  were  taken  this  month  to  fit  out  armed 
vessels.  The  necessity  of  them  to  cut  off  the  enemy’s  supplies 
prompted  the  efforts  made  (see  pages  110,  111)  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts Provincial  Congress  to  authorize  them,  before  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  A report  in  relation  to  them  was  con- 
sidered in  this  body,  (June  19,)  and  after  debate,  “the  matter 
was  ordered  to  subside.”  Meantime,  the  Rhode  Island 
Assembly  (June  12)  authorized  two  vessels  to  be  fitted  out, — 
one  of  eighty  men,  under  Abraham  Whipple;  the  other  of 
thirty  men,  under  Christopher  Whipple.  They  were  cruising 
in  July.  Connecticut  authorized  (July  1)  two  armed  vessels 
to  be  fitted  out.  So  important  was  it  to  distress  the  British, 
that  Washington,  under  his  general  authority,  authorized 
vessels  to  be  equipped.  The  first  captain  he  commissioned 
was  Nicholas  Broughton,  of  Marblehead,  whose  instructions 
are  dated  September  2,  1775.  He  was  addressed  as  “captain 
in  the  army  of  the  united  colonies  of  North  America.”  and 
was  directed  “ to  take  the  command  of  a detachment  of  said 
army,  and  proceed  on  board  the  schooner  Hannah,  at  Bev- 
erly.” Captain  Broughton  immediately  sailed,  and  captured 
the  ship  Unity.  His  vessel,  or  the  name  of  it,  seems  the  next 
month  to  have  been  changed. 

Washington  soon  made  contracts  for  other  vessels.  He 
received  instructions  from  Congress,  October  5,  to  commission 
vessels  to  capture  the  enemy’s  transports,  and  was  "especially 
directed  to  capture  “ two  north-country  built  ships,  of  no 
force,”  but  loaded  with  military  stores.  Every  effort  was 
then  made  to  fit  out  a small  fleet  of  six  schooners,  but  they 
were  not  all  ready  for  sea  until  the  last  of  October.  On  the 
29th  the  Lynch,  commanded  by  Captain  Broughton,  and 
Franklin,  by  Captain  Selman,  had  sailed  for  the  St.  Law- 
rence; the  Lee,  by  Captain  Manly,  sailed  this  day  on  a 
cruise  ; the  Warren,  by  Captain  Adams,  and  the  Washington, 
by  Captain  Martindale,  were  to  sail  the  30th ; the  Harrison, 
Captain  Coit,  was  on  a cruise.  It  would  require  too  much 
space  to  relate  the  fortunes  of  this  little  fleet.  Some  of  the 


ARMED  VESSELS. 


261 


vessels  were  unfortunate.  Captain  Martindale  was  captured, 
and,  with  his  crew,  was  carried  to  England.  Others,  how- 
ever, were  highly  successful. 

Meantime,  public  opinion  and  individual  daring  compelled 
the  Massachusetts  Assembly  to  act  on  this  subject.  Persons 
petitioned  to  be  permitted  to  fit  out  privateers,  and  Newbury- 
port  and  Salem  memorialized  in  favor  of  public  armed  ves- 
sels being  authorized.  And  more  than  this,  — vessels  were 
captured  by  enterprising  seamen,  without  acting  under  any 
authority.  At  length,  September  28,  the  Assembly  appointed 
a committee  to  consider  the  subject.  This  committee  not 
reporting,  the  Assembly,  October  6th,  “enjoined  it  to  sit,” 
and  appointed  Elbridge  Gerry  a member.  A law  was  drawn 
up,  during  this  month,  by  Messrs.  Gerry  and  Sullivan,  author- 
izing armed  vessels,  and  establishing  a court  for  the  trial  and 
condemnation  of  prizes ; and  finally,  November  13,  it  was 
passed.  This  is  said  to  be  the  first  law  establishing  American 
naval  warfare.' 

The  vessels  commissioned  by  Washington — the  first  com- 
missioned by  the  authority  of  the  united  colonies  — sailed 
under  the  pine-tree  flag.  This  was  the  flag  of  the  floating- 
batteries.  Colonel  Reed,  October  20,  1775,  writes  to  Colonels 
Glover  and  Moylan:  — “Please  to  fix  upon  some  particular 
color  for  a flag,  and  a signal  by  which  our  vessels  may  know 
one  another.  What  do  you  think  of  a flag  with  a white 
ground,  a tree  in  the  middle,  the  motto  ‘ Appeal  to  Heaven’? 
This  is  the  flag  of  our  floating  batteries.”  Moylan  and 
Glover  replied,  (October  21,)  that  as  Broughton  and  Selman, 
who  sailed  that  morning,  had  none  but  their  old  colors,  they 
had  appointed  the  signal  by  which  they  could  be  known  by 
their  friends  to  be  “the  ensign  up  to  the  main  toppinglift.” 
That  the  pine-tree  flag,  however,  was  carried  by  the  colonial 

1 The  Continental  Congress,  Oct.  13,  authorized  a vessel  of  ten  guns  and 
eighty  men  to  be  fitted  out,  and  voted  to  equip  another  vessel,  — both  to 
cruise  to  the  eastward,  and  intercept  the  enemy’s  transports.  On  the  30th  it 
authorized  two  other  vessels,  of  twenty  and  thirty-six  guns,  and  determined 
that  the  second  vessel,  authorized  13th,  should  have  fourteen  guns.  It 
appointed  a committee  to  carry  this  vote  into  execution.  On  the  28th  of 
November  it  agreed  to  a code  of  regulations  for  “ the  navy  of  the  united 
colonies.”  — Journals  of  Congress. 


262 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


cruisers  is  certain,  because  one  was  captured,  and  the  Brit- 
ish papers  (January,  1776)  describe  its  colors  as  follows : 
“ The  flag  taken  from  a provincial  privateer  is  now  deposit- 
ed in  the  admiralty;  the  field  is  white  bunting,  with  a 
spreading  green  tree;  the  motto,  ‘ Appeal  to  Heaven.’”  A 
map  of  Boston  and  vicinity  was  published  in  Paris  in  1776, 
which  has  the  following  representation  of  this  flag : 


IDEA  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


263 

* 


CHAPTER  XI. 

The  new  Organization  of  the  Army.  Fortification  of  Cobble  Hill  and  Lech- 

mere’s  Point.  State  of  the  American  Camp.  Distresses  of  the  British 

Army.  Boston  in  December. 

Six  months  had  elapsed  since  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities 
between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain.  During  this  period 
things  had  been  gradually  tending  to  a state  of  open,  regular 
war,  by  sea  as  well  as  by  land.  Not  only  had  the  people 
become  accustomed  to  the  idea  of  settled  hostility,  but  they 
were  entertaining  the  idea  of  political  independence.  This 
had  been  broached  in  various  quarters  by  sagacious  patriots, 
and  had  been  favorably  received.  The  American  camp 
was  alive  with  it.  “I  found.”  Dr.  Belknap  writes.  October 
19,  “that  the  plan  of  independence  was  become  a favorite 
point  in  the  army,  and  that  it  was  offensive  to  pray  for  the 
king.”  General  Greene  advocated  the  policy  of  a declaration, 
in  a letter,  Oct.  23,  evincing  great  foresight,  and  filled  with 
admirable  reasoning.  After  stating  that  “ people  began  heart- 
ily to  wish  it,”  he  said  : “ The  alternative  is  a separation  from 
Great  Britain,  or  subjugation  to  her.”  “ We  had  as  well  be  in 
earnest  first  as  last:  for  we  have  no  alternative  but  to  fight  it 
out,  or  be  slaves.”  This,  also,  was  the  policy  that  would  be 
the  most  likely  to  secure  foreign  aid.  France  was  the  real 
enemy  of  Great  Britain,  and  desired  to  see  its  power  dimin- 
ished ; but  she  would  refuse  to  intermeddle  in  the  dispute  until 
she  saw  there  was  no  hope  of  an  accommodation.  Should  she. 
without  such  a declaration,  supply  warlike  stores,  and  should 
the  breach  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain  be  after- 
wards made  up,  “she  would  incur  the  hostility  of  her  rival, 
without  reaping  any  solid  advantage.”  Such  was  the  reason- 
ing of  this  clear-headed  general.  Such  was,  undoubtedly,  the 
political  sentiment  of  the  camp,  held  alike  by  the  commander- 
in-chief  and  the  rank  and  file.  Such  was  the  growing  pub- 


2G4 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


lie  opinion,  not  only  of  Massachusetts,  but  of  other  colonies. 
Abroad  the  contest  was  watched  with  intense  interest.  Eng- 
land felt  that  its  arms  had  been  humiliated.  France  was 
deliberating  whether  to  take  sides  in  the  contest.  Europe  was 
astonished  to  see  so  fine  a British  army  rendered  so  entirely 
useless.  Thus  numerous  were  the  eyes  that  were  fixed  on  the 
dawning  of  American  independence  ! 

The  success  thus  far  was  gratifying  to  those  who  knew  the 
difficulties  that  had  been  overcome.  The  general  officers,  in 
a long  address  to  the  soldiers,1  Nov.  24,  remarked : “ The 
ministerial  army,  with  three  of  their  most  esteemed  generals 
at  their  head,  have  been  able  to  effect  nothing.  Instead  of 
overrunning  and  ravaging  the  continent,  from  north  to  south, 
as  they  boasted  they  would  do,  they  find  themselves  ignomin- 
iously  cooped  up  within  the  walls  of  a single  town.”  Instead 
of  the  disaffection  of  some  of  the  colonies,  which  the  ministry 
pledged  themselves  to  the  people  of  England  would  be  the 
case,  the  union  became  stronger  every  day.  Georgia,  it  was 
just  announced,  had  acceded  to  it,  which  made  up  the  Thir- 
teen United  Colonies.  Although  the  success  of  the  American 
arms  might  not  have  altogether  come  up  to  the  expectations 
of  the  people,  or  even  of  the  Congress,  it  satisfied  the  general 
officers. 

Nor  was  it  overlooked  that  this  success  had  been  mainly 
achieved  by  four  only  of  the  colonies,  — by  the  forces  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  and  New  Hampshire. 
One  regiment  from  the  south  had  joined  the  army;  hut  a por- 
tion of  it  — Morgan’s  celebrated  rifle-corps  — had  been  de- 
tached to  Quebec.  This  left  New  England  mostly  to  its  own 
resources.  It  is  true  there  were  reasons  why  it  should  have 
made  these  large  exertions.  It  was  the  chief  object  of  minis- 
terial vengeance.  It  was  the  immediate  object  of  hostile 
attack  ; and  the  duty  of  repelling  this  attack  fell  more  prop- 
erly to  its  hands.  In  this  day  of  trial  New  England  did  not 
disappoint  the  expectations  entertained  of  it  by  the  friends  of 
freedom. 

And  of  New  England  it  is  but  sheer  justice  to  keep  in  view 
the  efforts  of  Massachusetts.  It  was  as  much  the  great  sup- 
“ This  address  is  in  the  American  Archives,  vol.  hi.,  p.  1666. 


EFFORTS  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


265 


porter  of  the  colonies,  in  this  day  of  action,  as  Boston  had  been 
the  great  leader  of  the  towns,  in  the  day  of  preparation.  Its 
service,  perhaps,  is  best  told  in  contemporary  language,  elic- 
ited by  contemporary  jealousy.  “ Let  it  be  remembered,”  — 
Elbridge  Gerry  wrote,  Oct.  9,  1775,  — “ that  the  first  attack 
was  made  on  this  colony ; that  we  had  to  keep  a regular 
force,  without  the  advantage  of  regular  government ; that  we 
had  to  support  in  the  field  from  twelve  to  fourteen  thousand 
men,  when  the  whole  forces  voted  by  the  other  New  England 
governments  amounted  to  eight  thousand  five  hundred  only. 
That  New  Hampshire  found  it  impracticable  to  support  its 
own  troops  at  so  short  a notice,  and  was  for  a considerable 
time  actually  supplied  with  provisions  from  this  province. 
That  after  we  had  ransacked  the  seaports,  and  obtained  all 
that  was  not  wanted  for  their  support,  and  had  stopped  two 
cargoes  of  flour  owned  in  Boston,  it  was  found  that  all  the 
pork  and  grain  in  the  government  Avould  not  more  than  sup- 
ply the  inhabitants  and  the  army  until  the  new  crops  came 
in ; and  that  there  was  no  way  left,  unassisted  as  we  were  by 
the  continent,  or  any  other  colony,  — for  we  never  had  a barrel 
of  continental  flour  to  supply  the  army,  — but  to  write  a cir- 
cular letter  to  every  town  in  the  counties  of  Worcester,  Hamp- 
shire, and  Berkshire,  desiring  them,  in  the  most  pressing  terms, 
to  send  in  provisions,  and  engaging  that  the  inhabitants  should 
be  allowed  the  customary  price  in  their  respective  towns,  and 
the  teamsters  the  usual  rate  for  carting.  But  for  this  meas- 
ure ihe  forces  of  this  colony  and  New  Hampshire  must  have 
been  dispersed.”  1 This  presents  a striking  view  of  some  of 
the  difficulties  which  the  indomitable  men  who  had  thrown 
down  the  gauntlet  to  Great  Britain  were  obliged  to  encounter. 
The  general  histories  of  this  time  abound  with  others.  It 
required  as  stout  hearts  to  struggle  through  them  as  it  did  to 
meet  the  enemy  in  the  shock  of  battle. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  merit  so  great  excited  envy  in  other 
colonies.  Even  the  pressure  of  external  danger  could  not 
repress  it.  “ The  eyes  of  friends  and  foes,”  Gerry  wrote, 
“ are  fixed  on  this  colony  ; and  if  jealousy  or  envy  can  sully 
its  reputation,  they  will  not  miss  the  opportunity.”  A jeal- 
1 Life  of  Elbridge  Gerry,  vol.  i.,  p.  115. 


266 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


ousy  of  New  England  is  often  seen  in  contemporary  docu- 
ments. It  seems  strange,  at  this  day,  that,  at  a time  when  the 
pressure  of  external  danger  demanded  close  union,  such  an 
assurance  as  the  following  was  considered  necessary:  “I 
assure  the  gentlemen  from  the  southward,”  — wrote  General 
Greene,  October  16,  — “ that  there  could  not  be  anything  more 
abhorrent  to  * * * than  a union  of  these  colonies  for  the  pur- 
pose of  conquering  those  of  the  south.”  Hence  the  strong 
desire  of  Washington  to  supplant  this  local  jealousy  by  a 
union  spirit.  And  in  the  new  organization  of  the  army,  one 
point  was  to  make  it  as  much  as  possible  a continental,  rather 
than  a colonial,  army.  In  considering  the  difficulties  which 
the  commander-in-chief  had  to  surmount,  this  jealousy  should 
not  be  overlooked. 

In  carrying  out  the  plan  of  the  committee  of  conference  for 
the  organization  of  the  army,  adopted  by  the  Continental  Con- 
gress, a new  arrangement  of  officers  was  necessary.  The  old 
army  contained  thirty-eight  regiments ; the  plan  for  the  new 
army  contemplated  only  twenty-six  regiments.  Much  judg- 
ment was  required  in  the  delicate  duty  of  reduction,  to  avoid 
the  imputation  of  prejudice  or  of  partiality.  The  officers 
selected  were  such  as  appeared  best  qualified  to  perform  all 
the  duties,  and  to  undergo  all  the  fatigues,  of  a military  life. 
This  whole  business  gave  Washington  and  his  generals  great 
perplexity.  There  is  much  matter  about  it  in  the  letters  of 
the  day.  The  men  would  not  enlist  unless  they  were  allowed 
their  favorite  commanders ; many  of  the  officers  would  not 
serve  unless  their  rank  was  adjusted  to  meet  their  expecta- 
tions. “ The  trouble  I have  in  the  arrangement  of  the  army,” 
— Washington  writes,  November  11th,  — “is  really  incon- 
ceivable.” At  length  this  obstacle  was  overcome,  and  (Nov. 
12)  recruiting  orders  were  given  out.  It  was  expected  that 
most  of  the  old  army  would  reenlist,  and  that  the  difficulties 
had  been  surmounted.  Washington  was  doomed  to  severe 
disappointment.  A month’s  exertions  only  procured  five 
thousand  recruits.  Washington’s  patience  and  patriotism 
were  put  to  a severe  test.  His  correspondence  presents  a 
vivid  picture  of  his  trials.  “Such  a dearth  of  public  (spirit) 
and  want  of  virtue,”  he  wrote,  “such  stock-jobbing  and  fer- 


SKIRMISH  AT  LECHMERE  S POINT. 


267 


tility  in  all  the  low  arts,  to  obtain  advantages  of  one  kind  and 
another,  I never  saw  before,  and  pray  God  I never  may  be 
witness  to  again.”  1 

During  November  a skirmish  occurred  at  Lechmere’s  Point, 
and  ground  was  broken  at  Cobble  Hill.  On  the  9th  Lieuten- 
ant-colonel Clark,  at  the  head  of  six  companies  of  light  infan- 
try and  a hundred  grenadiers,  — about  four  hundred  men, — 
embarked  in  boats  from  Boston,  and  landed  at  Lechmere’s 
Point,  to  carry  off  the  stock  there.  It  was  at  high  water,  when 
the  place  was  an  island.  The  Cerberus  and  several  floating 
batteries  covered  the  party.  The  alarm  was  given.  Colonel 
Thompson,  with  his  regiment  of  riflemen,  joined  by  Colonel 
Woodbridge,  with  a part  of  his  regiment  and  part  of  Patter- 
son’s regiment,  marched  down  to  meet  the  enemy.  To  get 
on  to  the  point,  the  troops  were  obliged  to  ford  the  causeway, 
in  the  face  of  the  British,  when  the  water  was  several  feet 
deep.  This  they  did  with  much  spirit.  The  enemy,  how- 
ever,  were  about  to  embark  under  cover  of  the  fire  of  the  Brit- 
ish man-of-war,  of  a floating  battery,  and  the  fire  of  a battery 
on  Charlestown  Neck.  They  lost  two  men,  and  carried  off  ten 
cows.  The  Americans  had  two  men  dangerously  wounded 
by  grape  shot  from  the  ship.  Some  of  the  troops  behaved  with 
great  spirit.  Major  Mifflin,  a favorite  officer.  Mrs.  Adams 
writes,  “flew  about  as  though  he  would  have  raised  the 
whole  army.”  In  a few  instances,  the  men  were  backward. 
“ The  alacrity  of  the  riflemen  and  officers  upon  the  occasion,” 

' The  following  order  shows  that  it  was  intended  the  new  army  should  be 
in  uniform  : — “ October  28.  It  is  recommended  to  the  non-commissioned 
officers  and  soldiers,  whose  pay  will  be  drawn  in  consequence  of  last  Thurs- 
day’s orders,  (especially  to  those  whose  attachment  to  the  glorious  cause  in 
which  they  are  engaged,  and  which  will  induce  them  to  continue  in  the  service 
another  year,)  to  lay  out  their  money  in  shirts,  shoes,  stockings,  and  a good 
pair  of  leather  breeches,  and  not  in  coats  and  waistcoats,  as  it  is  intended 
that  the  new  army  shall  be  clothed  in  uniform.  To  effect  which,  the  Con- 
gress will  lay  in  goods  upon  the  best  terms  they  can  be  bought  anywhere  for 
ready  money,  and  will  sell  them  to  the  soldiers  without  any  profit ; by  which 
means,  a uniform  coat  and  waistcoat  will  come  cheaper  to  them  than  any 
other  clothing  of  the  like  kind  can  be  bought.  A number  of  tailors  will  be 
immediately  set  to  work  to  make  regimentals  for  those  brave  men  who  are 
willing  at  all  hazards  to  defend  their  invaluable  rights  and  privileges.” 

23 


268 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


writes  Washington,  “did  them  honor,  to  which  Colonel  Pat- 
terson’s regiment,  and  some  others,  were  equally  entitled.” 
He  praised  them  in  the  general  orders  the  next  day.  He 
noticed,  in  the  order,  the  conduct  of  some, — names  unknown, 
— who  manifested  backwardness  in  crossing,  and  reprimanded 
the  officers  for  the  manner  in  which  the  arms  of  several  of  the 
regiments  appeared.  Colonel  Clark,  British,  acted  under  the 
immediate  eye  of  General  Clinton,  who  was  so  well  satisfied 
with  his  conduct  that  he  praised  it  in  the  general  orders. 
The  affair,  somewhat  highly  colored  for  the  press,  was  viewed 
with  exultation  in  the  colonies.  Washington  regarded  this 
manoeuvre  of  the  enemy  only  as  the  prelude  to  a general 
attack  on  his  lines.1 

On  the  night  of  the  22d  of  November,  a strong  detachment 
of  the  army,  under  General  Putnam,  broke  ground  at  Cobble 
Hill,  (McLean  Asylum,)  without  the  least  annoyance  from 
the  enemy.  The  fatigue  men  worked  until  the  break  of  day, 
when  the  whole  party  retired.  On  the  following  night 
another  detachment,  under  General  Heath,  was  ordered  to 
complete  the  works.  It  was  expected  that  the  British  would 
sally  out  of  Boston  and  attack  the  intrenching  party,  and 
Colonel  Bridge,  Avith  his  regiment,  was  ordered  to  the  foot  of 
the  hill,  and  to  patrol  towards  the  bay  and  neck  during  the 
night.  Colonel  Bond’s  regiment,  and  the  picket  guard  on 
Prospect  Hill,  were  ordered  to  be  ready  to  support  General 
Heath.  But  the  enemy  continued  inactive.  Two  British 
sentinels  came  off  in  the  night  to  the  detachment.  The  forti- 
fication was  finished  without  receiving  a single  shot.  “It  is 

1 Lieutenant  Carter,  in  a letter  dated  “ Charlestown  Heights,  November 
13,  1775,”  gave  the  following  account  of  this  affair  : “On  t(je  9th  instant,  six 
companies  of  light  infantry,  and  a hundred  grenadiers,  embarked  in  flat-boats, 
and  landed  on  Pbipps’  Farm,  (the  Cerberus  frigate  covering  the  descent,)  a 
piece  of  land  which,  at  high  tide,  is  an  island  ; it  lies  directly  under  Mount 
Pisgah,  where  the  enemy  have  a very  strong  redoubt ; they  threw  several  shot 
at  our  people,  who  brought  off  some  cattle,  and  returned  to  camp  without 
having  a man  hurt.  Immediately  on  the  embarkation  of  our  troops,  the 
enemy  came  on  to  the  farm  in  great  numbers,  and  boldly  fired  with  small 
arms  after  the  boats  ; the  Cerberus  threw  some  shot  amongst  them,  which, 
by  the  information  of  deserters  since  come  in,  killed  seven  and  wounded 
eleven  ” 


THE  NANCY  STORE  SHIP. 


269 


allowed,”  the  Essex  Gazette  states,  “ to  be  the  most  perfect 
piece  of  fortification  that  the  American  army  has  constructed 
daring  the  present  campaign,  and  on  the  day  of  its  comple- 
tion was  named  Putnam’s  impregnable  fortress.”  W ashing- 
ton  could  account  for  the  inactivity  of  the  enemy  only  by 
supposing  that  he  was  meditating  some  important  enter- 
prise.1 

The  commander-in-chief  regarded  his  position,  at  this  time, 
as  extremely  critical.  “ Our  situation,”  he  writes,  November 
28,  “is  truly  alarming;  and  of  this  General  Howe  is  well 
apprized,  it  being  the  common  topic  of  conversation  when  the 
people  left  Boston  last  Friday.  No  doubt,  when  he  is  rein- 
forced, he  will  avail  himself  of  the  information.”  Washing- 
ton made  the  best  disposition  he  was  able  for  a defence.  He 
described  the  additional  works  thrown  up  this  month  as  fol- 
lows: “I  have  caused  two  half-moon  batteries  to  be  thrown 
up  for  occasional  use,  between  Lechmere’s  Point  and  the 
mouth  of  Cambridge  River,  and  another  work  at  the  causey 
going  to  Lechmere’s  Point,  to  command  that  pass,'  and  rake 
the  little  rivulet  that  runs  by  it  to  Patterson’s  Fort.  Besides 
these,  I have  been  and  marked  out  three  places  between  Sew- 
all’s  Point  and  our  lines  on  Roxbury  Neck,  for  works  to  be 
thrown  up,  and  occasionally  manned,  in  case  of  a sortie  when 
the  bay  gets  froze.” 

In  November,  the  American;  armed  vessels,  which  had 
caused  Washington  much  perplexity,  met  with  various  suc- 
cess. The  Fowey  man-of-war  captured  the  Washington, 
Captain  Martindale.  On  the  other  hand,  several  British  ves- 
sels were  brought  into  Salem  and  Beverly,  and  the  month 
closed  amid  great  exultations  at  the  capture  of  the  British 
ordnance  brig  Nancy,  by  Captain  Manly,  commander  of  the 
Lee.  She  was  carried  into  Cape  Ann.  So  complete  was  the 
assortment  of  military  stores  on  board  of  her,  that  TV  ashing- 
ton.  on  receiving  the  intelligence,  (November  30,)  was  appre- 
hensive that  the  British  general  would  make  a bold  move- 
ment to  recover  the  ship.  “I  instantly,”  he  wrote,  “upon 

1 Essex  Gazette  ; Heath’s  Memoirs  ; Sparks’  Washington  ; Reed’s  Life, 
vol.  i.,  p 129. 


270 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


receiving  the  account,  ordered  four  companies  down  to  protect 
the  stores,  teams  to  be  impressed  to  remove  them  without 
delay,  and  Colonel  Glover  to  assemble  the  minute-men  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Cape  Ann,  to  secure  the  removal  to  places  of 
safety.”  Among  the  articles  of  this  truly  fortunate  capture, 
were  two  thousand  muskets ; oue  hundred  thousand  dints ; 
thirty  thousand  round  shot,  for  one,  six,  and  twelve  pounders: 
over  thirty  tons  of  musket  shot ; eleven  mortar  beds.  Among 
the  trophies  was  a thirteen  inch  brass  mortar,  weighing  2700 
pounds.  A letter  of  Colonel  Moylan  describes  the  joy  of  the 
camp  when  the  stores  arrived.  He  says:  “ Such  universal 
joy  ran  through  the  whole  camp  as  if  each  grasped  victory  in 
his  hand  ; to  crown  the  glorious  scene,  there  intervened  one 
truly  ludicrous,  which  was  Old  Put  (General  Putnam)  mount- 
ed on  the  large  mortar,  which  was  fixed  in  its  bed  for  the 
occasion,  with  a bottle  of  rum  in  his  hand,  standing  parson  to 
christen,  while  god-father  Mifflin  gave  it  the  name  of  Con- 
gress. The  huzzas  on  the  occasion,  I dare  say,  were  heard 
through  all  the  territories  of  our  most  gracious  sovereign  in 
this  province.”  1 

Washington,  in  December,  in  spite  of  a severe  spell  of  cold 
weather,  and  a heavy  fall  of  snow,  built  strong  works  at  Lech- 
mere’s  Point.  He  commenced  planting  a bomb-battery  here  on 
the  night  of  Nov.  29th,  and  the  next  day  the  party  came  off 
without  being  interrupted.  This  work  was  prosecuted  several 
days,  without  a gun  being  fired  by  the  enemy.  Washington 
says,  Dec.  15,  that  he  was  “ unable,  upon  any  principle  what- 
ever, to  account  for  their  silence,  unless  it  be  to  lull  us  into  a 
fatal  security,  to  favor  some  attempt  they  may  have  in  view 
about  the  time  the  great  change  they  expect  will  take  place 
the  last  of  this  month.  If  this  be  their  drift,  they  deceive 
themselves,  for,  if  possible,  it  has  increased  my  vigilance,  and 
induced  me  to  fortify  all  the  avenues  to  our  camps,  to  guard 
against  any  approaches  upon  the  ice.”  At  no  time  during 

1 A British  account,  after  mentioning'  the  capture  of  the  Nancy,  says  : 
“ Several  other  vessels  have  been  surprised  by  their  insignificant  bomb-boats. 
I trust  it  will  not  last,  and  that  they  will  pay  dear  for  all  in  the  spring. 
Indeed,  I make  no  doubt  of  it,  if  the  force  intended  arrives  early  enough  to 
act.” 


i 


lechmere’s  point  fortified. 


271 


the  siege,  perhaps,  was  the  expectation  more  generally  enter- 
tained in  the  army  of  an  assault  from  the  enemy  than  during 
the  progress  of  this  work.  “ Not  an  officer  in  the  army,” 
wrote  Washington,  “but  looks  for  an  attack.”  On  the  12t'n 
he  commenced  a causeway  over  the  marsh  leading  to  Lech- 
mere's  Point,  and  carried  a covered  way  (16th)  nearly  to  the 
top  of  the  hill.  Then  a detachment  of  three  hundred  men, 
under  General  Putnam,  (17th,)  broke  ground  near  the  water- 
side, within  half  a mile  of  a British  man-of-war.  The  morn- 
ing was  foggy,  and  the  party  at  work  was  not  discovered 
until  about  noon,  when  the  ship  began  to  cannonade  with 
round  and  grape  shot,  and  a battery  at  Barton’s  Point,  with 
twenty-four-pounders  and  mortars.  A soldier  was  wounded, 
and  the  party  was  driven  from  the  works.  On  the  next  morn- 
ing Captain  Smith,  of  the  artillery,  played  an  eighteen-pounder 
from  Cobble  Hill  upon  the  vessel  with  such  effect  that  she 
weighed  anchor  and  dropped  down  below  the  ferry  ; and  Gen- 
eral Heath,  being  ordered  to  prosecute  the  work  begun  by 
General  Putnam,  went  on  to  the  hill  with  another  detachment. 
Notwithstanding  a renewed  cannonade  from  the  enemy’s 
batteries,  he  continued  to  labor  with  efficiency  and  success. 
Shells  fell,  burst,  and  covered  the  party  with  dirt,  and  one 
broke  in  the  air  about  seventy  feet  above  it.  The  men  in 
the  works  were  ordered,  when  sentinels  cried  “Ashot,”  to 
settle  down,  and  not  leave  their  places.  The  British  could 
see  this  manoeuvre  from  their  batteries.  One  of  the  command- 
ers of  the  artillery  is  said  to  have  told  the  general  that  the  fire 
did  no  good,  and  advised  its  discontinuance,  as  it  only  inured 
the  Americans  to  danger.  The  fire  ceased  in  the  afternoon, 
when  Washington,  and  other  officers,  visited  the  hill.  The 
works,  during  several  successive  days,  continued  to  be  pros- 
ecuted, though  under  a severe  discharge  of  shot  and  shells 
from  the  enemy,  — some  of  which  were  fired  from  Bunker 
Hill.  Two  redoubts  were  thrown  up,  one  of  them  intended 
for  a mortar  ; and  a covered  line  of  communication  was  built 
along  the  causeway,  quite  up  to  the  redoubts.1  This  position 

’Heath’s  Memoirs;  Letters  of  1775.  This  battery  much  annoyed’ the 
British.  Their  letters  have  much  to  say  about  it.  One,  Dec.  31,  says: 
“ If  the  rebels  can  complete  the  new  battery  which  they  are  raising,  this 

23* 


272 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


was  regarded  as  highly  important  in  case  of  an  attack  on  the 
British.  “ It  will  he  possible,”  wrote  Colonel  Moylan,  “ to 
bombard  Boston  from  Lechmere’s  Point.  Give  us  powder 
and  authority,  (for  that,  you  know,  we  want,  as  well  as  the 
other.)  I say  give  us  these,  and  Boston  can  be  set  in  flames.” 

An  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  on  the  2Sth,  at  night,  to 
surprise  the  British  outposts  on  Charlestown  Neck.  The 
party  attempted  to  cross  on  the  ice  from  Cobble  Hill,  but,  on 
reaching  the  channel  of  the  river,  one  of  the  men  slipped 
down,  and  his  piece  went  off.  This  alarmed  the  British,  and 
the  detachment  returned.1 

During  this  month  Capt.  Manly  made  more  captures,  and 
his  praise  was  in  every  mouth.  One  vessel  was  from  Glas- 
gow, loaded  with  coals  and  dry  goods.  Colonel  Moylan 
writes  : “ There  were  a vast  number  of  letters,  and  what  is 
really  extraordinary,  not  one  that  does  not  breathe  enmity, 
death,  and  destruction,  to  this  fair  land.”  Had  all  the  cap- 
tains appointed  by  Washington  been  as  successful  as  Manly 
in  cruising  near  Boston,  the  consequences  to  the  British  must 
have  been  far  more  serious.  Broughton  and  Selman,  this 
month,  returned  from  the  St.  Lawrence.  They  were  unfor- 
tunate in  their  supply  of  provisions,  and  in  the  character  of 
their  warfare.  Other  captains  were  unfit  for  their  duties.  In 
consequence,  the  Americans,  in  the  latter  part  of  December 
and  former  part  of  January,  heard  of  vessels  constantly  arriv- 

town  will  be  on  fire  about  our  ears  a few  hours  after,  — all  our  buildings 
being  of  wood,  or  a mixture  of  brick  and  woodwork.  Had  the  rebels  erected 
their  battery  on  the  other  side  of  the  town,  at  Dorchester,  the  admiral  and  all 
his  booms  would  have  made  the  first  blaze,  and  the  burning  of  the  town 
would  have  followed.  If  we  cannot  destroy  the  rebel  battery  by  our  guns, 
we  must  march  out  and  take  it  sword  in  hand.” 

1 Dec.  25.  — “ Some  persons  have  been  so  curious  as  to  note  the  number 
of  men  killed  by  the  firings  of  the  enemy  on  Cambridge  side  of  the  Ameri- 
can lines,  and  on  the  Roxbury,  as  also  the  number  and  nature  of  their  firings. 
The  account  stands  thus  : From  the  burning  of  Charlestown  to  this  day, 
the  enemy  have  fired  upwards  of  2000  shot  and  shells,  — an  equal  number 
of  twenty-four-pounders  with  any  other  sort.  They  threw  more  than  300 
bombs  at  Ploughed  Hill,  and  100  at  Lechmere’s  Point.  By  the  whole  firing 
on  Cambridge  side  they  killed  only  seven,  and  on  Roxbury  side  just  a dozen.” 
— Gordon’s  History,  vol.  I.,  p.  429. 


THE  CONNECTICUT  TROOPS. 


273 


ing  at  Boston,  — some  of  which  might  have  been  intercepted. 
However,  in  a short  time,  the  sea  swarmed  with  public  vessels 
and  privateers  from  several  of  the  colonies.  They  often  made 
successful  cruises,  and  British  commerce  suffered  severely 
from  their  enterprise. 

Washington  suffered  intense  anxiety,  during  this  month,  on 
account  of  the  threatened  desertion  of  a large  part  of  his  com- 
mand. The  Connecticut  troops  demanded  a bounty,  and 
because  it  was  refused,  they  became  mutinous ; and,  deaf  to 
the  entreaties  of  their  officers,  regardless  of  the  contempt  with 
which  their  own  government  threatened  to  treat  them  on  their 
return,  they  resolved  to  quit  the  lines  on  the  6th  of  December. 
A convention,  composed  of  a committee  of  the  General  Court 
and  of  officers  of  the  army,  assembled  at  head-quarters  to 
devise  measures  to  meet  the  crisis.  It  was  determined  to  call 
in  three  thousand  of  the  minute-men  of  Massachusetts,  and 
two  thousand  from  New  Hampshire,  to  be  in  camp  December 
10th,  when  the  time  of  most  of  the  Connecticut  troops  would 
be  out.  This  was  communicated  to  these  troops,  and  they 
were  ordered  to  remain  until  this  date.  “Notwithstanding 
this,”  Washington  wrote  (Dec.  2)  to  Governor  Trumbull, 
“ yesterday  morning  most  of  them  resolved  to  leave  the  camp ; 
many  went  off,  and  the  utmost  vigilance  and  industry  were 
used  to  apprehend  them ; several  got  away  with  their  arms 
and  ammunition.”  This  conduct  called  forth  the  severest 
condemnation  in  the  army,  and  met  with  a prompt  rebuke 
from  the  patriotic  people  of  Connecticut. 

Massachusetts  met  the  call  made  upon  it  with  its  accus- 
tomed patriotism,  and  with  uncommon  promptness.  General 
Sullivan,  in  a letter  dated  November  30,  in  urging  upon  the 
New  Hampshire  committee  of  safety  an  early  compliance 
with  the  requisition  of  Washington,  said:  “I  hope  the  eager 
speed  with  which  the  New  Hampshire  forces  will  march  to 
take  possession  of  and  defend  our  lines  will  evince  to  the 
world  their  love  of  liberty  and  regard  to  their  country.  As 
you  find  the  business  requires  much  infinite  haste,  I must 
entreat  you  not  to  give  sleep  to  your  eyes  nor  slumber  to  your 
eyelids  till  the  troops  are  on  their  march.”  The  alacrity 
with  which  both  of  these  colonies  responded  to  this  call,  and 


274 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


the  good  conduct  of  the  militia  after  their  arrival  in  the  camp, 
proved  extremely  gratifying  to  Washington.  The  number 
called  for  was  nearly  all  at  the  lines  at  the  appointed  time. 
On  the  18th  of  December  General  Greene  wrote:  “The  Con- 
necticut troops  are  gone  home  ; the  militia  from  this  province 
and  New  Hampshire  are  come  in  to  take  their  places.  Upon 
this  occasion  they  have  discovered  a zeal  that  does  them  the 
highest  honor.  New  Hampshire  behaves  nobly.” 

In  consequence  of  this  ardor  in  the  cause,  Washington  began 
to  feel,  so  far  as  men  were  concerned,  under  no  apprehensions 
of  an  attack.  The  letters  from  camp  are  in  a more  cheerful 
vein.  One,  Dec.  13,  says  : “ I have  the  satisfaction  to  tell  you 
things  wear  a better  complexion  here  than  they  have  done  for 
some  time  past.  The  army  is  filling  up.  The  barracks  go 
on  well.  Firewood  comes  in.  The  soldiers  are  made  com- 
fortable and  easy.  Our  privateers  meet  with  success  in  bring- 
ing in  vessels  that  were  going  to  the  relief  of  Boston.”  Gen- 
eral Greene  writes,  (18th,)  “The  army  is  filling  up.  I think 
the  prospect  is  better  than  it  has  been.  Recruits  come  in  out 
of  the  country  plentifully,  and  the  soldiers  in  the  army  begin 
to  show  a better  disposition,  and  to  recruit  cheerfully.”  The 
army  was  much  elated  and  encouraged  also  by  news  of  the 
success  of  the  Americans  in  Canada. 

A visiter  (Dec.  20)  gave  the  following  sketch  of  the  Ameri- 
can camp  : — “ About  two  months  ago  I viewed  the  camps  at 
Roxbury  and  Cambridge.  The  lines  of  both  are  impreg- 
nable; with  forts  (many  of  which  are  bomb-proof)  and  re- 
doubts, supposing  them  to  be  all  in  a direction,  are  about 
twenty  miles ; the  breastworks  of  a proper  height,  and  in 
many  places  seventeen  feet  in  thickness ; the  trenches  wide 
and  deep  in  proportion,  before  which  lay  forked  impediments; 
and  many  of  the  forts,  in  every  respect,  are  perfectly  ready 
for  battle.  The  whole,  in  a word,  the  admiration  of  every 
spectator : for  verily  their  fortifications  appear  to  be  the  works 
of  seven  years,  instead  of  about  as  many  months.  At  these 
camps  are  about  twenty  thousand  men.  The  generals  and 
other  officers,  in  all  their  military  undertakings,  solid,  discreet, 
and  courageous ; the  men  daily  raving  for  action,  and  seem- 
ingly void  of  fear.  There  are  many  floating  batteries,  and 


THE  AMERICAN  CAMP. 


275 


bateaux  in  abundance ; besides  this  strength,  ten  thousand 
militia  are  ordered  in  that  government,  to  appear  on  the  first 
sumrpons.  Provisions  and  money  there  are  very  plenty,  and 
the  soldiers  faithfully  paid.  The  army  in  great  order,  and 
very  healthy,  and  about  six  weeks  ago  lodged  in  comfortable 
barracks.  Chaplains  constantly  attend  the  camps,  morning 
and  night ; prayers  are  often  offered  up  for  peace  and  recon- 
ciliation, and  the  soldiers  very  attentive.  The  roads  at  the 
time  I viewed  the  camps  were  almost  lined  with  spectators, 
and  thousands  with  me  can  declare  the  above,  respecting  the 
camps,  to  be  a just  description.” 

The  army  was  well  supplied  with  provisions.  A general 
order,  December  24,  1775,  directed  the  rations  to  be  delivered 
in  the  following  manner  : — 

Corned  beef  and  pork,  four  days  in  a week. 

Salt  fish  one  day,  and  fresh  beef  two  days. 

As  milk  cannot  be  procured  during  the  winter  season,  the 
men  are  to  have  one  pound  and  a half  of  beef,  or  eighteen 
ounces  of  pork,  per  day. 

Half  pint  of  rice,  or  a pint  of  Indian  meal,  per  week. 

One  quart  of  spruce  beer  per  day,  or  nine  gallons  of  molas- 
ses to  one  hundred  men  per  week. 

Six  pounds  of  candles  to  one  hundred  men  per  week,  for 
guards. 

Six  ounces  of  butter,  or  nine  ounces  of  hog’s  lard,  per 
week. 

Three  pints  of  peas  or  beans  per  man  per  week,  or  vege- 
tables equivalent,  — allowing  six  shillings  per  bushel  for  beans 
or  peas,  two  and  eight-pence  a bushel  for  onions,  one  and 
four-pence  per  bushel  for  potatoes  and  turnips. 

One  pound  of  flour  per  man  each  day ; hard  bread  to  be 
dealt  out  one  day  in  the  week,  in  lieu  of  flour. 

The  army,  however,  had  suffered  much  for  want  of  fire- 
wood and  hay.  The  Massachusetts  Assembly  endeavored  to 
relieve  this  suffering,  by  calling  on  the  towns  within  twenty 
miles  of  Boston  to  furnish  specific  quantities  at  stated  times, 
according  to  the  population  of  each  town,  and  its  distance 
from  camp.  A committee  was  authorized  also  to  procure 
wood  from  such  woodlands  as  it  thought  proper,  even  without 


276 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


the  consent  of  the  owner,  a reasonable  price  being  paid  for  it. 
This  energetic  procedure,  after  a time,  procured  a sufficient 
supply.  General  Greene,  December  31,  wrote  as  follows:  — 
“YVe  have  suffered  prodigiously  for  want  of  wood.  Many 
regiments  have  been  obliged  to  eat  their  provision  raw,  for 
want  of  fuel  to  cook  it;  and  notwithstanding  we  have  burnt 
up  all  the  fences,  and  cut  down  all  the  trees,  for  a mile  round 
the  camp,  our  sufferings  have  been  inconceivable.  The  bar- 
racks have  been  greatly  delayed  for  want  of  stuff.  Many  of 
the  troops  are  yet  in  their  tents,  and  will  be  for  some  time, 
especially  the  officers.  The  fatigues  of  the  campaign,  the 
suffering  for  want  of  food  and  clothing,  have  made  a multi- 
tude of  soldiers  heartily  sick  of  service.”  1 

In  England,  in  the  mean  time,  the  intelligence  from  Boston, 
official  and  private,  occasioned  severe  animadversions  'on  the 
inactivity  of  the  troops,  and  on  the  conduct  of  the  ministry. 
The  debates  in  Parliament,  in  October  and  November,  abound 
with  allusions  to  the  army.  “They”  — (the  Americans) 
exclaimed  Burke,  Nov.  1 — coop  it  up,  besiege  it,  destroy  it, 
crush  it.  Your  officers  are  swept  off  by  their  rifles,  if  they 
show  their  noses.”  “ They  burn  even  the  light-house”  — said 
Colonel  Barre — “under  the  nose  of  the  fleet,  and  carry  off  the 
men  sent  to  repair  it.”  Its  alarming  sickness,  its  want  of 
fresh  provisions,  the  insults  heaped  upon  it  by  the  daring 
enterprise  of  the  Americans,  were  dwelt  upon  with  no  little 
effect.  The  ministers  quailed  under  such  heavy  blows.  To 
relieve  themselves  of  the  grave  charge  of  neglect,  they  re- 
solved to  send  immense  quantities  of  stores  to  Boston,  and 
purchased,  among  other  articles,  five  thousand  oxen,  fourteen 
thousand  sheep,  a vast  number  of  hogs,  ten  thousand  butts 
of  beer,  five  thousand  chaldrons  of  coal,  and  even  fagots,  for 
fuel.  A few  items  show  the  enormous  expense  that  was 

1 Accounts  of  the  weak  state  of  the  American  army  were  frequently  pub- 
lished in  the  British  papers.  One  of  them  says  : “ The  provincial  troops 
before  Boston  are  in  want  of  clothing  and  firing  to  a degree  scarcely  to  be 
credited,  and  must  break  up  their  camp  before  winter,  but  will  probably 
attempt  a coup  de  main.  They  have  burnt  all  the  fruit-trees  and  those 
planted  for  ornament  in  the  environs  of  Cambridge,  and  are  mutinous  beyond 

5? 


measure. 


SUPPLIES  FROM  ENGLAND. 


277 


incurred  to  support,  at  such  a distance,  an  unnatural  war  in  a 
land  of  plenty.  Twenty-two  thousand  pounds  were  paid  for 
vegetables,  casks  and  vinegar;  nearly  as  much  for  hay, 
oats,  and  beans;  half  a million  was  paid  for  corn,  flour, 
and  salted  provisions.  So  great  was  the  demand  for  trans- 
ports that  it  raised  the  price  of  tonnage,  which  served  to  swell 
the  cost.  From  various  causes,  the  vessels  chartered  to  freight 
these  supplies  delayed  their  day  of  sailing  until  late  in  the 
season.  Then  contrary  winds  detained  them,  tempests  tossed 
them  about,  many  foundered  at  sea,  the  British  Channel  was 
strewed  with  the  floating  carcasses  of  the  dead  animals,  and 
a great  portion  of  the  vegetables  fermented  and  perished.  Of 
the  transports  that  got  clear  of  the  coasts,  some  were  driven  to 
the  West  Indies,  and  others  were  taken  by  the  American  pri- 
vateers ; so  that,  after  all  the  vast  labor  and  expense,  but  an 
inconsiderable  portion  of  the  supplies  reached  the  place  of 
destination.1 

The  representations  made  to  the  British  ministry  elicited 
instructions  to  General  Howe  to  move  to  New  York  or  to  the 
south,  unless  an  alteration  for  the  better  took  place.  There 
he  might  supply  his  troops  with  provisions,  and  by  a sudden 
enterprise,  if  not  subdue,  at  least  strike  terror  to  the  rebellious 
colonies.  “The  situation  of  the  troops,”  — Lord  Dartmouth 
wrote,  September  5th.  in  a letter  received  November  9th, — 
“cooped  up  in  a town,  exposed  to  insult  and  annoyance,  if  not 
to  surprise,  from  more  places  than  one,  deprived  of  the  comforts 

1 Annual  Register,  1775-6 ; Register  of  Debates ; London  Chronicle 
General  Gage,  on  his  return,  had  given  the  ministry  information  as  to  things 
in  Boston  more  flattering  than  “ exact.”  Thus  the  London  Chronicle  of 
Nov.  18,  1775,  says : “ The  accounts  given  by  General  Gage  of  the  army 
in  Boston  are  much  more  favorable  than  were  expected  ; the  utmost  harmony 
subsists  among  all  ranks  of  it.  The  numbers  in  the  hospitals  have  been  daily 
decreasing  for  these  two  months  ; from  which  time  fresh  provisions  have  been 
very  plenty  there.  On  the  other  hand,  the  provincials  become  every  day 
more  dissatisfied,  being  much  distressed  for  want  of  proper  clothing  to  defend 
them  from  the  inclemency  of  the  season.”  It  was  stated  that  three'  hundred 
of  the  soldiers  wounded  at  Bunker  Hill  had  recovered  and  resumed  their  places 
in  their  respective  regiments.  There  is  much  matter  about  Gage  in  the  jour- 
nals. One  says  : “ We  hear  that  General  Gage,  on  his  arrival  in  England, 
is  to  be  created  Lord  Lexington,  Baron  of  Bunker  Hill.” 


278 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


and  necessaries  of  life,  wasting  away  by  disease  and  desertion 
faster  than  we  can  recruit,  and  no  longer  either  the  objects  of 
terror  or  cause  of  distress  to  the  rebels,  is  truly  alarming.” 
The  removal  before  winter,  therefore,  was  regarded  not  only 
as  advisable  but  as  necessary.  The  British  general,  however, 
could  not  remove  without  hazard,  nor  remain  without  suffer- 
ing; and  he  was  obliged  to  write,  in  reply,  (November  26,) 
that  his  majesty’s  intentions  could  not  be  carried  into  execu- 
tion. He  had  not  tonnage  enough,  were  all  the  vessels  in  the 
port,  by  eleven  thousand  tons,  to  go  at  one  embarkation,  and 
he  dared  not  weaken  his  army  by  division.  Nor  would  his 
force  allow  him  to  undertake  any  enterprise  of  consequence  to 
the  service.  On  the  27th  General  Howe  wrote  another  long 
letter  describing  the  state  of  the  army,  and  accompanied  it 
with  tables  of  statistics  of  the  quantity  of  stores  on  hand,  and 
the  quantity  that  would  be  wanted  for  the  spring  campaign.1 
At  this  time  he  began  to  entertain  apprehensions  of  a serious 
deficiency  of  provisions ; and  after  the  capture  of  the  Nancy, 
and  of  other  store-ships,  his  advices  betray  his  alarm.  He 
apprized  Lord  Dartmouth  (December  2d)  of  the  state  of  his 
supplies,  of  some  of  the  captures,  and  of  the  uncertainty  of 
the  arrival  of  the  transports  ordered  to  Boston.  On  the  13th, 
he  sent  by  the  Tartar  intelligence  of  the  capture  of  other  ves- 
sels, loaded  with  every  kind  of  woollen  goods  and  articles 
necessary  for  clothing,  and  expressed  ‘ very  alarming  appre- 
hensions” respecting  the  supply  of  provision;  “especially,” 
he  remarked,  “as  demands  for  this  article  are  increased  from 
the  transports,  provisions  for  seamen  being  expended  from  the 
pressing  wants  of  useful  persons,  who  must  be  supported  for 
their  services;  and  of  many  others,  who  have  ever  been 

1 General  Howe,  November  27,  1775,  states  the  number  of  horses,  cattle 
and  sheep,  as  follows  : Light  dragoons,  234  horses  ; generals  and  officers, 
160  horses ; royal  artillery,  200  horses  ; deputy  quartermaster-general,  80 
horses  ; 100  cattle  ; 400  sheep.  Total  — 674  horses,  100  cattle,  400  sheep. 

An  account,  Dec.  2d,  says:  — “ Ships,  &c.,  at  Boston,  — Boyne,  70  guns  ; 
Preston,  50  ; Phoenix,  40  ; Lively,  20  ; Scarborough,  20  ; Empress  of  Rus- 
sia, 20,  — for  the  lighthouse  ; Raven,  16  ; Scimetar,  14  ; Viper,  10  ; George, 
10  ; Spitfire,  8 ; Cruizer,  8 ; Hope,  (schooner,)  6 ; three  small  tenders,  4 guns 
each;  Custom-house  schooner,  4 ; Job  Williams,  (a  Tory,)  master.” 


ENLISTMENT  OF  LOYALISTS. 


279 


attached  to  government.”  In  consequence  of  “ rebel  priva- 
teers infesting  the  bay,”  he  suggested  that  in  future  supplies 
should  be  sent  out  “in  ships-of-war,  without  their  lower  deck 
guns,  or  in  sufficient  force  to  defend  themselves  against  these 
pirates.” 

At  this  period  General  Howe  endeavored  to  enlist  the  loyal- 
ists in  the  service  of  the  army.  In  this  he  was  successful.  A 
general  order  (November  17)  alludes  to  three  companies,  as 
follows:  “Many  of  his  majesty’s  loyal  American  subjects 
residing  in  Boston,  with  their  adherents,  having  offered  their 
service  for  the  defence  of  the  place,  the  commander-in-chief 
has  ordered  them  to  be  armed,  and  formed  into  three  compa- 
nies, under  the  command  of  the  Honorable  Brigadier-general 
Timothy  Ruggles,  to  be  called  the  Loyal  American  Associators. 
They  will  be  distinguished  by  a white  sash  round  the  left  arm. 
Honorable  Timothy  Ruggles  commandant.”  Another  order 
(December  7th)  states,  that  “Some  Irish  merchants  residing 
in  town,  with  their  adherents,  having  offered  their  service  for 
the  defence  of  the  place,”  they  were  armed,  and  formed  into  a 
company  called  “Loyal  Irish  Volunteers,”  and  distinguished 
by  a white  cockade.  James  Forrest  was  appointed  the  cap- 
tain, and  their  duty  was  to  mount  guard  every  evening. 
Another  order  (December  9th)  names  the  Royal  Fencible 
Americans,  — Colonel  Gorham’s  corps.  A letter  from  him 
states,  that  “he  had  already  got  three  hundred,  most  of  whom 
were  Europeans,  who  have  deserted  from  the  corps  of  rifle- 
men.” Many  deserters  from  the  Americans  were  riflemen, 
but  this  must  have  been  an  exaggerated  statement.  I have 
met  with  no  account  as  to  the  number  of  the  loyalists  of  Bos- 
ton who  joined  the  British  ranks. 

In  consequence  of  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  things  began  to 
wear  a sombre  aspect  in  Boston.  A proclamation  issued  by 
General  Howe  (November  6th)  indicates  his  apprehensions, 
and  the  distress  of  the  citizens  even  in  November.  It  com- 
menced as  follows : “Whereas  the  present  and  approaching 
distresses  of  many  of  the  inhabitants  in  the  town  of  Boston. 
from  the  scarcity  and  high  prices  of  provisions,  fuel,  and 
other  necessary  articles  of  life,  can  only  be  avoided  by  permit- 
ting them  to  go  where  they  may  hope  to  procure  easier  means 
24 


280 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


of  subsistence.”  Inhabitants  who  wished  to  leave  town  were 
requested  to  leave  their  names  with  the  town  major  before 
twelve  o’clock,  on  the  ninth  instant.  During  this  month 
several  regiments  in  Boston  struck  their  tents,  and  went  into 
the  houses  allotted  to  them.  Some  of  the  meeting-houses 
were  converted  into  barracks. 

The  army  in  December1  suffered  much  for  want  of  the 
necessaries  of  life,  food,  clothing,  and  fuel.  A few  store-ships 
from  England  got  in,  but  furnished  but  a small  portion  of  the 
supplies  that  were  needed  and  were  expected.  To  add  to  the 
distress,  winter  set  in  with  uncommon  severity.  Before  the 
barracks  were  ready  on  Bunker  Hill,  for  the  winter  garrison, 
the  troops  encountered  cutting  winds  and  driving  snows. 
These  troops,  at  length,  (11th  and  12th,)  struck  their  tents. 
Lieutenant-col.  Agnew,  with  seven  hundred  men,  was  left  in 
“ the  three  redoubts  erected  on  the  heights.”  General  Clin- 
ton, with  the  remainder,  moved  into  Boston.  There  are  long 
descriptions  of  the  sufferings  of  the  troops  and  inhabitants  at 
this  period.  One  account  (December  14)  says:  “The  dis- 
tress of  the  troops  and  inhabitants  in  Boston  is  great  beyond 
all  possible  description.  Neither  vegetables,  flour,  nor  pulse 
for  the  inhabitants ; and  the  king’s  stores  so  very  short,  none 
can  be  spared  from  them ; no  fuel,  and  the  winter  set  in 
remarkably  severe.  The  troops  and  inhabitants  absolutely 
and  literally  starving  for  want  of  provisions  and  fire.  Even 
salt  provision  is  fifteen  pence  sterling  per  pound.”  The 
small-pox  broke  out,  and  spread  alarm  through  the  troops, 
who  were  generally  inoculated.  The  British  commanders 
considered  this  disease  alone  as  a sufficient  protection  against 
an  assault  from  their  antagonists.2 

1 On  the  5th  the  Boyne  sailed  for  England,  with  General  Burgoyne  on 
board.  A London  paper,  Dec.  30,  says  : “ Yesterday  morning  the  Generals 
Gage  and  Borgoyne,  the  Earl  Dartmouth,  and  Lord  George  Germaine,  went 
to  the  queen’s  house,  and  had  a conference  witli  his  majesty  for  upwards  of 
two  hours,  on  which  account  his  majesty  did  not  ride  out  to  take  the  air.” 

2 The  following  is  from  the  newspaper  printed  in  Boston: — “Boston, 
December  14,  1775.  Last  Thursday  a piratical  brig,  with  ten  carriage-guns 
and  seventy-five  men,  fitted  out  at  Plymouth,  and  commanded  by  one  Mar- 
tingale, was  taken  by  the  Foway  man-of-war  and  brought  in  here.  The 
prisoners  we  have  are  to  be  sent  to  England  in  the  Tartar,  which  sails  this 


SUFFERING  IN  BOSTON. 


281 


Plundering,  also,  — if  the  numerous  cases  of  discipline  of 
this  period  be  a fair  criterion  to  judge  from, — kept  pace  with 
the  increase  of  suffering,  and  seemed  almost  to  bid  defiance  to 
the  efforts  made  to  stop  it.  General  Howe  had  every  motive 
to  check  licentiousness,  to  respect  private  property,  and  to 
preserve  order ; and  he  dealt  with  merciless  severity  with 
cases  of  robbery  by  house-breaking.  Some  of  the  offenders 
were  hung;  some  were  sentenced  to  receive  four  hundred, 
some  six  hundred,  some  one  thousand,  lashes  on  the  bare 
back  with  a cat-o’-nine-tails.  This  discipline  was  extended 
to  receivers  of  stolen  goods.  In  one  case,  the  wife  of  one  of  the 
privates,  convicted  of  this  offence,  was  sentenced  “ to  receive 
one  hundred  lashes  on  her  bare  back,  with  a cat-o’-nine-tails, 
at  the  cart’s  tail,  in  different  portions  of  the  most  conspicuous 
parts  of  the  town,  and  to  be  imprisoned  three  months.”  The 
instances  of  discipline,  while  they  confirm  the  contemporary 
relations  of  robbery  and  licentiousness,  prove  that  they  are 
unjust  in  ascribing  them  to  the  disposition  or  to  the  policy  of 
the  British  commander. 

The  want  most  easily  supplied  was  that  of  fuel,  and  this 
was  obtained  by  demolishing  the  poorest  of  the  buildings. 
The  “useless  houses”  in  Charlestown  — so  an  order  terms  the 
few  that  escaped  the  general  conflagration — were  the  first  that 
were  directed  to  be  pulled  down.  They  were  divided  into 
lots,  and  portions  were  assigned  to  each  regiment.  In  Boston, 

day.  Several  other  ships,  likewise,  sail  this  day  for  England,  two  of  which 
carry  the  officers  of  the  18th  and  59th  regiments. 

“ It  is  currently  reported  that  the  Continental  Congress  have  declared  the 
colonies  in  a state  of  independency. 

“We  are  informed  that  there  is  now  getting  up  at  the  theatre,  and  will  be 
performed  in  the  course  of  a fortnight,  a new  farce,  called  the  Blockade  of 
Boston.” 

In  copying  this,  an  American  editor  remarks  : “ It  is  more  probable,  before 
that  time,  the  poor  wretches  will  be  presented  with  a tragedy  called  the 
Bombardment  of  Boston.” 

In  the  London  Chronicle  of  Dec.  2 is  the  following  : “ General  Burgoyne 
has  opened  a theatrical  campaign,  of  which  himself  is  sole  manager,  being 
determined  to  act  with  the  provincials  on  the  defensive  only.  Tom  Thumb 
has  been  already  represented,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  provincials  are 
preparing  to  exhibit  early  in  the  spring  Measure  for  Measure.” 


2S2 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


so  scanty  was  the  supply  dealt  out,  that  the  soldiers,  notwith- 
standing severe  prohibitions,  demolished  houses  and  fences, 
without  waiting  for  orders.  The  evil  became  so  great,  that 
General  Howe  (December  5th)  directed  “the  provost  to  go 
his  rounds,  attended  by  the  executioner,  with  orders  to  hang 
up  on  the  spot  the  first  man  he  should  detect  in  the  fact, 
without  waiting  for  further  proof  for  trial.”  No  supply  hav- 
ing arrived,  an  order  was  issued  (14th)  authorizing  working 
parties  to  take  down  the  Old  North  Church  and  one  hundred 
old  wooden  houses. 

Boston,  at  this  period,  presented  its  most  deplorable  aspect. 
Hostile  cannon  were  planted  on  its  hills  and  lawns,  and  an 
insolent  soldiery  sat  around  its  hearth-stones,  or  used  its 
buildings  for  fuel,  or  wantoned  in  its  temples  of  worship. 
Faneuil  Hall  was  a play-house,  where  the  efforts  of  the 
sons  of  liberty  were  turned  into  ridicule.  Its  patriot  popula- 
tion, exposed  to  the  ill-treatment  of  the  army  and  to  the 
espionage  of  its  adherents,  in  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life, 
and  cut  off  from  relief  which  friends  would  gladly  have 
extended,  were  obliged  to  endure  the  severest  trials.  The 
pursuits  of  commerce  and  of  the  mechanic  arts,  the  freedom  of 
the  press,  of  speech  and  of  public  meetings,  the  courts,  the 
churches  and  the  schools,  were  all  interrupted.  Even  the 
air  was  filled  with  unwelcome  noise,  as  the  morning  aud 
evening  guns  sounded  from  Beacon  Hill,  or  as  the  relief 
guards  marched  with  their  music  to  perform  their  stated 
duties.  In  a word,  Boston  under  rigid  martial  law  was  like 
a prison,  and  it  is  not  strange  that  the  inhabitants  who  sided 
with  the  patriots  longed  to  leave  a place  so  filled  with  hated 
sights  and  sounds,  and  to  breathe,  although  in  poverty  and 
exile,  the  free  air  of  the  surrounding  hills.  Necessity  obliged 
General  Howe  to  promote  their  departure,  and  hundreds  were 
permitted  to  go  in  boats  to  Point  Shirly,  whence  they  dis- 
persed into  the  country.1 

1 Watertown,  Nov.  27.  “ On  Friday  last  General  Howe  sent  three  hundred 
men,  women,  and  children,  poor  of  the  town  of  Boston,  over  to  Chelsea, 
without  anything  to  subsist  on,  at  this  inclement  season  of  the  year,  having, 
it  is  reported,  only  six  cattle  left  in  the  town  for  Shubael  Hewes,  butcher 
master-general,  to  kill.” — Newspaper. 


THE  AMERICAN  ARMY 


283 


CHAPTER  XII. 

The  American  Army.  Knowlton’s  Expedition.  The  British  receive  Sup- 
plies. Dorchester  Heights  occupied.  Boston  evacuated. 

The  first  day  of  the  memorable  year  of  seventeen  hundred 
and  seventy-six  was  the  day  which  gave  being  to  the  new 
continental  army.  On  this  occasion  the  Union  Flag  of  the 
Thirteen  Stripes  was  hoisted  in  compliment  to  the  Thirteen 
United  Colonies.1  On  this  day  the  king’s  speech  at  the  open- 

1 It  has  been  stated  (p.  103)  that  the  New  England  troops  marched  to  the 
field  under  their  colony  flags,  and  that  (p.  262)  the  pine-tree  flag  of  Massachu- 
setts was  on  the  floating  batteries,  and  was  carried  by  the  colonial  vessels. 
Another  flag  is  alluded  to  in  1775,  called  “ The  Union  Flag.”  The  notice 
in  the  text  is  the  first  time  I have  met  with  it  in  the  camp.  British  observers 
in  Boston  occasionally  mention  the  colors  of  the  flags  in  the  American  camp  ; 
sometimes  they  describe  them  to  be  “ wholly  red,”  sometimes  to  be  “ blue 
streamers,”  sometimes  as  having  on  them  the  motto  “ An  appeal  to  Heaven.” 
Washington  (Jan.  4)  states  the  fact  in  the  text,  and  that  it  was  raised  in 
compliment  to  the  United  Colonies.  Also,  that  without  knowing  or  intending 
it,  it  gave  great  joy. to  the  enemy,  as  it  was  regarded  as  a response  to  the 
king’s  speech.  The  Annual  Register  (1776)  says  the  Americans,  so  great  was 
their  rage  and  indignation,  burnt  the  speech,  and  “ changed  their  colors  from  a 
plain  red  ground,  which  they  had  hitherto  used,  to  a flag  with  thirteen  stripes, 
as  a symbol  of  the  number  and  union  of  the  colonies.”  Lieut.  Carter,  how- 
ever, is  a still  better  authority  for  the  device  on  the  union  flag.  He  was  on 
Charlestown  Heights,  and  says,  January  26  : “The  king’s  speech  was  sent 
by  a flag  to  them  on  the  1st  instant.  In  a short  time  after  they  received  it, 
they  hoisted  an  union  flag  (above  the  continental  with  the  thirteen  stripes)  at 
Mount  Pisgah  ; their  citadel  fired  thirteen  guns,  and  gave  the  like  number  of 
cheers.”  This  union  flag  also  was  hoisted  at  Philadelphia  in  February, 
when  the  American  fleet  sailed  under  Admiral  Hopkins.  A letter  says  it 
sailed  “ amidst  the  acclamations  of  thousands  assembled  on  the  joyful  occa- 
sion, under  the  display  of  a union  flag,  with  thirteen  stripes  in  the  field, 
emblematical  of  the  thirteen  united  colonies.” 

There  was,  in  1775,  another  flag,  at  the  south,  the  device  of  which  is 
described  as  being  “ a snake  with  thirteen  rattles,  the  fourteenth  budding, 
described  in  the  attitude  of  going  to  strike,  with  the  motto  ‘ Don’t  tread  on 
me.’  ” This  is  said  to  have  been  the  flag  raised  by  the  Alfred,  and  to  have 

24* 


284 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


ing  of  Parliament  was  received  in  the  camp.  It  declared 
that  the  “rebellious  war”  was  “manifestly  carried  on  for  the 
purpose  of  establishing  an  independent  empire.”  It  announced 
that  the  spirit  of  the  British  nation  was  too  high,  and  its 
resources  were  too  numerous,  to  give  up  so  many  colonies, 
which  it  had  planted  with  great  industry,  nursed  with  great 
tenderness,  and  protected  with  “much  expense  of  blood  and 
treasure.”  It  had  become  the  part  of  wisdom  and  clemency 
to  put  a speedy  end  to  the  disorders  in  America  by  the  most 
decisive  exertions.  Hence  the  navy  had  been  increased,  the 
land  forces  had  been  augmented,  and  negotiations  had  been 
commenced  for  foreign  aid. 

The  king’s  language  was  rather  calculated  to  nurture  the 
idea  of  independence  than  to  crush  it.  “ He  breathes  revenge, 
and  threatens  us  with  destruction,”  wrote  General  Greene. 
“America  must  raise  an  empire  of  permanent  duration,  sup- 
ported upon  the  grand  pillars  of  truth,  freedom,  and  religion, 
based  upon  justice,  and  defended  by  her  own  patriotic  sons.” 
“Permit  me,”  he  says  to  a member  of  Congress,  (January  4,) 
“ to  recommend,  from  the  sincerity  of  my  heart,  ready  at  all 
times  to  bleed  in  my  country’s  cause,  a declaration  of  inde- 
pendence ; and  call  upon  the  world,  and  the  great  God  whc 
governs  it,  to  witness  the  necessity,  propriety,  and  rectitude 
thereof.”  Such  were  the  sentiments,  and  such  was  the  spirit, 
that  continued  to  pervade  the  American  camp.  Such  was 
American  resolution,  when  it  was  proclaimed  that  the  Cossack 
and  the  Hessian  were  to  be  hired  to  crush  American  liberty. 

The  army,  on  this  day,  was  weaker  than  at  any  other 
time  during  the  siege.  The  changes  that  took  place  in  it 
necessarily  caused  great  confusion.  Thousands  of  the  old 
regiments  were  hurrying  home,  and  many  with  open  feelings 

been  carried  by  the  Alliance,  under  Paul  Jones,  when  she  dashed  through  a 
British  fleet  of  twenty-one  sail,  and  made  her  escape.  Some  accounts  repre- 
sent this  to  have  been  the  flag  of  the  American  fleet  in  1776.  Probably  this 
device  was  confined  to  a colony. 

The  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  April  29,  1776,  ordered  the  naval  flag 
of  the  colony  to  be  a white  flag,  with  a green  pine-tree,  and  an  inscription, 
“ Appeal  to  Heaven.” 

The  present  national  colors  were  adopted  by  Congress  in  1777. 


RESOLVE  OF  CONGRESS. 


2S5 


of  discontent.  A large  number  had  brought  into  the  field 
their  own  fire-arms.  Owing  to  the  scarcity  of  this  article, 
they  were  ordered  to  be  prized  by  inspectors,  paid  for  accord- 
ingly, and  retained  for  service.  Some  of  the  soldiers,  dissatis- 
fied with  the  value  affixed  to  their  property,  regarded  this 
measure  as  unjust  and  tyrannical,  and  hence,  though  neces- 
sary, it  occasioned  great  difficulty.  From  these  circumstances, 
and  from  others,  this  season  was  one  of  keen  anxiety  to  the 
commander-in-chief.  He  alluded  with  great  force  to  his  posi- 
tion, in  a long  and  eloquent  general  order  of  this  date,  and 
urged  on  the  troops  a strict  attention  to  discipline.  “ When 
everything  dear  to  freemen  was  at  stake,”  he  enjoined  them 
to  acquire  the  knowledge  and  conduct  necessary  in  war. 
“An  army  without  order,  regularity,  or  discipline,”  he  re- 
marked, “ is  no  better  than  a commissioned  mob.”  At  length 
this  critical  period  was  successfully  passed.  “Search  the  vol- 
umes of  history  through,”  — he  wrote,  January  4th,  — “ and 
I much  question  whether  a case  similar  to  ours  is  to  be  found; 
namely,  to  maintain  a post  against  the  flower  of  the  British 
troops  for  six  months  together,  without  powder,  and  then  to 
have  one  army  disbanded,  and  another  to  be  raised,  within 
the  same  distance  of  a reinforced  army.  It  is  too  much  to 
attempt.”  General  Greene,  the  same  day,  wrote  : “We  have 
just  experienced  the  inconveniences  of  disbanding  an  army 
within  cannon-shot  of  the  enemy,  and  forming  a new  one  in 
its  stead.  An  instance  never  before  known.  Had  the  enemy 
been  fully  acquainted  with  our  condition.  I cannot  pretend  to 
say  what  might  have  been  the  consequence.” 

And  yet,  weak  as  the  army  was,  scantily  supplied  as  it  was 
with  arms,  with  powder,  and  even  with  the  necessary  com- 
forts of  life,  the  country  was  looking  to  see  it  expel  the  British 
forces  from  Boston.  It  was  in  the  midst  of  the  confusion  of 
the  new  year  that  Washington  received  a resolution  of  Con- 
gress, passed  December  22,  after  long  and  serious  debate, 
authorizing  him  to  make  an  assault  upon  the  troops  “in  any 
manner  he  might  think  expedient,  notwithstanding  the  town, 
and  property  in  it,  might  be  destroyed.”  It  was  in  communi- 
cating this  resolve  that  President  Hancock,  who  had  a large 
property  in  Boston,  wrote  : “ May  God  crown  your  attempt 


286 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


with  success.  1 most  heartily  wish  it,  though  I may  be  the 
greatest  sufferer.”  Anxious  to  meet  the  expectations  of  Con- 
gress, and  of  the  country,1  Washington,  January  16,  again 
submitted  the  question  of  an  attack  to  a council  of  war,  with 
the  declaration,  that,  in  his  judgment,  it  was  “indispensably 
necessary  to  make  a bold  attempt  to  conquer  the  ministerial 
troops  in  Boston  before  they  could  be  reinforced  in  the  spring, 
if  the  means  should  be  provided,  and  a favorable  opportunity 
should  offer.”  Hon.  John  Adams  and  Hon.  James  Warren 
took  part  in  this  council,  and  it  was  unanimously  agreed  that 
a vigorous  attempt  ought  to  be  made  on  Boston  as  soon  as  it 
was  practicable.  The  present  force,  however,  was  inadequate 
to  such  an  enterprise ; and  the  council  advised  Washington  to 
make  a requisition  on  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  and 
Connecticut,  for  thirteen  regiments  of  militia,  to  be  at  Cam- 
bridge by  the  first  of  February,  and  to  remain  until  the  last 
of  March.  Congress  approved  of  this  measure  of  calling  out 
the  militia,  and  resolved  that  Washington,  in  doing  it,  exhib- 
ited “a  further  manifestation  of  his  commendable  zeal  for  the 
good  of  his  country.”  In  writing  to  that  body  on  the  24th, 
he  remarked:  “No  man  upon  earth  wishes  more  ardently 
to  destroy  the  nest  in  Boston  than  I do;  no  person  would  be 
willing  to  go  greater  lengths  than  I shall  to  accomplish  it,  if 
it  shall  be  thought  advisable.  But  if  we  have  neither  powder 
to  bombard  with,  nor  ice  to  pass  on,  we  shall  be  in  no  better 
situation  than  we  have  been  in  all  the  year  ; we  shall  be 
worse,  because  their  works  are  stronger.” 

1 Washington,  Jan.  14,  wrote  : “ The  reflection  upon  my  situation,  and 
that  of  tliis  army,  produces  many  an  uneasy  hour,  when  all  around  me  are 
wrapped  in  sleep.  Few  people  know  the  predicament  we  are  in,  on  a thou- 
sand accounts  ; fewer  still  will  believe,  if  any  disaster  happens  to  these  lines, 
from  what  cause  it  flows.  I have  often  thought  how  much  happier  I should 
have  been,  if,  instead  of  accepting  of  a command  under  such  circumstances,  I 
had  taken  my  musket  upon  my  shoulder  and  entered  the  ranks  ; or,  if  I could 
have  justified  the  measure  to  posterity  and  my  own  conscience,  had  retired 
to  the  back  country,  and  lived  in  a wigwam.  If  I shall  he  able  to  rise  supe- 
rior to  these,  and  many  other  difficulties  which  might  be  enumerated,  I shall 
most  religiously  believe  that  the  finger  of  Providence  is  in  it,  to  blind  the 
eyes  of  our  enemies  ; for  surely,  if  we  get  well  through  this  month,  it  must 
be  for  want  of  their  knowing  the  disadvantages  we  labor  under.” 


knowlton’s  enterprise. 


287 


Washington,  at  this  time,  received  intelligence  of  the  re- 
verses in  Canada,  in  the  repulse  and  death  of  General  Mont- 
gomery. A council  (Jan.  1G)  considered  the  critical  affairs 
in  that  quarter,  and  resolved  that  in  the  feeble  state  of  the 
army  before  Boston  it  was  not  expedient  to  detach  any  force 
from  these  lines  to  Canada,  but  that  three  regiments  of  the 
thirteen  called  for  should  be  directed  to  march  with  all 
possible  expedition  to  reinforce  General  Schuyler.  Of  this 
requisition  of  thirteen  regiments,  seven  were  apportioned  to 
Massachusetts,  four  to  Connecticut,  and  two  to  New  Hamp- 
shire, to  serve  until  April  1,  if  required.  In  writing  to  these 
governments,  (Jan.  16,)  Washington  urgently  solicited  their 
attention  as  to  arms,  ammunition,  blankets,  kettles,  clothing, 
as  “from  his  amazing  deficiency”  in  the  camp,  it  was  not  in 
his  power  to  supply  them. 

No  enterprise  of  importance  took  place  this  month,  except 
a daring  attempt  on  Charlestown.  A few  houses  (fourteen) 
along  the  Main-street,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Bunker  Hill 
tavern,  or  Mill-street,  had  escaped  the  general  conflagration 
and  the  demolition  for  fuel,  and  were  now  used  by  the  British. 
General  Putnam  detached  (Jan.  8th)  a party  of  about  two 
hundred  men,  under  the  command  of  Major  Knowlton,  aided 
by  Brigade-majors  Henly  and  Cary,  to  destroy  these  houses, 
and  bring  off  the  guard  stationed  in  them.  About  nine  o'clock 
in  the  evening  the  party  crossed  the  mill-dam  from  Cobble 
Hill.  Major  Cary  was  directed  to  proceed  to  the  houses 
furthest  from  the  dam,  and  set  fire  to  them ; while  another 
party,  under  Major  Henly,  was  ordered  to  wait  until  this  was 
done,  and  then  set  fire  to  those  nearest  to  it.  But  some  of  the 
party  set  fire  to  the  latter  first.  The  flames  gave  the  alarm 
to  the  enemy  on  Bunker  Hill.  Guns  were  immediately  dis- 
charged from  every  quarter  of  the  fort,  indicating  the  confu- 
sion of  the  defenders,  and  affording  no  little  amusement  to 
General  Putnam  and  his  staff,  who  were  spectators  of  the 
affair  from  Cobble  Hill.  Nor  was  this  the  only  alarm.  The 
attack  was  made  in  the  midst  of  the  performance,  in  Boston, 
of  the  British  play,  entitled  “The  Blockade  of  Boston,”  in 
which  the  figure  designed  to  burlesque  Washington  enters  in 
an  uncouth  gait,  with  a large  wig,  a long  rusty  sword,  attended 


288 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


by  a country  servant  with  a rusty  gun.  A sergeant  suddenly 
appeared,  and  exclaimed,  “The  Yankees  are  attacking  our 
works  on  Bunker  Hill !”  At  first  this  was  supposed  by  the 
audience  to  be  a part  of  the  diversion  ; but  when  General 
Howe  called  out  “Officers  to  your  alarm  posts!”  the  people 
dispersed,  amidst  fainting  and  shrieking  among  the  females. 
Major  Knowlton  burnt  eight  of  the  houses,  killed  one  man, 
who  made  resistance,  and  brought  off  five  prisoners,  without 
sustaining  any  damage.  Majors  Knowlton,  Cary,  and  Henly, 
were  much  praised  for  their  good  conduct  on  this  occasion, 
and  were  thanked  in  the  general  orders  of  the  next  day.1 

This  month  several  captures  were  made  by  the  armed  ves- 

1 January  9.  — Parol,  Knowlton  ; Countersign,  Charlestown.  The  gen- 
eral thanks  Major  Knowlton,  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  were  under 
his  command  last  night,  for  the  spirit,  conduct,  and  secrecy,  with  which  they 
burnt  the  houses  near  the  enemy's  works  upon  Bunker’s  Hill.  The  general 
was  in  a more  particular  manner  pleased  with  the  resolution  the  party  dis- 
covered, in  not  firing  a shot,  as  nothing  betrays  greater  signs  of  fear,  and  less 
of  the  soldier,  than  to  begin  a loose,  undirected,  and  unmeaning  fire,  from 
whence  no  good  can  result,  nor  any  valuable  purposes  answered. 

A British  letter  gives  the  following  account  of  this  affair  : — “Boston, 
Jan.  29.  — The  rebels  have  been  very  quiet  ever  since  I arrived.  They 
gave  a small  alarm  about  a fortnight  ago,  which  occasioned  a little  confusion, 
but  was  soon  over.  The  officers  have  fitted  up  a play-house,  and  some  of 
them  had  wrote  a farce,  called  the  Blockade  of  Boston.  The  first  night  it 
was  to  be  acted  the  house  was  very  full.  The  play  being  over,  the  curtain 
was  hauled  up  for  the  entertainment  to  begin,  when  a sergeant  came  in  and 
told  the  officers  the  alarm-guns  were  fired  at  Charlestown,  which  made  no 
small  stir  in  the  house,  every  one  endeavoring  to  get  out  as  fast  as  possible  ; 
and  immediately  we  heard  a pretty  smart  firing  of  small  arms.  It  being 
dark,  and  the  rascals  making  a great  huzzaing,  I did  not  know  what  to  make 
of  it  at  first ; but  it  was  soon  over,  so  that  I went  quietly  to  sleep  about  eleven 
o’clock,  and  next  morning  found  all  the  mischief  had  been  done  was  three  or 
four  men  taken,  who  had  been  among  the  old  ruins  of  Charlestown,  a mill 
burnt  down,  and  the  company  disappointed  of  their  entertainment.” 

Another  letter  states  that  “ The  Busy  Body  ” had  been  performed,  and  the 
play  of  the  Blockade  was  about  to  be  commenced,  when  a sergeant  repre- 
sented the  “ burning  of  two  or  three  old  houses  ” as  a general  attack  on  Bos- 
ton. “ But  it  is  very  evident  the  rebels  possess  a sufficiency  of  what  Falstaff 
terms  the  better  part  of  valor,  to  prevent  their  making  an  attempt  that  must 
inevitably  end  in  their  own  destruction.”  This  play  was  again  announced, 
“ with  the  tragedy  of  Tamerlane.”  Sometimes  play-bills  were  sent  out 
directed  to  Washington  and  the  other  general  officers. 


WASHINGTON  IN  FEBRUARY. 


289 


sels.  Washington  (January  31)  writes:  “Our  commodore, 
Manly,  has  just  taken  two  ships,  from  Whitehaven  to  Bos- 
ton, with  coal  and  potatoes,  and  sent  them  into  Plymouth,  and 
fought  a tender  close  by  the  light-house,  where  the  vessels 
were  taken,  long  enough  to  give  his  prizes  time  to  get  off ; in 
short,  till  she  thought  best  to  quit  the  combat,  and  he  to  move 
off  from  the  men-of-war,  which  were  spectators  of  this 
scene.” 

Through  the  month  of  February,  also,  no  enterprise  of 
importance  was  undertaken.  A few  British  soldiers  (1st) 
began  to  pull  down  the  old  tide-mills  in  Charlestown,  but  a 
few  shot  from  Cobble  Hill  dispersed  them ; and  a party  of 
Americans  (8th)  went  from  Winter  Hill  and  burnt  them. 
Several  cows  were  near  the  British  outposts  at  Charlestown 
Neck,  when  a party  (5th)  drove  them  in.  This  brought  on  a 
brisk  fire  of  cannon  and  musketry.  A party  of  the  British 
from  the  castle,  and  another  from  Boston,  several  hundred 
grenadiers  and  light-infantry,  crossed  over  (14th)  to  Dorches- 
ter Neck,  to  surprise  the  American  guard  there,  seventy  in 
number,  and  nearly  succeeded.  The  guard  barely  escaped. 
The  houses  were  burned,  and  two  persons  were  captured. 
Three  British  sentinels  were  captured  on  Boston  Neck  (23d) 
without  a gun  being  fired.  The  works  at  Lechmere’s  Point 
were  strengthened,  and  heavy  cannon  and  a mortar  were 
planted.  Another  mortar  was  placed  at  Lamb’s  Dam.  Dis- 
cipline was  rigidly  enforced.  “Our  life  in  camp,”  Lieutenant 
Shaw  writes,  (Feb.  14,)  “is  confined.  The  officem  are  not 
allowed  to  visit  Cambridge,  without  leave  from  the  command- 
ing officer,  and  we  are  kept  pretty  closely  to  our  duty.  The 
drum  beats  at  daybreak,  when  all  hands  turn  out  to  man  the 
lines.  Here  we  stay  till  sunrise,  and  then  all  are  marched  off 
to  prayers.  We  exercise  twice  a day,  and  every  fourth  day 
take  our  turns  on  guard.  Opinions  are  various  whether  Bos- 
ton is  to  be  attacked  or  not.  I think  it  a difficult  question  to 
answer.  However,  if  it  should  be  judged  expedient  to  do  it, 
I hope  our  troops  will  act  with  sufficient  resolution  to  com- 
mand success.”  1 

Though  Washington  was  heartily  tired  of  his  forced  inac- 
1 Shaw’s  Journal,  p.  8. 


290 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


tivity,  yet  such  was  his  weakness  that  he  was  obliged,  for  a 
season,  to  continue  it.  On  tire  9th  of  February  he  stated  that 
two  thousand  of  his  men  were  without  firelocks,  and  that  he 
was  obliged  to  conceal  the  state  of  his  army  even  from  his 
own  officers.  And  yet  the  public  continued  impatient  for  the 
long-expected  attack  on  Boston.  On  the  10th  he  wrote  : “ I 
know  that  much  is  expected  of  me.  I know  that  without 
men,  without  arms,  without  ammunition,  without  anything  fit 
for  the  accommodation  of  a soldier,  little  is  to  be  done.”  1 A 
feeling  of  conscious  integrity  sustained  the  American  com- 
mander on  this  trying  occasion.  In  a few  days  things  wore  a 
more  favorable  aspect.  Ten  regiments  of  the  neighboring 
militia  arrived  in  camp,  large  supplies  of  ammunition  were 
received,  and  Washington  once  more  felt  like  pressing  offen- 
sive measures.  At  a council  of  general  officers,  held  Febru- 
ary 16,  1776,  Washington  represented  that  when  the  new 
regiments  were  all  in  from  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire, 
and  Connecticut,  if  complete,  they  would  amount  to  7280  men  ; 
that  the  regiments  in  camp  amounted  to  8797  men  fit  for 
duty,  besides  officers,  and  1405  men  on  command  which 
might- be  ordered  to  join  their  respective  regiments  immedi- 
ately ; while,  from  the  best  intelligence  that  could  be  obtained 
from  Boston,  the  strength  of  the  British  army  did  not  much 
exceed  5000  men  fit  for  duty.  He  asked  their  opinion  in  rela- 
tion to  a general  assault,  while  the  bays  were  partly  frozen, 

1 Washington,  in  one  of  his  familiar  letters  to  Joseph  Reed,  dated  Febru- 
ary 10,  1776,  writes  as  follows  of  an  assault : “ I observe  what  you  say  in 

respect  to  the  ardor  of  chimney-corner  heroes.  I am  glad  their  zeal  is  in 
some  measure  abated,  because,  if  circumstances  will  not  permit  us  to  make 
an  attempt  upon  B.,  or  if  it  should  be  made  and  fail,  we  shall  not  appear 
altogether  so  culpable.  I entertain  the  same  opinion  of  the  attempt  now 
which  I have  ever  done.  I believe  an  assault  will  be  attended  with  consider- 
able loss  ; and  I believe  it  would  succeed,  if  the  men  should  behave  well  ; 
without  it,  unless  there  is  equal  bad  behavior  on  the  other  side,  we  cannot. 
As  to  an  attack  upon  B.  Hill,  (unless  it  could  be  carried  by  surprise,)  the  loss, 
I conceive,  would  be  greater  in  proportion  than  at  Boston  ; and  if  a defeat 
should  follow  would  be  discouraging  to  the  men,  but  highly  animating  if 
crowned  with  success.  Great  good  or  great  evil  would  result  from  it,  — it  is 
quite  a different  thing  to  what  you  left,  being  by  odds  the  strongest  fortress 
they  possess,  both  in  rear  and  front.” 


THE  AMERICAN  ARMY. 


291 


and  before  the  British  should  receive  their  expected  reinforce- 
ment. The  council  were  of  opinion  that  an  assault  was 
improper,  on  account  of  the  inadequate  state  of  the  army  as 
it  respected  men,  arms,  and  powder.  They  estimated  the 
British  troops,  including  new-raised  corps  and  armed  Tories, 
at  a much  larger  number  than  5000.  They  were  furnished 
with  artillery,  were  doubly  officered,  were  protected  by  a fleet, 
and  possessed  of  every  advantage  the  situation  of  the  place 
afforded.  They  resolved,  however,  that  a cannonade  and 
bombardment  of  Boston  would  be  advisable,  as  soon  as  a suf- 
ficient supply  of  powder  was  received,  and  not  before  ; 1 and 
that  in  the  mean  time  preparations  should  be  made  to  take 
possession  of  Dorchester  Hill,  with  a view  of  drawing  out  the 


1 January  24,  1776. — The  general  ordered  the  regiments  to  be  brigaded 
in  the  following  manner  : — 

Brigadier-general  Thomas’  brigade,  — Learned’s,  Joseph  Reed’s,  Whit- 
comb's, Ward's,  and  Bailey’s  regiments. 

Brigadier-general  Spencer’s  brigade,  — Parsons’,  Huntington’s,  Webb’s, 
and  Wyllys’  regiments. 

Brigadier-general  Greene’s  brigade,  — Yarnum’s,  Hitchcock’s,  Little’s, 
and  Bond’s  regiments. 

Brigadier-general  Heath's  brigade, — Prescott’s,  Sergeant’s,  Phinney’s, 
Greaton’s,  and  Baldwin's  regiments. 

Brigadier-general  Sullivan’s  brigade,  — James  Reed’s,  Nixon’s,  Stark’s, 
and  Poor’s  regiments. 

Brigadier-general brigade,  — Glover’s,  Patterson’s,  Arnold’s, 

and  Hutchinson's  regiments. 

The  troops  were  accommodated  in  barracks  this  winter,  as  follows  : — 


At  Prospect  Hill,  ....... 

At  different  places,  — Number  One,  Inman’s  House,  &c., 
At  Roxbury,  ........ 

At  Dorchester,  

At  Sewall’s  Point,  ....... 

At  Cambridge  Barracks, 

At  Winter  Hill,  

In  the  College,  . 

In  the  New  College,  ....... 

In  the  Old  College, 

North  Chapel, 


3464 

3460 

3795 

814 

400 

640 

3380 

640 

640 

240 

160 


17633 

Exclusive  of  the  private  houses  in  Cambridge.  ' 

25 


292 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


enemy ; and  also  of  Noddle’s  Island,  if  the  situation  of  the 
water,  and  other  circumstances,  would  admit  of  it. 

This  decision  of  the  council  of  war  did  not  change  Wash- 
ington’s belief  in  the  feasibility  of  a successful  assault.  The 
ice  was  strong  enough  to  bear  the  troops,  the  works  were 
sufficiently  advanced  to  cover  them,  and  the  army  were  eager 
for  action.  He  at  no  time  felt  more  keenly  his  position. 
“To  have  the  eyes  of  a whole  continent,”  he  wrote  to  Con- 
gress, February  18,  1776,  “ fixed  with  anxious  expectation  of 
hearing  some  great  event,  and  to  be  restrained  in  every  mili- 
tary operation,  for  want  of  the  necessary  means  to  carry  it  on, 
is  not  very  pleasing,  especially  as  th-e  means  used  to  conceal 
my  weakness  from  the  enemy  conceal  it  also  from  our  friends, 
and  add  to  their  wonder.” 

The  British  general  continued  inactive  during  the  winter. 
Admiral  Shuldham  arrived  (Dec.  30th)  to  succeed  Admiral 
Graves  in  the  command  of  the  fleet,  and  reinforcements  also 
arrived.  There  had  been  serious  differences  between  Howe 
and  Graves.  Much  of  the  suffering  endured  by  the  army  was 
charged  to  the  want  of  vigilance  and  enterprise  of  the  admiral 
in  not  protecting  the  store-ships.  In  the  month  of  January 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and  a small  fleet,  sailed  from  Boston  on  a 
secret  expedition.  Washington  supposed  the  object  of  it  was 
to  take  possession  of  New  York,  and  he  ordered  General  Lee 
(Jan.  8th)  to  proceed  there  and  put  the  city  in  the  best  pos- 
ture of  defence  that  circumstances  would  permit.  But  Clin- 
ton’s object  was  North  Carolina.  It  was  an  expedition 
planned  by  the  ministry  at  the  solicitation  of  Governor  Martin. 
The  orders  for  the  conduct  of  it  were  of  a savage  character.1 
But  it  proved  a signal  failure;  as  did  most  of  the  expeditions, 

1 Lord  Dartmouth  gave  General  Howe  minute  instructions  relative  to  this 
expedition,  in  a letter  dated  October  22.  He  had  been  assured  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  southern  colonies  would  join  the  king’s  army.  If  deceived 
in  this,  Clinton  was  directed  to  gain  possession  “ of  some  respectable  post  to 
the  southward,”  from  which  “ the  rebels  might  be  annoyed  by  sudden  and 
unexpected  attacks  of  their  towns  upon  the  sea-coast  during  open  winter.” 
These  attacks  Dartmouth  thought  “ might  be  made  very  distressing”  to  the 
Americans,  and  would  be  no  inconsiderable  advantage  to  the  British.  Clin- 
ton was  positively  ordered  to  “ destroy  any  towns”  that  refused  submission. 


howe’s  views  of  the  war. 


293 


Sparks  writes,  “ undertaken  at  the  suggestion  of  the  colonial 
governors  and  zealous  partisans  of  the  crown,  whose  wishes 
and  hopes  betrayed  them  into  a deplorable  ignorance  of  the 
state  of  the  country  and  character  of  the  people.”  1 

General  Howe,  in  a long  despatch,  (January  16,)  gave  his 
views  of  the  present  and  future  operations  of  the  army.  He 
intimated  a doubt  of  the  success  of  the  southern  expedition, 
and  of  the  policy  of  making  drains  from  his  main  army. 
With  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men,  having  twelve  thou- 
sand at  New  York,  six  thousand  at  Rhode  Island,  and  two 
thousand  at  Halifax,  exclusive  of  the  force  destined  for  Quebec, 
a different  aspect  might  be  put  upon  affairs  at  the  end  of  the 
ensuing  campaign.  “With  fewer  troops,”  he  says,  “ the  suc- 
cess of  any  offensive  operations  will  be  very  doubtful.”  Nor 
was  the  American  army  “ in  any  ways  to  be  despised ;”  for  it 
had  in  it  “ many  European  soldiers,  and  all,  or  most  of  the  young 
men  of  spirit  in  the  country,  who  were  exceedingly  diligent  and 
attentive  in  their  military  profession.”  At  the  conclusion  of 
this  despatch  he  informed  Lord  Dartmouth,  that  “ the  leaders 
of  the  rebels  seemed  determined,  since  the  receipt  of  the  king’s 
speech  among  them,  to  make  the  most  diligent  preparations 
for  an  active  war;”  and  that  it  was  his  firm  opinion  they 
would  not  retract  until  they  had  tried  their  fortune  in  battle 
and  were  defeated. 

In  the  mean  time  things  in  Boston  assumed  a more  cheer- 
ful aspect.  General  Howe,  to  relieve  the  necessities  of  his 
army  and  its  dependents,  sent  vessels  to  Nova  Scotia,  the 
Southern  Colonies,  and  the  West  Indies,  for  supplies.  The 
arrival  of  some  of  them,  laden  with  rice  and  coal,  together 
with  store-ships  from  England,  in  spite  of  the  daring  activity 
of  the  American  privateers,  relieved  for  a season  the  wants  of 
the  troops  and  the  people.  On  the  19th  of  January,  by  a gen- 
eral order,  the  demolition  of  houses  and  wharves  ceased ; the 
tools  in  possession  of  the  regular  working  parties  were  called 
in,  and  the  men  engaged  in  this  business  were  directed  “ to  be 
made  as  clean  and  decent  as  possible  immediately.”2  The 
orderly  books  throughout  the  whole  of  the  siege  bear  evidence 


Sparks’  Washington,  vol.  hi.,  223.  2 British  Orderly  Book. 


294 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


of  the  attention  paid  to  the  looks  of  the  soldiers,  as  well  as  to 
their  discipline,  comfort,  and  health.  When  on  duty  the  men 
were  “ to  appear  decently  dressed  and  accoutred  ;”  none  were 
to  be  sent  to  parade  “ without  having  the  hair  properly  and 
smoothly  clubbed,”  and  none  were  to  appear  under  arms  with 
tobacco  in  their  mouths.  The  officers  were  ordered  to  wear 
sashes  on  duty;  to  be  uniformly  dressed  in  quarter  leggins 
or  boots.  The  marines  wore  short  gaiters,  and  the  roses  were 
to  be  in  front  of  their  hats.  Even  the  shape  of  the  coats  was 
prescribed  in  the  general  orders.  Directions  of  this  sort  ar 
frequent.  An  order  dated  January  13,  1776,  presents  a curi- 
ous picture  of  the  habits  and  appearance  of  the  soldiers. 
- The  commanding  officer  is  surprised  to  find  the  necessity  of 
repeating  orders,  that  long  since  ought  to  have  been  complied 
with,  as  the  men  on  all  duties  appear  in  the  following  man- 
ner; viz., — hair  not  smooth  and  badly  powdered,  several 
without  slings  to  their  firelocks,  hats  not  bound,  pouches  in  a 
shameful  and  dirty  condition,  no  frills  to  their  shirts,  and 
their  linen  very  dirty,  leggins  hanging  in  a slovenly  man- 
ner about  their  knees,  some  men  without  uniform  stocks,  and 
their  arms  and  accoutrements  by  no  means  so  clean  .as  they 
ought  to  be.  These  unsoldier-like  neglects  must  be  immedi- 
ately remedied.” 

General  Howe  felt  secure  in  his  strong-holds.  He  wrote  to 
Lord  Dartmouth,  — “We  are  not  under  the  least  apprehen- 
sion of  an  attack  upon  this  place  from  the  rebels^  by  surprise 
"tmrtf’fSrwise ;”  on  the  contrary,  he  profeifsed  to  "wish  “that 
they  would  attempt  so  rash  a step,  and  quit  those  strong 
intrenchments  to  which  they  may  attribute  their  present 
safety.”  He  had  no  disposition,  however,  to  make  a sally 
out  of  Boston.  The  loyalists  around  him  felt  unbounded 
confidence  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  power  of  Great 
Britain.  A single  illustration  will  show  the  strength  of  this 
feeling.  On  the  10th  of  January,  Crean  Brush,  in  a memorial, 
offered  to  raise  a body  of  volunteers,  of  not  less  than  three 
hundred,  on  the  same  pay  and  gratuity  as  were  received  by 
the  new  raised  Royal  Fencible  Americans;  and  after  “ the  sub- 
duction  of  the  main  body  of  the  rebel  force”  should  have  been 
accomplished,  he  requested  to  be  allowed  an  independent 


DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS. 


295 


command  of  three  hundred  men,  “ to  occupy  the  main  posts  on 
Connecticut  River,  and  open  a line  of  communication  west- 
ward toward  Lake  Champlain,”  — with  such  a force  promis- 
ing to  put  down  symptoms  of  rebellion  in  that  quarter  ! 1 The 
officers  endeavored  to  relieve  the  tedium  of  the  blockade  by 
social  amusements.  “ We  had  a theatre,”  one  of  them  writes, 
“ we  had  balls,  and  there  is  actually  on  foot  a subscription 
for  a masquerade.  England  seems  to  have  forgot  us,  and  we 
endeavored  to  forget  ourselves.”  The  winter,  though  severe 
at  first,  proved  to  be  a mild  one.  “ The  bay  is  open,”  Col. 
Moylan  wrote  from  the  American  camp  in  January  ; — “ every- 
thing thaws  here  except  Old  Put.  He  is  still  as  hard  as  ever, 
crying  out  for  powder  — powder,  — ye  gods,  give  us  powder  ! ” 
The  absence  of  ice  and  want  of  powder  checked  military 
enterprise,  prevented  the  effusion  of  blood,  and  left  the  British 
to  enjoy  in  tranquillity  their  sports.  Though  General  Howe 
had  resolved  to  evacuate  Boston,  yet  he  determined  to  wait 
until  he  had  additional  transports  and  sufficient  provisions 
for  a long  voyage;  and,  also,  until  a favorable  season  should 
arrive.  Then  he  might  withdraw  without  loss,  and  with 
safety  and  honor.  His  policy,  therefore,  was  to  remain  quiet. 

But  Washington’s  operations  suddenly  and  sadly  deranged 
the  plans  of  the  British  commander  In  the  latter  part  of 
February  the  American  army  was  sufficiently  strong  to  Avar- 
rant  e\ren  the  cautious  council  of  war  in  adopting  offensive 
measures.  Colonel  Knox,  with  an  enterprise  and  persever- 
ance that  elicited  the  warmest  commendations,  had  brought 
from  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga,  over  frozen  lakes  and 
almost  impassable  snows,  more  than  fifty  cannon,  mortars, 
and  howitzers ; 2 a supply  of  shells  had  been  procured  from 
the  king’s  store  at  NeAv  York  and  an  ordnance  brig;  and 
even  powder  became  comparatively  plenty  in  the  camp.  The 

1 Mss.  in  Massachusetts  Secretary  of  Stale  Office. 

2 Colonel  Knox  brought  from  Fort  George,  on  forty-two  sleds,  8 brass 
mortars,  6 iron  mortars,  2 iron  howitzers,  13  brass  cannon,  26  iron  cannon, 
2300  lbs.  lead,  and  1 barrel  of  flints.  On  the  17th  of  December,  at  Fort 
George,  he  wrote  to  Washington,  — “I  hope  in  sixteen  or  seventeen  days  to 
present  to  your  excellency  a noble  train  of  artillery,  the  inventory  of  which  1 
have  enclosed.” 


25* 


296 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


works  nearest  Boston  had  been  very  strong.  “We  have,” 
Washington  wrote,  February  26,  “under  many  difficulties, 
on  account  of  hard  frozen  ground,  completed  our  work  on 
Lechmere’s  Point.  We  have  got  some  heavy  pieces  of  ord- 
nance placed  there,  two  platforms  fixed  for  mortars,  and 
everything  for  any  offensive  operation.  Strong  guards  are 
now  mounted  there,  and  at  Cobble  Hill.”  Ten  regiments 
had  come  in  to  strengthen  the  lines.  A day  was  therefore 
fixed  upon  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights.  This,  it 
was  rightly  judged,  would  bring  on  a general  action,  or  would 
force  the  British  army  from  the  metropolis.  Washington,  on 
the  26th,  apprized  the  Council  of  Massachusetts  of  his  inten- 
tion, and  requested  them  to  order  the  militia  of  the  towns 
contiguous  to  Dorchester  and  Roxbury  “ to  repair  to  the  lines 
at  these  places,  with  their  arms,  ammunition,  and  accoutre- 
ments, instantly  upon  a signal  being  given.”  The  Council 
promptly  complied  with  this  requisition.  “I  am  preparing,” 
he  wrote  the  same  day,  “ to  take  post  on  Dorchester  Heights, 
to  try  if  the  enemy  will  be  so  kind  as  to  come  out  to  us.” 
“ I should  think,”  he  wrote  to  Congress  the  same  day,  “if 
anything  will  induce  them  to  hazard  an  engagement,  it  will 
be  our  attempting  to  fortify  these  heights,  as,  on  that  event’s 
taking  place,  we  shall  be  able  to  command  a great  part  of  the 
town,  and  almost  the  whole  harbor,  and  to  make  them  rather 
disagreeable  than  otherwise,  provided  we  can  get  a sufficient 
supply  of  what  we  greatly  want.”  1 

1 Extract  from  general  orders,  February  26,  1776.  “ All  officers,  non 

commissioned  officers,  and  soldiers,  are  positively  forbid  playing  at  cards,  and 
other  games  of  chance.  At  this  time  of  public  distress,  men  may  find 
enough  to  do  in  the  service  of  their  God  and  their  country,  without  abandon- 
ing themselves  to  vice  and  immorality. 

il  As  the  season  is  now  fast  approaching  when  every  man  must  expect  to  be 
drawn  into  the  field  of  action,  it  is  highly  important  that  he  should  prepare 
his  mind,  as  well  as  everything  necessary  for  it.  It  is  a noble  cause  we  are 
engaged  in  ; it  is  the  cause  of  virtue  and  mankind  ; every  temporal  advan- 
tage and  comfort  to  us,  and  our  posterity,  depends  upon  the  vigor  of  our 
exertions ; in  short,  freedom  or  slavery  must  be  the  result  of  our  conduct ; 
there  can,  therefore,  be  no  greater  inducement  to  men  to  behave  well.  But 
it  may  not  be  amiss  for  the  troops  to  know, that,  if  any  man  in  action  shall 
presume  to  skulk,  hide  himself,  or  retreat  from  the  enemy  without  the 


PREPARATIONS  OF  THE  AMERICANS. 


297 


The  American  camp,  in  the  beginning  of  March,  presented 
indications  of  an  approaching  conflict.  Chandeliers,  fascines, 
screwed  hay,  in  large  quantities,  were  collected  for  intrench- 
ing purposes ; two  thousand  bandages  were  prepared  to  dress 
broken  limbs;  forty-five  bateaux,  each  capable  of  carrying 
eighty  men,  and  two  floating  batteries,  were  assembled  in 
Charles  River;  and  the  militia  from  the  neighboring  towns, 
applied  for  by  Washington,  February  26,  were  pouring  into 
the  camp  with  patriotic  alacrity.  Washington  had  deter- 
mined not  only  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights, but, 
should  subsequent  circumstances  warrant  the  enterprise,  to 
make  the  long  purposed  attack  on  Boston. 

This  design  was  kept  a profound  secret,  and  to  divert  the 
attention  of  the  enemy,  a severe  cannonade  and  bombardment, 
on  the  night  of  the  second  of  March,  were  commenced  against 
Boston  from  Cobble  Hill,  Lechmere’s  Point,  and  Lamb’s  Dam, 
Roxbury.  It  shattered  many  houses,  and  one  shot  wounded 
six  men  in  a regimental  guard-house.  The  British  returned 
the  fire  with  spirit,  and  threw  a thirteen-inch  shell  as  far  as 
Prospect  Hill,  but  did  no  essential  damage.  The  Americans, 
in  firing,  burst  two  thirteen-inch  mortars,  — one  of  them  the 
“Congress,”  — and  three  ten-inch  mortars.  They  had  not 
been  properly  bedded.  A similar  cannonade  was  continued 
on  the  night  of  Sunday,  the  third  of  March. 

On  the  night  of  Monday,  March  4th,  the  attention  of  the 
British  was  again  occupied  by  a severe  cannonade.  In 
return  they  fired  shot  and  shells.  But  while  the  occupants 
of  Boston  were  employed  in  their  personal  safety,  and  with 
the  damage  done  to  buildings,  the  American  camp  was  full 
of  activity.  About  seven  o’clock,  General  Thomas,  with 
two  thousand  men,  marched  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester 
Heights.  A covering  party  of  eight  hundred  led  the  way ; 
the  carts  with  the  intrenching  tools  followed ; then  twelve 
hundred  troops,  under  the  immediate  command  of  General 
Thomas;  and  a train  of  three  hundred  carts,  loaded  with 
fascines  and  hay,  brought  up  the  rear.  The  detachment,  mov- 

orders  of  his  commanding  officer,  he  will  be  instantly  shot  down  as  an  exam- 
ple of  cowardice  ; cowards  having  too  frequently  disconcerted  the  best  formed 
troops  by  their  dastardly  behavior.” 


298 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


ing  with  the  greatest  silence,  reached  its  place  of  destination 
about  eight  o’clock.  The  covering  party  then  divided,  — one 
half  proceeding  to  the  point  nearest  Boston,  and  the  other 
half  to  the  point  nearest  to  the  castle, — while  the  working 
party  commenced  labor.  Bundles  of  hay  were  placed  along 
Dorchester  Neck,  on  the  side  next  to  the  enemy,  by  which  the 
carts  passed,  some  of  them  several  times,  during  the  night. 
The  occasion  was  one  of  intense  interest  and  excitement. 
The  moon  shone  brightly,  cannon  and  mortars  sounded  a 
continuous  roar,  and  shells  occasionally  burst  high  in  the 
air.1  At  about  four  in  the  morning,  a relief  party  went  on. 
The  labors  of  the  night,  under  the  direction  of  the  veteran 
Gridley  and  Colonel  Rufus  Putnam,  were  such  that,  ere 
morning  dawned,  two  forts  were  in  sufficient  forwardness 
to  constitute  a good  defence  against  small  arms  and  grape 
shot.  “ Perhaps,”  Heath  writes,  “ there  never  was  so  much 
work  done  in  so  short  a space  of  time.” 

The  day  following,  March  5,  was  memorable  as  the  anni- 
versary of  the  “Boston  Massacre.”  The  British  were  again 
astonished  to  see  the  redoubts  that  had  been  so  quickly  thrown 
up  by  the  Americans,  and  that  loomed  with  so  threatening  an 
aspect  in  the  haze  of  early  dawn.  “The  rebels  have  done 
more  in  one  night  than  my  whole  army  would  have  done  in 
a month,”  is  said  to  have  been  Genera]  Howe’s  remark.  “It 
must  have  been  the  employment  of  at  least  twelve  thousand 
men,”  he  wrote  to  Lord  Dartmouth.  One  of  his  officers 
wrote  : “ They  were  raised  with  an  expedition  equal  to  that 
of  the  Genii  belonging  to  Aladdin’s  Wonderful  Lamp.”  But 
astonishment  soon  gave  way  to  reflection.  These  works 
commanded  both  the  harbor  and  the  town.  Admiral  Shuld- 


1 Report  of  the  number  of  shot  and  shells  fired  into  Boston  on  the  night  of 
the  4th  of  March,  1776  : — 

Lamb’s  Dam.  — Five  13  inch  shells,  six  10  inch  shells — 11 ; forty-two  24 
pound  shot,  thirty-eight  18  pound  shot  — 80. 

Lechmere's  Point.  — Thirty-two  24  pound  shot,  fourteen  18  pound  shot  — 
46.  Two  10  inch  shells. 

Cobble  Hill.  — Eighteen  IS  pound  shot. 

Total,  — 144  shot,  13  shells. 

Henry  Knox,  Colonel  Regiment  Artillery. 


THE  AMERICAN  ARMY. 


299 


ham  was  decided  in  the  opinion  that  the  fleet  could  not  ride  in 
safety  unless  the  Americans  were  dislodged ; and  the  army 
was  as  insecure  as  the  fleet.  There  were  but  two  alterna- 
tives— either  to  evacuate  the  town,  or  to  drive  the  Americans 
from  their  works.  General  Howe  promptly  made  his  deci- 
sion. He  entertained  a high  sense  of  British  honor,  as  well 
as  of  his  own  honor.  He  commanded  a force,  which,  by  loy- 
alists here,  and  by  the  government  at  home,  was  considered 
sufficient  to  look  down  all  opposition  ; and  which,  in  the  char- 
acter of  its  officers,  in  the  disposition  and  ardor  of  the  men, 
and  in  its  powerful  train  of  artillery,  would  be  considered 
respectable  in  any  country,  and  dangerous  by  any  enemy. 
With  such  means  at  command,  to  give  up  the  town  that  had 
been  the  original  cause  of  the  war,  and  the  constant  object  of 
contention  since  its  commencement,  to  a raw  and  despised 
militia,  seemed,  exclusive  of  other  ill  consequences,  a disgrace 
too  great  to  be  borne.1  He  therefore  resolved  to  hazard  much, 
rather  than  to  submit  to  such  an  indignity ; and  so  critical 
was  his  situation,  that  he  determined  to  attack  the  new  works 
with  all  the  force  he  could  bring  to  bear  on  them. 

Accordingly,  twenty-four  hundred  men  were  ordered  to 
embark  in  transports,  rendezvous  at  Castle  William,  and  at 
night  make  an  attack  on  the  works.  The  command  was 
assigned  to  the  brave,  generous,  chivalric  Earl  Percy.  These 
preparations  were  observed  in  the  American  camp. 

It  was  now  a time  of  intense  interest  with  Washington  and 
his  whole  army ; and  the  surrounding  heights  were  again 
filled  with  spectators,  in  the  expectation  of  seeing  the  scenes 
of  Bunker  Hill  acted  over  again.  The  command  of  General 
Thomas,  reinforced  by  two  thousand  men,  was  in  high  spirits, 
and  ready  and  anxious  to  receive  the  enemy.  No  labor  had 
been  spared  to  make  the  works  strong.  The  hills  on  which 
they  were  built  being  steep,  rows  of  barrels,  filled  with  loose 
earth,  were  placed  in  front,  to  be  rolled  down,  and  thus  to 
break  the  attacking  columns.  Washington  came  upon  the 
ground  ; “ Remember  it  is  the  5th  of  March,  and  avenge  the 
death  of  your  brethren,”  he  said,  as  lie  animated  the  troops. 

1 Annual  Register,  1776. 

r 

r 


300 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


He  fully  expected  an  engagement,  and  was  highly  gratified 
with  the  temper  and  resolution  of  his  army. 

Meantime  a fine  detachment  of  four  thousand  chosen  troops 
was  under  parade  at  Cambridge,  near  fort  number  two,  ready 
to  make  an  assault  on  the  British  lines  in  Boston.  This 
detachment  was  arranged  in  two  divisions,  — one  under  Gen- 
eral Sullivan,  and  the  other  under  General  Greene,  and  the 
whole  was  commanded  by  General  Putnam.  On  signals 
being  given,  they  were  to  have  embarked  in  the  boats  near 
the  mouth  of  Charles  River,  and,  under  the  cover  of  three 
floating  batteries,  to  attack  Boston.  The  first  division  was  to 
land  at  the  powder-house,  and  gain  possession  of  Beacon  Hill 
and  Mount  Horam ; the  second  division  was  to  land  at  Bar- 
ton’s Point,  or  a little  south  of  it,  and,  after  securing  that 
post,  join  the  other  division,  force  the  gates  and  works  at  the 
neck,  and  let  in  the  troops  from  Roxbury. 

But  the  two  armies,  thus  ready  and  anxious  for  a conflict 
that  could  not  have  failed  to  have  been  bloody  and  destruc- 
tive, were  not  yet  permitted  to  meet.  In  the  afternoon  the 
wind  blew  furiously,  and  prevented  the  ships  from  reaching 
their  destination  ; and  so  great  was  the  surf  on  the  shore 
where  the  boats  were  to  have  landed,  that  they  could  not  live 
in  it.  The  attempt,  therefore,  became  impracticable.  The 
following  day  the  wfnd  was  boisterous,  and  the  rain  was 
excessive.  The  attack  was  still  further  delayed,  while  the 
Americans  continued  to  strengthen  their  works.  General 
Howe,  at  length,  was  forced  to  abandon  his  plan,  and  the 
troops  returned  to  Boston.  Washington  had  made  arrange- 
ments so  satisfactory  to  himself,  — so  completely  was  every- 
thing working  according  to  his  wishes,  — that  he  could  not 
forbear  lamenting  his  disappointment  at  pot  meeting  the 
enemy.1 

' Gordon  (vol.  n. , p.  39)  states,  that,  at  the  council  of  war  called  to  fix 
upon  the  time  for  taking  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights,  the  Quarter- 
master-general, Colonel  Mifflin,  was  summoned  for  the  first  time.  He  was 
in  favor  of  the  night  of  the  4th,  as  it  would  have  a great  effect,  in  case  of  a 
battle  the  next  day,  to  remind  the  troops  of  the  “ massacre.”  General 
Gates  thought  it  an  improper  time,  and  it  was  carried  for  that  night  by  one 
majority. 


HOWE  S CRITICAL  SITUATION. 


301 


General  Howe’s  situation,  on  the  7th  of  March,  was  per- 
nlexmg  and  critical.  The  fleet  was  unable  to  ride  in  safety 
in  the  harbor.  The  army,  exposed  to  the  mercy  of  the  Ameri- 
can batteries,  not  strong  enough  to  force  the  lines,  was  humil- 
iated and  discontented.  The  loyalists  were  expecting  and 
claiming  the  protection  that  had  been  so  often  guaranteed  to 
them.  In  addition,  the  belief  was  general  that  no  despatches 
had  been  received  from  the  government  since  October. 
“This,”  a British  letter  states,  “could  not  fail  of  making 
everybody  feel  uneasy ; it  looked  as  if  we  were  left  destitute, 
to  get  out  of  a bad  scrape  as  we  liked  best.”  “ The  fleet  and 
army  complain  of  each  other,  and  both  of  the  people  at 
home.”  To  remain  in  Boston  was  to  expose  the  troops  to  the 
greatest  danger ; to  withdraw  from  Boston  would  occasion  a 
severe  loss  of  property.  General  Howe  convened  his  officers 
in  council,  and  made  a speech  so  able  as  to  carry  conviction. 
It  was  determined,  at  whatever  cost,  to  save  the  army ; and 
on  this  eventful  day  of  anxiety  and  alarm  General  Howe 
resolved  to  evacuate  the  town.  The  conclusion  was  a morti- 
fying one.  He  had,  in  letters  to  the  ministry,  scorned  the 
idea  that  he  was  in  danger  from  his  antagonist,  and  wished 
the  “rebels”  would  “attempt  so  rash  a step”  as  to  attack 
him  ; the  “ rebels”  had  no  sooner  placed  themselves  in  a posi- 
tion that  was  equivalent  to  an  attack,  than  he  felt  obliged  to 
quit,  without  an  effort,  the  strong-holds  that  had  so  long  shel- 
tered him.  Nor  was  this  all.  He  had  given  to  the  ministry 
strong  reasons  why  the  army  should  not  move  from  Boston 
until  reinforced  : as  he  was  sailing  out  of  the  harbor  he 
received  the  reply  of  the  ministry,  who  supposed  him  still  at 
his  post,  approving  of  his  resolution  to  remain,  as  an  evacu- 
ation, under  such  circumstances,  would  be  an  unadvisable 
measure  ! 

This  resolution  came  unexpected  to  the  Tories.  “Not  the 

Notwithstanding  the  intense  anxiety  of  this  day,  Rev.  Peter  Thatcher,  of 
Malden,  delivered  at  Watertown  the  customary  oration  in  commemoration  of 
the  massacre,  before  a meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Boston  legally  warned.  It 
was  received  with  universal  approbation.  A committee  was  appointed  to 
thank  the  orator  in  the  name  of  the  town,  and  to  request  a copy  for  the  press. 
Dr.  Cooper  made  the  prayer  on  this  occasion. 


302 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


last  trump,”  Washington  wrote,  “could  have  struck  them 
with  greater  consternation.”  They  were  unprepared  to  see  a 
power  they  regarded  as  invincible  baffled  by  an  army  they 
affected  to  despise ; and  rather  than  meet  their  offended  coun- 
trymen, they  preferred  to  brave  the  dangers  of  a tempestuous 
voyage,  to  endure  the  annoyance  of  insufficient  accommoda- 
tion, and,  with  whatever  property  they  might  save,  to  follow 
the  fortunes  of  the  disgraced  army.  “ The  people  of  the 
town,”  a letter  states,  “ who  were  friends  of  the  government, 
took  care  of  nothing  but  their  merchandise,  and  found  means 
to  employ  the  men  belonging  to  the  transports  in  embarking 
their  goods ; by  which  means  several  of  the  vessels  were 
entirely  filled  with  private  property,  instead  of  the  king’s 
stores.”  Thus,  in  the  scramble  and  confusion,  the  public 
good  shrunk  into  insignificance,  compared  with  private  inter- 
ests ; and  hence  it  was  that  such  large  quantities  of  military 
stores  were  left  behind.  The  British  commander,  however, 
immediately  commenced  preparations  for  departure.  Ammu- 
nition, warlike  magazines  of  all  kinds,  were  put  on  board  the 
ships;  heavy  artillery  were  dismounted,  spiked,  or  thrown 
into  the  sea  ; and  some  of  the  works  were  demolished.  “ The 
necessary  care  of  the  women,  children,  sick,  and  wounded,” 
a letter  states,  “required  every  assistance  that  could  be  given. 
It  was  not  like  the  breaking  up  of  a camp,  where  every  man 
knows  his  duty ; it  was  like  departing  your  country,  with 
your  wives,  your  servants,  your  household  furniture,  and  all 
your  encumbrances.  The  officers,  who  felt  the  disgrace  of  a 
retreat,  kept  up  appearances.  The  men,  who  tfrought  they 
were  changing  for  the  better,  strove  to  take  advantage  of  the 
present  times,  and  were  kept  from  plunder  and  drink  with  dif- 
ficulty.” General  Howe,  in  his  official  account  to  the  Earl 
of  Dartmouth,  says:  “A  thousand  difficulties  arose  on  ac- 
count of  the  disproportion  of  transports  for  the  conveyance  of 
the  troops,  the  well-affected  inhabitants,1  their  most  valuable 

1 Lord  Dartmouth,  as  early  as  August  2,  1775,  wrote  to  General  Gage  : 
“If  we  are  driven  to  the  difficulty  of  relinquishing  Boston,  care  must  be 
taken  that  the  officers  and  friends  of  the  government  be  not  left  exposed  to 
the  rage  and  insult  of  rebels,  who  set  no  bounds  to  their  barbarity.” 


THE  NEGOTIATION  WITH  HOWE. 


303 


property,  and  the  quantity  of  military  stores  to  be  carried 
away.” 

The  keenest  anxiety  was  now  felt  for  the  fate  of  Boston. 
The  idea  of  its  destruction  had  been  entertained,  at  various 
times,  in  both  of  the  hostile  camps.  Heretofore  the  danger 
had  been  from  without.  Its  friends,  moved  by  the  stern  dic- 
tates of  patriotism,  had  resolved  to  offer  it,  if  necessary,  as  a 
sacrifice  on  the  altar  of  American  freedom.  Now,  however, 
the  danger  came  from  within.  General  Howe  threatened  to 
destroy  it  in  case  his  army  was  assaulted.  The  admiral 
moved  his  ships  in  fearful  array  round  the  town ; while  the 
melancholy  ruins  of  Charlestown  made  the  inhabitants  sensibly 
feel  that  the  threat  might  not  prove  an  idle  one.  They  took 
measures  to  avert,  if  possible,  so  great  a calamity.  A delega- 
tion of  influential  citizens  communicated  with  the  British 
commander,  through  General  Robertson.  The  following  for- 
mal statement  of  the  result  of  that  conference,  having  no 
special  address,  but  intended  for  General  Washington,  was 
sent  by  Messrs.  Amory  and  Johonnot  to  the  American  lines  by 
a flag  of  truce  : — 

Boston,  8th  March,  1776. 

As  his  excellency  General  Howe  is  determined  to  leave  the 
town,  with  the  troops  under  his  command,  a number  of  the 
respectable  inhabitants,  being  very  anxious  for  its  preservation 
and  safety,  have  applied  to  General  Robertson  for  this  pur- 
pose, who,  at  their  request,  has  communicated  the  same  to  his 
excellency  General  Howe,  who  has  assured  him  that  he  has 
no  intention  of  destroying  the  town,  unless  the  troops  under 
his  command  are  molested  during  their  embarkation,  or  at 
their  departure,  by  the  armed  force  without ; which  declara- 
tion he  gave  General  Robertson  leave  to  communicate  to  the 
inhabitants.  If  such  an  opposition  should  take  place,  we  have 
the  greatest  reason  to  expect  the  town  will  be  exposed  to  entire 
destruction.  Our  fears  are  quieted  with  regard  to  General 
Howe’s  intentions.  We  beg  we  may  have  some  assurance 
that  so  dreadful  a calamity  may  not  be  brought  on  by  any 
measures  without.  As  a testimony  of  the  truth  of  the  above, 
we  have  signed  our  names  to  this  paper,  carried  out  by  Messrs. 

26 


304 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Thomas  and  Jonathan  Amovy  and  Peter  Johonnot,  who  have, 
at  the  earnest  entreaties  of  the  inhabitants,  through  the  lieu- 
tenant-governor, solicited  a flag  of  truce  for  this  purpose. 

John  Scollay, 
Timothy  IXewell, 
Thomas  Marshall, 
Samuel  Austin. 

This  paper  was  received  at  the  lines  at  Roxbury  by  Colonel 
Learned,  who  carried  it  to  head-quarters;  and  in  return,  the 
next  day,  wrote  to  the  messengers  as  follows  : — 

Roxbury , March  9,  1776. 

Gentlemen,  — Agreeably  to  a promise  made  to  you  at  the 
lines  yesterday,  I waited  upon  his  excellency  General  Wash- 
ington, and  presented  to  him  the  paper  handed  to  me  by  you, 
from  the  selectmen  of  Boston.  The  answer  I received  from 
him  was  to  this  effect : ‘ That,  as  it  was  an  unauthenticated 
paper,  without  an  address,  and  not  obligatory  upon  General 
Howe,  he  would  take  no  notice  of  it.’  I am,  with  esteem  and 
respect,  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

Ebenezer  Learned. 

To  Messrs.  Amory  and  Johonnot.1 

This  answer  was,  apparently,  uncompromising.  Neither 
party,  however,  desired  a general  action.  Washington’s  object 
was  to  gain  possession  of  the  town,  and  it  was  in  accordance 
with  his  principles  and  feelings  to  accomplish  it,  if  possible, 
without  bloodshed.  Humanity  and  policy-  united  to  save  it 
from  the  ravage  and  destruction  that  would  inevitably  accom- 
pany an  assault.  Howe’s  object  was  to  save  his  army.  He 
did  not  feel  strong  enough  to  meet  his  antagonists  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Boston.  He  could  not  act  to  advantage  in 
this  quarter.  And  it  was  his  policy  to  avoid  risk,  and  try  his 
fortune,  with  all  the  force  he  could  command,  on  a new  field. 
Hence  this  informal  negotiation,  without  placing  either  party 
under  obligations,  produced  a tacit  understanding  between 
both  parties  that  saved  much  bloodshed.  General  Howe  left 
the  town  without  doing  material  injury  to  it,  and  General 

1 Sparks’  Writings  of  Washington,  vol.  hi. , Appendix. 


NOOK  S HILL. 


305 


Washington  allowed  the  troops  to  embark  without  molesta- 
tion. The  American  army  was  held  in  readiness  to  make  an 
assault  at  any  moment,  in  case  indications  appeared  that 
injury  was  intended  to  the  town. 

Washington,  however,  went  on  with  his  preparations.  On 
the  9th  he  planted  a battery  at  the  north-east  of  Bird’s  Hill, 
near  the  water  at  Dorchester  Neck,  with  the  intention  of 
annoying  the  British  shipping.  Nook’s  Hill,  situated  also  in 
Dorchester,  tvhich  was  still  nearer  Boston,  and  which  com- 
pletely commanded  it,  was  especially  dreaded  by  the  British 
commander.  Its  possession  by  the  Americans  would  place  him 
entirely  at  their  mercy.  At  night  a strong  detachment  was 
sent  to  plant  a battery  there,  and  act  as  circumstances  might 
require.  Some  of  the  men  imprudently  kindled  a fire  behind 
the  hill,  which  revealed  their  purpose  to  the  British,  who 
commenced  a severe  cannonade  upon  them.  This  proved 
another  dreadful  night  to  the  terror-stricken  people  of  Boston. 
During  the  whole  of  it  there  was  a roar  of  cannon  and  mor- 
tars,— on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  from  Cobble  Hill,  Lech- 
mere's  Point,  Cambridge,  and  Roxbury,  — on  the  British  side, 
from  the  lines  on  the  Neck  and  the  castle.  More  than  eight 
hundred  shot  were  fired  during  the  night.  Five  Americans 
were  killed,  and  the  works  at  Nook’s  Hill  were  suspended.1 

1 Mrs.  Adams,  in  a letter  commenced  March  2,  and  closed  Sunday  even- 
ing', March  10,  gives  a vivid  description  of  the  cannonade  during  this  period. 
The  following  are  extracts  from  this  letter  : — 

March  2. 

I have  been  in  a continual  state  of  anxiety  since  you  left  me.  It  has  been 
said  “ to-morrow,”  and  “ to-morrow,”  for  this  month,  but  when  the  dreadful 
to-morrow  will  be  I know  not.  But  hark  ! The  house  this  instant  shakes 
with  the  roar  of  cannon.  I have  been  to  the  door,  and  find  it  is  a cannonade 
from  our  army.  Orders,  I find,  are  come,  for  all  the  remaining  militia  to 
repair  to  the  lines  Monday  night,  by  twelve  o'clock.  No  sleep  for  me 
to-night. 

Sunday  Evening,  3d  March. 

I went  to  bed  after  twelve,  but  got  no  rest  ; the  cannon  continued  firing, 
and  my  heart  beat  pace  with  them  all  night.  We  have  had  a pretty  quiet 
day,  but  what  to-morrow  will  bring  forth,  God  only  knows. 

Monday  Evening. 

1 have  just  returned  from  Penn’s  Hill,  where  I have  been  sitting  to  hear 
the  amazing  roar  of  cannon,  and  from  whence  I could  see  every  shell  which 


306 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


This  movement,  nowever,  hastened  the  preparations  of  Gen- 
eral Howe.  He  issued  (10th)  a printed  proclamation,  ordering 
the  inhabitants  to  deliver  all  linen  and  woollen  goods  to  Crean 
Brush.  In  concluding,  this  document  stated  that,  “ If,  after 
this  notice,  any  person  secretes  or  keeps  in  his  possession  such 
articles,  he  will  be  treated  as  a favorer  of  the  rebels.”  But  a 
written  commission  given  this  day,  under  General  Howe’s 
signature,  to  this  officer,  went  much  further.  It  stated  that 
there  were  in  town  large  quantities  of  goods,  which,  “in  the 
possession  of  the  rebels,  would  enable  them  to  carry  on  war;” 
and  authorized  him  to  “ take  possession  of  all  such  goods  as 
answered  this  description,”  and  put  them  on  board  the  Minerva 
ship,  and  brigantine  Elizabeth.1 

was  thrown.  The  sound,  I think,  is  one  of  the  grandest  in  nature,  and  is  of 
the  true  species  of  the  sublime.  ’T  is  now  an  incessant  roar  ; but  0,  the 
fatal  ideas  which  are  connected  with  the  sound  ! How  many  of  our  dear 
countrymen  must  fall  ! 

Tuesday  Morning. 

I went  to  bed  about  twelve,  and  rose  again  a little  after  one.  I could  no 
more  sleep  than  if  I had  been  in  the  engagement ; the  rattling  of  the  win- 
dows, the  jar  of  the  house,  the  continual  roar  of  twenty-four-pounders,  and 
the  bursting  of  shells,  give  us  such  ideas,  and  realize  a scene  to  us  of  which 
we  could  scarcely  form  any  conception.  * * I hope  to  give  you  joy  of 

Boston,  even  if  it  is  in  ruins,  before  I send  this  away. 

Sunday  Evening,  March  10. 

A most  terrible  and  incessant  cannonade  from  half-after  eight  till  six  this 
morning.  I hear  we  lost  four  men  killed,  and  some  wounded,  in  attempting 
to  take  the  hill  nearest  to  the  town,  called  Nook’s  Hill.  We  did  some  work, 
but  the  fire  from  the  ships  beat  off  our  men,  so  that  they  did  not  secure  it,  but 
retired  to  the  fort  upon  the  other  hill.  — Mrs.  Adams’  Letters,  pp.  68 — 71. 

1 Most,  if  not  all,  the  printed  proclamations  of  Howe,  during  the  siege, 
are  among  the  rich  collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 
They  were  circulated  in  hand-bills.  The  following  is  copied  from  the  orig- 
inal, with  General  Howe’s  autograph,  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State  : 

Sir,  — I am  informed  there  are  large  quantities  of  goods  in  the  town  of 
Boston,  which,  if  in  possession  of  the  rebels,  would  enable  them  to  carry  on 
war.  And  whereas  I have  given  notice  to  all  loyal  inhabitants  to  remove 
such  goods  from  hence,  and  that  all  who  do  not  remove  them,  or  deliver  them 
to  your  care,  will  be  considered  as  abettors  of  rebels.  You  are  hereby  author- 
ized and  required  to  take  into  your  possession  all  such  goods  as  answer  this 
description,  and  to  give  certificates  to  the  owners  that  you  have  received  them 
for  their  use,  and  will  deliver  them  to  the  owners’  order,  unavoidable  accidents 


PLUNDERING  IN  BOSTON. 


307 


This  day  (10th)  the  horse  transports  were  ordered  to  fall 
down  to  Castle  William.  A large  body  of  the  grenadiers  and 
light-infantry,  and  the  fifth  and  tenth  regiments,  were  selected 
to  cover  the  retreat  by  land,  and  the  Chatham  and  Fowey 
ships,  by  water.  Many  cannon  were  spiked,  many  gun-car- 
riages were  broken,  and  much  ammunition  was  thrown  over 
the  wharves.  The  army  was  much  embarrassed  between  the 
necessity  of  being  continually  on  duty,  and  the  immediate 
attention  required  to  save  property.  Many  of  the  officers  had 
laid  out  money  in  furniture  and  conveniences  to  make  their 
situation  comfortable.  No  purchasers  of  these  articles  could 
now  be  found.  The  crisis  left  no  choice  of  measures,  and 
regrets  were  useless.  The  embarkation  of  stores  and  people 
went  on.  Some,  ascertaining  they  could  not  carry  their  furni- 
ture with  them,  began  to  destroy  it. 

The  day  following  (11th)  was  signalized  by  the  operations 
of  Crean  Brush.  He  was  a conceited  New  York  Tory,  as 
ignorant  of  the  American  character  as  he  was  insolent  in  the 
discharge  of  his  official  duties.  At  the  head  of  parties  of 
Tories,  under  cover  of  his  commission,  he  broke  open  stores, 
stripped  them  of  their  goods,  and  carried  them  on  board  the 
ships.  It  is  not  strange  that  this  authorized  plunder  was  imi- 
tated by  lawless  bands  of  men  from  the  fleet  and  the  army. 
They  broke  open,  shops  and  dwelling-houses,  “carrying 
destruction,”  says  Gordon,  “ wherever  they  went ; what  they 
could  not  carry  away  they  destroyed.”  The  next  day  (12th) 
the  same  scenes  were  renewed,  though  expressly  forbidden 'in 
orders.  Those  found  guilty  of  plundering,  or  in  firing  a 
house,  were  threatened  with  death.1  • 

excepted.  And  you  are  to  make  inquiry  if  any  such  goods  be  secreted  or 
left  in  stores  ; and  you  are  to  seize  all  such,  and  put  them  on  board  the 
Minerva  ship,  or  the  brigantine  Elizabeth.  Given  under  my  hand,  at  head- 
quarters, Boston,  this  tenth  day  of  March,  1776. 

W.  Mowe,  Com.  Chief 

To  Crean  Brush,  Esquire. 

1 The  details  of  the  last  days  of  the  British  in  Boston  are  given  in  British 
letters,  and  in  Mss.  in  the  State  House.  The  brigantine  Elizabeth  was  cap- 
tured, with  Cre'an  Brush  on  board,  and  among  the  Mss.  are  depositions 
respecting  his  conduct,  his  commission,  lists  of  goods  &c.  Gordon  writes, 
March  6th,  from  a journal  kept  in  Boston,  and  gives  many  interesting  facts. 

— History,  vol.  ii. , p.  42. 


308 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


On  the  14th  the  streets  in  different  parts  of  the  town  were 
barricaded,  and  dispositions  were  made  for  a departure. 
Stores  were  plundered  by  sailors,  acting  under  their  officers, 
and  under  the  pretext  of  orders  from  the  admiral.1  On  the 
15th  proclamation  was  made  by  the  crier  for  the  inhabitants 
to  keep  in  their  houses  from  eleven  o’clock  in  the  morning 
until  night,  to  prevent  them  from  annoying  the  troops  during 
their  embarkation.  But  an  easterly  breeze  sprung  up,  and 
the  army  was  ordered  to  its  barracks.  On  the  16th  the  troops 
did  much  mischief  by  defacing  furniture,  damaging  goods,  and 
breaking  open  stores.  They  were  only  waiting  a fair  wind  to 
go  on  board  the  ships. 

During  this  exciting  period  the  journals  continued  to  chron- 
icle the  success  of  the  Americans  on  the  sea.  On  the  6th  it 
was  announced  that  the  Yankee  Hero  had  sent  into  Newbury- 
port  a fine  brig  of  200  tons  burden;  and,  on  the  14th,  that 
Captain  Manly  had  sent  into  Portsmouth  an  armed  ship  of 
240  tons,  loaded  with  provisions  for  Boston  ; and  had  also 
sent  into  Cape  Ann  a ship  of  300  tons,  filled  with  stores  for 
the  army.  A transport  brig  of  fourteen  guns,  laden  with 
naval  stores  and  provisions,  ran  ashore  at  the  back  of  the 
cape.  The  people  boarded  her,  and  unloaded  her  cargo.  She 
had  on  board  five  barrels  of  powder,  and  five  hundred  pounds 
of  specie. 

In  the  mean  time  Washington,  who  had  but  partial  infor- 
mation of  the  proceedings  in  Boston,  became  more  and  more 
impatient  to  see  the  British  evacuate  it.  He  wrote  to  Con- 
gress on  the  13th,  that  he  “ fully  expected,  before  this,  that 
* the  town  would  have  been  entirely  evacuated.”  He  felt  that 

1 On  this  day  General  Howe  issued  the  following  order  : — 

March  14.  — The  commander-in-chief  finding,  notwithstanding  former 
orders  that  have  been  given  to  forbid  plundering,  houses  have  been  forced 
open  and  robbed,  he  is  therefore  under  a necessity  of  declaring  to  the  troops 
that  the  first  soldier  who  is  caught  plundering  will  be  hanged  on  the  spot. 

The  commander-in-chief,  having  been  informed  that  depredations  have  been 
committed  in  the  town-house,  offers  the  following  rewards  to  any  person  or 
persons  who  shall  convict  any  person  or  persons  of  cutting  and  defacing  the 
king’s  and  queen’s  picture,  and  destroying  the  records  and  other  public 
papers,  viz  : For  the  king’s  picture  £50,  for  the  queen’s  picture  £50,  for 
other  pictures,  records,  and  public  papers,  £20. 


EVACUATION  OF  BOSTON. 


309 


Howe  might  be  deceiving  him,  and  that  the  arrival  of  addi- 
tional troops  and  vessels,  hourly  expected,  might  change  the 
aspect  of  affairs.  On  this  day  a council  of  war  was  held  at 
General  Ward’s  quarters,  in  Roxbury,  — Washington,  Ward 
and  Putnam,  Thomas,  Sullivan,  Heath,  Greene  and  Gates, 
were  present.  It  was  determined  that  if  Boston  were  not 
evacuated  the  next  day  it  would  be  advisable,  “ at  all  events,” 
to  fortify  Nook’s  Hill  the  next  night.  It  was  also  determined 
to  detach  the  rifle  battalion  and  five  regiments  the  next  day  to 
New  York.  It  was  also  concluded,  that,  should  Boston  be 
evacuated,  it  would  be  unnecessary  to  employ  any  part  of  the 
army  for  the  defence  of  Massachusetts,  as  its  militia  were 
adequate  for  this  work.  Orders  were  immediately  issued  for 
the  rifle  battalion  to  be  in  readiness  to  march  the  next  day  by 
ten  o’clock;  and  for  Stark’s,  Webb’s,  Patterson’s,  Greaton’s, 
and  Bond’s  regiments,  to  march  on  Friday.  These  regiments, 
however,  did  not  march  for  New  York  until  the  18th.  The 
orders  of  the  day  threaten  any  who,  on  the  retreat  of  the 
enemy,  should  be  detected  in  pillaging  in  Boston,  with  the 
severest  punishment.  “ The  inhabitants  of  that  distressed 
town,”  they  say,  “have  already  suffered  too  heavily  from  the 
iron  hand  of  oppression.  Their  countrymen  surely  will  not 
be  base  enough  to  add  to  their  misfortunes.” 

On  Saturday,  March  16,  Washington  brought  matters  to  a 
crisis.  A strong  detachment  was  sent  to  Nook’s  Hill  to  fortify 
it.  The  British  discovered  it,  and  cannonaded  it  during  the 
night.  The  Americans  did  not  return  the  fire,  but  maintained 
their  ground.  General  Howe  then  resolved  to  evacuate  the 
town  without  further  delay.  He  commenced  very  early  in 
the  morning  of  Sunday,  March  17th,  the  embarkation  of  his 
army.  About  nine  o’clock  the  garrison  left  Bunker  Hill, 
and  a large  number  of  boats,  filled  with  troops  and  inhab- 
itants, put  off  from  the  wharves  of  Boston.1 

1 A British  officer  writes  as  follows,  of  the  embarkation;  “ Nantasket 
Road,  March  17.  — According  to  my  promise,  1 proceed  to  give  a brief 
account  of  our  retreat,  which  was  made  this  morning  between  the  hours  of 
two  and  eight.  Our  troops  did  not  receive  the  smallest  molestation,  though 
the  rebels  were  all  night  at  work  on  the  near  hill  which  I mentioned  to  you 
in  my  last  letter,  and  we  kept  a constant  fire  upon  them  from  a battery  of 


310 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


When  these  movements  were  observed  in  the  American 
camp,  the  troops  stationed  at  Cambridge  and  Roxbury  pa- 
raded. General  Putnam,  at  the  head  of  several  regiments, 
embarked  in  boats  in  Charles  River,  and  landed  at  Sewall’s 
Point.  Though  a large  body  of  the  enemy  was  seen  to  leave 
Bunker  Hill,  yet  the  sentries  appeared  to  be  faithfully  per- 
forming their  duties.  Two  men,  however,  sent  forward  to 
reconnoitre,  found  that  the  fortress  was  left  in  charge  of 
wooden  sentinels,  and  immediately  gave  the  joyous  signal 
that  it  was  evacuated.  A detachment  soon  took  possession 
of  it.  General  Putnam  ordered  another  detachment  to  march 
forward  and  take  possession  of  Boston,  while  the  remainder 
of  the  troops  returned  to  Cambridge.  Meantime,  General 
Ward,  with  about  five  hundred  troops  from  Roxbury,  under 
the  immediate  command  of  Colonel  Ebenezer  Learned,  who 
unbarred  and  opened  the  gates,  entered  Boston  in  that  direc- 
tion, Ensign  Richards  bearing  the  standard.  They  picked 
their  way  through  great  numbers  of  crow’s-feet,  which  had 
been  scattered  over  the  Neck  by  the  enemy,  to  retard  the 
advance  of  an  attacking  force.  The  command  of  the  whole 
was  assumed  by  General  Putnam,  who  proceeded  to  occupy 
the  important  posts,  and  thereby  become  possessed,  the  New 
England  Journal  says,  in  the  name  of  the  thirteen  United 
Colonies  of  North  America,  of  all  the  fortresses  of  that  large 
and  once  flourishing  metropolis,  which  the  flower  of  the  Brit- 
ish army,  headed  by  an  experienced  general,  and  supported 
by  a formidable  fleet  of  men-of-war,  had  but  an  hour  before 
evacuated  in  the  most  precipitous  and  cowardly  manner.” 

The  small-pox  prevailed  in  some  parts  of  the  town,  and 
Washington  was  obliged  to  adopt  stringent  measures  to  pre- 
serve the  health  of  the  troops.  He  positively  forbade,  on  the 

twenty-four-pounders.  They  did  not  return  a single  shot.  It  was  lucky  for 
the  inhabitants  now  left  in  Boston  they  did  not ; for  I am  informed  every- 
thing was  prepared  to  set  the  town  in  a blaze,  had  they  fired  one  cannon. 
The  dragoons  are  under  orders  to  sail  to-morrow  for  Halifax,  — a cursed 
cold,  wintry  place,  even  yet;  nothing  to  eat,  less  to  drink.  Bad  times, my 
dear  friend.  The  displeasure  I feel  from  the  very  small  share  I have  in  our 
present  insignificancy  is  so  great,  that  I do  not  know  the  thing  so  desperate  I 
would  not  undertake,  in  qrder  to  change  our  situation.” 


EVACUATION  OF  BOSTON. 


31/ 


19th,  all  officers,  soldiers,  and  others,  from  entering  Boston 
■without  a pass,  or  without  being  sent  on  duty.  The  orders 
of  this  day  say:  “As  soon  as  the  selectmen  report  the  town 
to  be  cleansed  from  infection,  liberty  will  be  given  to  those 
who  have  business  there  to  go  in.  The  inhabitants  belonging 
to  the  town  will  be  permitted  to  return  to  their  habitations, 
proper  persons  being  appointed  at  the  Neck,  and  at  Charles- 
town Ferry,  to  grant  them  passes.” 

On  the  next  day  (20th)  the  main  body  of  the  army  marched 
into  Boston.  “While  marching  through  the  streets,”  Thatcher 
writes,  “ the  inhabitants  appeared  at  their  doors  and  windows ; 
though  they  manifested  a lively  joy  at  being  liberated  from 
their  long  confinement,  they  were  not  altogether  free  from  a 
melancholy  gloom  which  ten  tedious  months’  siege  has  spread 
over  their  countenances.” 

On  the  21st  Washington  issued  a proclamation  calculated  to 
maintain  amity  between  the  troops  and  the  citizens.  It  called 
upon  the  inhabitants  to  make  known  to  the  quartermaster- 
general  “all  stores  belonging  to  the  ministerial  army”  that 
might  be  secreted  in  the  town  ; and  it  enjoined  on  the  officers 
of  the  army  “to  assist  the  civil  magistrates  in  the  execution 
of  their  duty,  and  to  promote  peace  and  good  order.” 

On  the  22d  a concourse  of  people,  full  of  friendly  solicitude, 
crowded  into  town.  “ It  is  truly  interesting,”  writes  Thatcher, 
“ to  witness  the  tender  interviews  and  fond  embraces  of  those 
who  have  been  long  separated,  under  circumstances  so  pecu- 
liarly distressing.” 

General  Howe’s  effective  force,  including  seamen,  was  about 
eleven  thousand  men.  More  than  a thousand  refugees  left 
Boston  with  the  army,  as  follows  : — members  of  the  council, 
commissioners,  custom-house  officers,  and  other  persons  who 
had  been  in  some  official  station,  one  hundred  and  two ; clergy, 
eighteen ; persons  from  the  country,  one  hundred  and  five ; 
merchants  and  other  inhabitants  of  Boston,  two  hundred  and 
thirteen ; farmers,  traders  and  mechanics,  three  hundred  and 
eighty-two  ; total,  nine  hundred  and  twenty-four.  All  these 
returned  their  names  on  their  arrival  at  Halifax.  About  two 
hundred  others  did  not  return  their  names.  The  fleet  dropped 
down  to  Nantasket  Road,  where  it  lingered  ten  days.  During 


312 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


this  period  the  enemy  burnt  the  block-house  and  barracks, 
and  demolished  the  fortifications  on  Castle  William.  On  the 
27th  of  March  the  greater  part  of  the  fleet  sailed  for  Halifax.1 

Washington,  on  the  18th,  ordered  five  regiments,  and  a por- 
tion of  artillery,  under  General  Heath,  to  march  for  New 
York.  He  felt  much  embarrassed  by  the  stay  of  the  fleet  at 
Nantasket.  On  learning  its  departure,  he  ordered  the  whole 
army  to  the  south,  with  the  exception  of  five  regiments  left  for 
the  protection  of  Boston,  under  General  Ward.  On  the  27th, 
a brigade,  under  General  Sullivan,  marched  ; on  the  1st  of 
April,  another  division  ; and  on  the  4th,  General  Spencer,  with 
the  last  brigade.  On  this  day  Washington  also  left  Cambridge 
for  New  York. 

The  British  left  a few  vessels  at  Nantasket,  where  they 
continued  to  lie  for  over  two  months,  to  the  great  annoyance 
of  the  people.  The  fleet  consisted  of  a fifty-gun  ship,  Com- 
modore Banks,  the  Milford,  the  Yankee  Hero,  (captured  by 
the  Milford,)  an  armed  brig,  and  two  schooners.  They  were 
subsequently  joined  by  seven  transports  filled  with  High- 
landers. 

The  five  regiments  left  under  the  command  of  General 
Ward  were  stationed  by  Washington  as- follows  : two  in  Bos- 
ton, one  at  Dorchester  Heights,  one  at  Charlestown,  and  one 
at  Beverly.  Such  (April  16)  continued  to  be  their  position. 

1 While  lying  in  the  harbor  the  officers  wrote  many  letters  descriptive  of 
their  feelings.  One  writes,  March  26  : “ Expect  no  more  letters  from  Bos- 
ton. We  have  quitted  that  place.  Washington  played  on  the  town  for  sev- 
eral days.  A shell,  which  burst  while  we  were  preparing  to  embark,  did 
very  great  damage.  Our  men  have  suffered.  We  have  one  consolation  left. 
You  know  the  proverbial  expression,  ‘ neither  Hell,  Hull,  nor  Halifax,’  can 
afford  worse  shelter  than  Boston.  To  fresh  provision  I have,  for  many 
months,  been  an  utter  stranger.  An  egg  was  a rarity.  Yet  I submit.  A 
soldier  may  mention  grievances,  though  he  should  scorn  to  repine  when  he 
suffers  them.  The  next  letter  from  Halifax.” 

Another  writes,  March  25  : “We  were  cannonaded  fourteen  days  by  the 
provincial  army,  and  at  last,  after  many  losses,  embarked  on  board  several 
vessels,  and  are  got  thus  far.  The  provincials  fired  eighteen-pounders,  and 
threw  an  innumerable  quantity  of  shells,  into  the  town.  We  do  not  know 
when  we  are  going,  but  are  in  great  distress.  The  spectacle  is  truly  terrible. 
I w'ish  I was  with  you.  The  provincials,  after  we  left  Boston,  marched  into 
it,  with  drums  beating  and  colors  flying.” 


CAPTAIN  MUGFORD. 


313 


Great  apprehensions  were  entertained  of  a return  of  the  Brit- 
ish fleet,  and  complaints  were  made  at  the  delay  in  completing 
fortifications  for  the  defence  of  the  harbor.  The  inhabitants 
volunteered  to  build  a fort  at  Noddle’s  Island.  A large  num- 
ber, among  them  several  of  the  clergy,  worked  on  it  in  the 
beginning  of  May  until  it  was  completed. 

General  Ward  employed  the  troops  left  under  his  command 
also  in  throwing  up  works.  He  wrote  to  Washington  (May 
4)  that  the  forts  on  Fort  Hill,  Boston,  at  Charlestown  Point, 
and  Castle  Point,  were  almost  completed,  with  a number  of 
heavy  cannon  mounted  in  each ; that  a work  was  in  good 
forwardness  on  Noddle’s  Island  ; and  that  a detachment  of 
the  army  was  at  work  at  Castle  Island,  repairing  the  batteries 
there.  These  works  were  carried  on  under  the  immediate 
superintendence  of  Colonel  Gridley. 

In  May  there  was  a valuable  prize  taken  within  sight  of  the 
British  fleet,  which  led  to  a sharp  naval  combat  in  the  harbor. 
Captain  James  Mugford,  of  the  schooner  Franklin,  one  of  the 
continental  cruisers,  (May  17,)  fell  in  with  the  transport  ship 
Hope,  bound  for  Boston.  He  captured  her  without  opposition. 
Captain  Mugford  determined  on  bringing  his  prize  into  Bos- 
ton, but  she  ran  ashore  at  Pulling  Point.  Her  cargo  was 
brought  to  town  in  a large  number  of  boats.  It  contained  a 
fine  assortment  of  military  stores ; and  as  there  were  fifteen 
hundred  whole  barrels  of  powder,  it  was  pronounced  the  most 
valuable  prize  that  had  been  taken.  On  the  19th  (Sunday) 
Captain  Mugford,  in  the  Franklin,  fell  down  the  harbor  to 
sail  on  a cruise,  but,  in  the  evening,  got  aground  at  Point 
Shirley.  A small  privateer,  the  Lady  Washington,  also  an- 
chored near  the  Franklin.  About  midnight  thirteen  boats  from 
the  men-of-war  at  Nantasket  attacked  the  two  armed  schooners. 
The  crews  of  both  fought  their  assailants  with  the  greatest 
intrepidity.  Captain  Mugford  sunk  two  of  the  boats.  But 
while  fighting  bravely,  he  received  a mortal  wound.  He  still 
continued  to  animate  his  men,  exclaiming,  “ Do  not  give  up 
the  ship,  — you  will  beat  them  off  ! ” In  a few  minutes  he 
died.  His  men  beat  off  the  enemy’s  boats.  No  other  Ameri- 
can was  killed.  The  remains  of  Captain  Mugford  were  car- 
ried to  Marblehead  for  interment. 


314 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Much  impatience  was  felt  by  the  people  to  have  the  British 
fleet  driven  from  the  harbor.  It  consisted  (June)  of  eight 
ships,  two  snows,  two  brigs,  and  one  schooner.  They  had 
several  hundred  Highlanders  on  board.  General  Benjamin 
Lincoln  planned  an  expedition  to  drive  the  fleet  to  sea.  The 
Council  of  Massachusetts  ordered  him  to  carry  it  into  execu- 
tion, and  authorized  him  (June  11)  to  call  out  the  militia  for 
this  purpose.  On  the  13th  the  people  of  Boston  were  notified, 
by  beat  of  drum,  that  an  enterprise  was  to  be  undertaken 
against  the  British  at  Nantasket,  and  to  build  fortifications  in 
the  lower  harbor.  General  Ward  ordered  a part  of  the  conti- 
nental troops  to  aid  in  this  work.  Detachments  from  Colonels 
Marshall’s  and  Whitney’s  regiments,  and  a battalion  of  the 
train  under  Lieut. -colonel  Crafts,  embarked  at  Long  Wharf, 
and  sailed  for  Pettick’s  Island  and  Hull.  Here  they  were 
joined  by  additional  troops  and  companies  from  the  sea-coast. 
About  six  hundred  men  were  gathered  at  each  place.  About 
the  same  number  of  militia  from  the  towns  about  the  harbor, 
and  a detachment  of  artillery,  took  post  on  Moon  Island,  at 
Hoff’s  Neck,  and  at  Point  Alderton.  A detachment  of  the 
army,  under  Colonel  Whitcomb,  with  two  eighteen-pounders 
and  a thirteen-inch  mortar,  took  post  at  Long  Island.  The 
whole  were  under  Colonel  Whitcomb.1  Owing  to  a calm,  the 
troops  did  not  gain  their  stations  until  the  morning  of  the 

1 General  Ward’s  Letter,  June  16,  1775  ; Gordon’s  History,  n. , p.  88  ; 
American  Archives,  vol.  vi.,  p.  915  ; Life  of  General  Lincoln. 

In  an  account  of  this  expedition  a journal  remarks  : “ It  is  worthy  of  spec- 
ial notice  that  the  14th  of  June,  1774,'  was  the  last  day  allowed  for  trading 
vessels  to  leave  or  enter  the  port  of  Boston,  through  the  cruelty  of  a British 
act  of  Parliament  ; and  that  the  14th  of  June,  1776,  through  the  blessing  of 
God  upon  the  operations  of  a much  injured  and  oppressed  people,  was  the 
last  day  allowed  for  British  men-of-war  or  ministerial  vessels  to  remain,  or 
enter  within  the  said  port  but  as  American  prizes.  Thus  has  Providence 
retaliated.” 

This  work  was  done  at  a fortunate  time.  In  three  days  two  British  trans- 
ports, the  George  and  the  Annabella,  were  captured  after  a short  and  sharp 
action.  Among  the  trophies  were  Colonel  Archibald  Campbell,  and  about 
three  hundred  Highlanders.  Major  Menzies,  of  this  corps,  was  killed  in  the 
action,  and  was  interred  in  Boston  the  next  day,  with  military  honors.  Two 
other  transports,  with  Highlanders  on  board,  were  captured  about  this  time, 
— the  Ann  and  the  Lord  Howe. 


THE  BRITISH  DRIVEN  FROM  THE  HARBOR. 


315 


14th.  Shot  were  first  discharged  at  the  fleet  from  Long 
Island.  Commodore  Banks  returned  the  fire  with  spirit 
until  a shot  pierced  the  upper  works  of  his  ship,  when  he 
made  signals  for  the  fleet  to  get  under  way,  and  after  blow- 
ing up  the  light-house,  went  to  sea.  Thus  was  Boston 
harbor  cleared  of  an  enemy. 

27 


View  of  the  lines  on  Boston  Neck,  from  the  Post  near  Brown’s  House. 


316 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

American  Congratulations.  British  Comments.  Condition  of  Boston. 

Conclusion. 

The  intelligence  of  the  evacuation  of  Boston  occasioned 
great  joy  in  the  colonies.  It  was  regarded  as  reflecting  the 
highest  honor  on  Washington  and  his  army,  and,  indeed,  as  a 
glorious  triumph.  The  result  of  this  long  siege  was  as 
encouraging  to  the  friends  of  American  liberty  as  it  was  dis- 
heartening to  its  enemies.  Washington  received  congratula- 
tions from  every  quarter  on  his  success. 

The  selectmen  of  Boston  waited  on  the  general,  and-  pre- 
sented to  him  the  following  address  : — 

May  it  please  your  Excellency,  — 

The  selectmen  of  Boston,  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  fel- 
low-citizens, with  all  grateful  respect,  congratulate  your 
excellency  on  the  success  of  your  military  operations,  in  the 
recovery  of  this  town  from  an  enemy,  collected  from  the  once 
respected  Britons,  who,  in  this  instance,  are  characterized  by 
malice  and  fraud,  rapine  and  plunder,  in  every  trace  left 
behind  them. 

Happy  are  we  that  this  acquisition  has  been  made  with  so 
little  effusion  of  human  blood,  which,  next  to  the  Divine 
favor,  permit  us  to  ascribe  to  your  excellency’s  wisdom,  evi- 
denced in  every  part  of  the  long  besiegement. 

If  it  be  possible  to  enhance  the  noble  feelings  of  that  per- 
son, who,  from  the  most  affluent  enjoyments,  could  throw 
himself  into  the  hardships  of  a camp  to  save  his  country, 
uncertain  of  success,  ’t  is  then  possible  this  victory  will  height- 
en your  excellency’s  happiness,  when  you  consider  you  have 
not  only  saved  a large,  elegant,  and  once  populous  city  from 
total  destruction,  but  relieved  the  few  wretched  inhabitants 
from  all  the  horrors  of  a besieged  town,  from  the  insults  and 
abuses  of  a disgraced  and  chagrined  army,  and  restored  many 


ADDRESSES  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


317 


inhabitants  to  their  quiet  habitations,  who  had  fled  for  safety 
to  the  bosom  of  their  country. 

May  your  excellency  live  to  see  the  just  rights  of  America 
settled  on  a firm  basis,  which  felicity  we  sincerely  wish  you  ; 
and,  at  a late  period,  may  that  felicity  be  changed  into  happi- 
ness eternal ! 


John  Scollay, 
Timo.  Newell, 
Thos.  Marshall, 
Samuel  Austin, 
Oliver  Wendell, 
John  Pitts, 


Selectmen 

of 

Boston. 


To  His  Excellency  George  Washington,  Esq., 

General  of  the  United  Forces  in  America. 


General  Washington  made  the  following  reply  to  this 
address : — 


To  the  Selectmen  and  Citizens  of  Boston,  — 

Gentlemen, — Your  congratulations  on  the  success  of  the 
American  arms  give  me  the  greatest  pleasure. 

I most  sincerely  rejoice  with  you  on  being  once  more  in 
possession  of  your  former  habitations  ; and,  what  greatly  adds 
to  my  happiness,  that  this  desirable  event  has  been  effected 
with  so  little  effusion  of  human  blood. 

I am  exceedingly  obliged  by  the  good  opinion  you  are 
pleased  to  entertain  of  my  conduct.  Your  virtuous  efforts  in 
the  cause  of  freedom,  and  the  unparalleled  fortitude  with  which 
you  have  sustained  the  greatest  of  all  human  calamities,  justly 
entitle  you  to  the  grateful  remembrance  of  your  American 
brethren  ; and  I heartily  pray  that  the  hand  of  tyranny  may 
never  more  disturb  your  repose,  and  that  every  blessing  of  a 
kind  Providence  may  give  happiness  and  prosperity  to  the 
town  of  Boston. 

Geo.  Washington. 

On  the  29th  of  March  a joint  committee  from  the  Coun- 
cil and  House  of  Representatives  of  Massachusetts  waited 
upon  Washington  with  a long  and  flattering  testimonial.  It 
alluded  to  the  early  resistance  of  this  colony  to  the  tyran- 
nical policy,  “impelled  by  self-preservation  and  the  love  of 
freedom;”  to  the  satisfaction  at  the  appointment  of  Washing- 


318 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON^ 


ton  to  be  the  commander-in-chief ; to  the  wisdom  and  pru- 
dence and  success  of  his  measures ; and  it  concluded  as 
follows  : “May  you  still  go  on,  approved  by  Heaven,  revered 
by  all  good  men,  and  dreaded  by  those  tyrants  who  claim 
their  fellow-men  as  their  property.  May  the  United  Colonies 
be  defended  from  slavery  by  your  victorious  arms.  May  they 
still  see  their  enemies  flying  before  you  ; and  (the  deliverance 
of  your  country  bein  ^effected)  may  you,  in  retirement,  enjoy 
that  peace  and  satisfaction  of  mind  which  always  attend  the 
good  and  great ; and  may  future  generations,  in  the  peaceable 
enjoyment  of  that  freedom  the  exercise  of  which  your  sword 
shall  have  established,  raise  the  richest  and  most  lasting  mon- 
uments to  the  name  of  Washington.”  To  this  address  the 
general  returned  a feeling  reply.  At.  this  time  the  current  was 
setting  strong  in  favor  of  a declaration  of  independence,  and 
hence  the  allusion  with  which  this  reply  closes  : “ May  this 
distressed  colony  and  its  capital,  and  every  part  of  this  wide 
extended  continent,  through  His  Divine  favor,  be  restored  to 
more  than  their  former  lustre  and  happy  state,  and  have  peace, 
liberty,  and  safety,  secured  upon  a solid,  permanent,  and  last- 
ing foundation.” 

Congress  received  the  intelligence  of  the  evacuation  on  the 
25th  of  March,  and  immediately,  on  the  motion  of  John 
Adams,  passed  a vote  of  thanks  to  Washington,  and  the  offi- 
cers and  soldiers  under  his  command,  for  their  wise  and 
spirited  conduct,  and  ordered  a gold  medal  to  be  struck  and 
presented  to  the  general.  Also  it  raised  a committee,  con- 
sisting of  John  Adams,  John  Jay,  and  Stephen  Hopkins,  to 
prepare  a letter  of  thanks.  This  letter  was  reported  to  Con- 
gress and  adopted  April  2. 

Philadelphia,  April  2,  1776. 

Sir.  — It  gives  me  the  most  sensible  pleasure  to  convey  to 
you,  by  order  of  Congress,  the  only  tribute  which  a free  people 
will  ever  consent  to  pay,  — the  tribute  of  thanks  and  grati- 
tude to  their  friends  and  benefactors. 

The  disinterested  and  patriotic  principles  which  led  you  to 
the  field  have  also  led  you  to  glory ; and  it  affords  no  little 
consolation  to  your  countrymen  to  reflect,  that,  as  a peculiar 
greatness  of  mind  induced  you  to  decline  any  compensation 


THE  MEDAL. 


319 


for  serving  them,  except  the  pleasure  of  promoting  their  hap- 
piness, they  may,  without  your  permission,  bestow  upon  you 
the  largest  share  of  their  affection  and  esteem. 

Those  pages  in  the  annals  of  America  will  record  your  title 
to  a conspicuous  place  in  the  temple  of  fame,  which  shall 
inform  posterity  that,  under  your  directions,  an  undisciplined 
band  of  husbandmen,  in  the  course  of  a few  months,  became 
soldiers ; and  that  the  desolation  meditated  against  the  coun- 
try by  a brave  army  of  veterans,  commanded  by  the  most 
experienced  generals,  but  employed  by  bad  men,  in  the  worst 
of  causes,  was,  by  the  fortitude  of  your  troops,  and  the 
address  of  their  officers,  next  to  the  kind  interposition  of 
Providence,  confined  for  near  a year  within  such  narrow  lim- 
its as  scarcely  to  admit  more  room  than  was  necessary  for  the 
encampments  and  fortifications  they  lately  abandoned. 

Accept,  therefore,  sir,  the  thanks  of  the  United  Colonies, 
unanimously  declared  by  their  delegates  to  be  due  to  you,  and 
the  brave  officers  and  troops  under  your  command ; and  be 
pleased  to  communicate  to  them  this  distinguished  mark  of 
the  approbation  of  their  country. 

The  Congress  have  ordered  a gold  medal,  adapted  to  the 
occasion,  to  be  struck,  and,  when  finished,  to  be  presented  to 
you. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  with  every  sentiment  of  esteem,  sir, 
your  most  obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

John  Hancock,  President. 

To  His  Excellency  General  Washington. 

The  medal,  which  was  struck  in  Paris,  from  a die  cut  by 
Duvivier,  contains  on  the  obverse  a head  of  Washington  in 
profile,  exhibiting  an  excellent  likeness,  and  around  it  the 
inscription  : 

Georgio  Washington  svpremo  dvci  exercitwm  adsertori 

LIBERTATIS  COMITIA  AMERICANA.1 

On  the  reverse  is  the  town  of  Boston  in  the  distance,  with 
a fleet  in  view,  under  sail.  Washington  and  his  officers  are 
on  horseback  in  the  foreground,  and  he  is  pointing  to  the  ships 
as  they  depart  from  the  harbor.  The  inscription  is  : 

1 Sparks’  Washington.  The  description  in  the  text  is  by  Mr.  Sparks. 

27* 


320 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Hostibus  primo  fugatis  Bostonium  recuperatum,  xvn.  Mar- 

TII,  MDCCLXXVI. 

The  congratulations  of  individuals  were  more  spirited  than 
those  of  public  bodies.  An  extract  from  one  of  the  letters  of 
this  period  will  show  their  tone.  “ What  an  occurrence  is 
this  to  be  known  in  Europe  ! ” writes  Elbridge  Gerry,  March 
26.  “ How  are  Parliamentary  pretensions  to  be  reconciled? 

Eight  or  ten  thousand  British  troops,  it  has  been  said,  are  suf- 
ficient to  overrun  America  ; and  yet  that  number  of  their  vet- 
erans, posted  in  Boston,  (a  peninsula  fortified  by  nature, 
defended  by  works  the  product  of  two  years’  industry,  sur- 
rounded by  navigable  waters,  supported  by  ships  of  war,  and 
commanded  by  their  best  generals,)  are  driven  off  by  about 
one-thirtieth  of  the  power  of  America.  Surely  the  invincible 
veterans  labored  under  some  great  disadvantage  from  want  of 
provisions  or  military  stores,  which  the  Americans  were  amply 
provided  with  ! Directly  the  reverse.  They  had  provisions 
enough ; ammunition,  muskets  and  accoutrements,  for  every 
man,  and  a piece  of  ordnance  for  every  fifteen  ; while  the 
Americans  were  almost  destitute  of  all  these,  and  after  twelve 
months’  collection  had  only  a sufficiency  of  powder  to  tune 
their  cannon  for  six  or  eight  days.  I am  at  a loss  to  know 
how  Great  Britain  will  reconcile  all  this  to  her  military 
glory.” 

The  intelligence  was  received  with  astonishment  in  Eng- 
land. The  ministry  were  again  deeply  mortified.  A brief 
official  announcement  of  the  evacuation  appeared  in  the  Lon- 
don Gazette.  It  stated  that  General  Howe,  on  the  7th  of 
March,  determined  to  remove  from  Boston,  and  that  the 
“embarkation  was  effected  the  17th  of  the  same  month,  with 
the  greatest  order  and  regularity,  and  without  the  least  inter- 
ruption.” 1 Again,  they  kept  back  full  intelligence  of  the 

1 The  whole  announcement  was  as  follows  : “White-Hall,  May  3.  — Gen- 
eral Howe,  commander-in-chief  of  his  majesty’s  forces  in  North  America, 
having  taken  a resolution  on  the  seventh  of  March  to  remove  from  Boston  to 
Halifax  with  the  troops  under  his  command,  and  such  of  the  inhabitants, 
with  their  effects,  as  were  desirous  to  continue  under  the  protection  of  his 
majesty’s  forces  ; the  embarkation  was  effected  the  17th  of  the  same  month, 
with  the  greatest  order  and  regularity,  and  without  the  least  interruption 


DEBATE  IN  PARLIAMENT. 


321 


transaction,  and  affected  to  be  not  the  least  disconcerted  by 
the  loss  of  Boston.  Parliament  was  then  in  session,  and  the 
subject  was  called  up  on  the  6th  of  May  by  Colonel  Barre, 
who  moved  for  an  address  to  his  majesty  praying  that  copies 
of  the  despatches  of  General  Howe  and  Admiral  Shuldham 
might  be  laid  before  the  House.  His  remarks  were  severe 
against  the  ministry.  He  had  been  informed  there  was  a 
capitulation  between  Howe  and  Washington,  through  the 
intervention  of  the  selectmen,  by  which  General  Howe  was  to 
leave  his  stores  and  not  burn  the  town.  But  the  Gazette  did 
not  mention  it,  nor  did  it  give  the  public  any  reasons  for 
Howe’s  quitting  Boston.  He  trusted  that  the  government 
would  present  more  satisfactory  information  than  that  of  the 
flimsy  scrap  of  paper  — the  official  account  — which  he  held 
in  his  hand.  Lord  North,  in  reply,  stated  that  the  army  was 
not  compelled  to  abandon  Boston ; that  the  general  did  not 
come  in  to  any  compromise  whatever ; that  the  troops  em- 
barked with  all  possible  coolness  and  regularity,  and  even 
perfectly  at  their  ease  ; that  the  evacuation  of  Boston  was  no 
loss  of  glory,  no  disgrace,  it  was  only  a change  of  place. 
Great  Britain  had  the  same  men  and  the  same  ships,  but  only 
in  another  place.  Lord  John  Cavendish  said  that  the  House 
had  proceeded  from  the  beginning  on  actual  misinformation  : 
that  it  was  owned  that  the  information  was  false,  that  the 
whole  British  empire  had  been  lost  at  the  national  expense  of 
twenty  millions,  in  precisely  eleven  months  from  the  date  of 
the  defeat  at  Lexington  to  the  evacuation  of  Boston.  Mr. 
Hartley  insisted  that  General  Howe  was  driven  from  Boston, 
and  that  nothing  but  a dread  of  having  his  whole  army  cut 
to  pieces,  or  made  prisoners,  induced  him  to  make  so  precip- 
itate and  unexpected  a retreat;  and  that  “the  great  chain 
which  held  both  countries  was  now  broken,”  and  that  he 
“feared  America  was  forever  lost.”  Mr.  Burke  declared  that 
every  measure  which  had  been  adopted  or  pursued  was 

from  the  rebels.  When  the  packet  came  away  the  first  division  of  transports 
was  under  sail,  and  the  remainder  were  preparing  to  follow  in  a few  days  ; 
the  admiral  leaving  behind  as  many  men-of-war  as  could  be  spared  from  the 
convoy,  for  the  security  and  protection  of  such  vessels  as  might  be  bound  to 
Boston.” 


322 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


directed  to  impoverish  England,  and  to  emancipate  America; 
and  though  in  twelve  months  nearly  two  hundred  pounds  a 
man  had  been  spent  for  salt  beef  and  sour-kroute,  that  the 
troops  could  not  have  remained  ten  days  longer  if  the  heavens 
had  not  rained  down  manna  and  quails.  Mr.  Ellis  regarded 
the  evacuation  of  Boston  as  a diminution  of  credit,  and  a 
great  calamity,  and  as  a measure  that  would  give  eclat  to  the 
American  cause ; and  that  it  was  a reflection  on  General  Howe 
to  say  it  was  anything  else  but  a harsh  necessity.  General 
Conway  affirmed  that  the  British  arms  in  this  evacuation  had 
been  dishonored  ; that  British  councils  had  fallen  into  con- 
tempt, and  the  honor  of  the  nation  deeply  wounded.  Lord 
George  Germaine’s  (the  minister’s)  explanation  was  feeble. 
He  understood  that  General  Howe  never  intended  to  begin 
operations  from  Boston,  and  asserted  there  was  no  agreement 
between  the  two  commanders;  General  Washington  had 
changed  his  position,  which,  no  doubt,  obliged  General  Howe 
to  change  his  position. 

Another  debate  took  place  in  the  House  of  Lords.  On  the 
10th  of  May  the  Duke  of  Manchester,  — who  made  a call  for 
the  despatches,  — in  a remarkable  speech  reviewing  the  gen- 
eral policy  of  the  ministry  and  the  military  operations,  used 
severe  language  on  the  loss  of  Boston.  He  alluded  to  the 
martial  spirit  displayed  by  the  Americans  at  Bunker  Hill, 
where  “an  apothecary’s  late  ’prentice  (Warren)  led  forth 
armies,  displayed  the  warrior’s  skill  and  intrepidity,  and  met 
a death  a Roman  might  have  envied ; ” in  Arnold’s  expedi- 
tion to  Quebec  — a march  a Hannibal  would  have  admired  ; 
in  the  siege  of  the  British  army  and  in  forcing  it  from  Boston. 
Here,  he  said,  “We  are  informed  of  this  extraordinary  event 
by  a gazette,  published  by  authority  from  government,  in 
which  it  is  related  that  General  Howe  had  quitted  Boston  ; no 
circumstances  mentioned  to  palliate  the  event,  no  veil  but  that 
of  silence  to  cast  over  the  disgrace.  But,  my  lords,  though 
government  account  is  short  and  uncircumstantial,  yet  private 
intelligence,  public  report,  on  which,  till  it  is  with  authen- 
ticity denied,  I must  rely,  informs  us  that  General  Howe  quit- 
ted not  Boston  of  .his  own  free  will,  but  that  a superior  enemy, 
by  repeated  efforts,  by  extraordinary  works,  by  fire  of  their 


DEBATE  IN  PARLIAMENT. 


323 


batteries,  rendered  the  place  untenable.  I mean  not  the  least 
most  distant  censure  on  him ; his  reputation  stands  fixed  on 
too  firm  a basis  to  be  easily  shaken  ; I do  believe  all  that  in 
that  situation  could  by  the  best  officers  be  attempted,  was 
tried  to  the  utmost.  But,  my  lords,  circumstances  obliged 
him  to  quit  that  post  he  could  not  possibly  maintain.  The 
mode  of  the  retreat  may,  to  the  general,  do  infinite  honor,  but 
it  does  dishonor  to  the  British  nation.  Let  this  transaction  be 
dressed  in  what  garb  you  please,  the  fact  remains,  that  the 
army  which  was  sent  to  reduce  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay  has  been  driven  from  the  capital,  and  that  the  standard 
of  the  provincial  army  now  waves  in  triumph  over  the  walls 
of  Boston.” 

The  Earl  of  Suffolk,  in  defence  of  the  ministry,  announced 
that  Howe  had  instructions,  as  early  as  October,  to  quit  Bos- 
ton whenever  he  thought  proper  ; that  it  was  not  intended  to 
carry  on  military  operations  in  Massachusetts ; that  it  was 
only  a shifting  of  position  to  carry  into  execution  measures 
already  agreed  on,  the  first  object  of  which  was  “ to  secure 
Halifax  against  any  attack  of  the  rebels  ; ” that  he  could  not 
perceive  their  superior  courage,  for  they  permitted  the  troops 
to  embark  without  molestation  ; that  there  was  no  convention, 
stipulation,  concession  or  compromise,  whatever,  made ; that, 
after  securing  Halifax,  the  design  was  to  penetrate  by  that 
way  into  the  interior  country,  and  pursue  his  future  intended 
operations. 

The  Marquis  of  Rockingham  was  severe  in  his  reply, 
because  he  was  so  exact  in  his  facts.  His  information  was 
derived  from  letters  written  on  the  spot.  He  contended  that 
the  troops  were  compelled  to  quit  the  town,  and  were  permit- 
ted to  quit  it  by  agreement.  He  then  alluded  to  the  instruc- 
tions given  by  the  ministry  to  destroy  the  American  towns, 
and  asked,  “Why  not  destroy  the  town  in  pursuance  of  the 
general  instructions,  when  they  thought  proper  to  shift  their 
position  1 or,  if  compelled  to  abandon  it,  why  not  raze  it  to 
the  foundations,  by  way  of  retaliation  ? If  there  was  no  con- 
vention, no  treaty  or  agreement,  how  will  they  answer  to 
government  of  this  disobedience  of  orders?”  He  then  reca- 
pitulated the  events  of  the  last  days  of  the  siege,  and  said : 


324 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


“If  those  accounts  are  true,  of  which  I have  very  little  doubt, 
your  lordships  will  perceive,  though  possibly  there  might 
have  been  no  formal  convention  or  capitulation  signed,  which 
I understood  was  avoided  by  the  generals  on  both  sides,  for 
particular  reason,  that  in  whatever  manner  the  business 
might  have  been  Negotiated,  it  had  ever}'-  substantial  requisite 
of  a treaty  or  compromise,  as  much  as  if  it  had  been  ever  so 
solemnly  authenticated  or  subscribed.  The  troops  were  per- 
mitted to  evacuate  the  town  without  interruption,  because 
they  engaged,  on  the  other  hand,  not  to  burn  or  destroy  it, 
either  previous  to  their  departure,  or  after  they  got  on  board 
their  ships.” 

The  Earl  of  Effingham  stated  substantially  the  same  facts. 
He  affirmed,  that  after  the  prevention  of  the  purposed  attack 
on  Dorchester  Heights  by  a storm,  the  only  alternative  that 
remained  for  Howe,  in  order  to  save  his  army,  was  to  enter 
into  a convention. 

The  Earl  of  Sherburne  went  over  the  same  ground,  and 
made  the  same  points.  He  then  said  : “ The  noble  earl  (Suf- 
folk) who  has  this  day  entertained  your  lordships  so  ably  tells 
you  that  General  Howe  has  only  shifted  his  position,  — that  he 
is  gone  to  the  relief  of  Halifax,  which  is  in  a defenceless  state. 
Why  was  that  place,  from  which  such  wonders  are  to  be 
achieved,  left  in  a defenceless  state?”  He  never  understood 
an  actual  abandonment  of  an  enterprise  to  be  a shifting  a 
position. 

The  ministry,  immediately  on  receiving  the  official  de- 
spatches, approved  of  the  evacuation  of  Boston.  Lord  George 
Germaine  (May  3,  1776)  wrote  to  General  Howe  as  follows  : 
“The  miscarriage  of  the  despatches1  has  been  very  unfortu- 
nate, and  your  not  having  received  supplies  would  have  been 
fatal,  but  for  the  step  you  very  prudently  took  of  withdrawing 
from  the  town  of  Boston,  which,  under  the  circumstances  you 
have  stated,  is  a measure  very  much  approved  by  the  king, 
and,  in- the  execution  of  which,  you  have  given  the  fullest 
proof  of  his  majesty’s  wisdom  and  discernment  in  the  choice 

1 General  Howe  had  received  no  letters  from  the  government,  when  he 
wrote,  since  October  22,  1775.  He  sent  his  despatches  by  Major  Thompson, 
afterwards  the  celebrated  Count  Rumford. 


BRITISH  CRITICISM. 


325 


of  so  able  and  brave  an  officer  to  command  his  troops  in 
America.” 

General  Howe’s  conduct,  during  the  siege,  continued  for 
years  to  be  criticised  in  Parliament  and  out  of  it.  He  might 
complain  with  reason,  after  receiving  the  approval  of  minis- 
ters, that  they  should  have  kept  silent  when  he  was  calumni- 
ated. In  the  newspapers  and  in  pamphlets  the  comments 
were  frequent  and  sharp.  An  extract  from  an  article  will 
indicate  the  nature  of  this  criticism.  After  reviewing  some 
of  the  incidents  of  the  siege,  the  writer  remarks  : “ Now,  I 
beg  leave  to  ask  Sir  William  Howe,  whether  Boston  was 
tenable  or  not  ? He  had,  indeed,  staked  his  reputation  as  a 
general  on  the  affirmative.  If  it  was  not,  how  could  he,  or 
his  favorite  engineer,  overlook  this  (Dorchester)  post  ? Could 
they  suppose  that  the  rebels,  who,  before  winter,  had  made 
regular  approaches  to  the  foot  of  this  hill,  would  fail,  as  soon 
as  the  season  opened,  to  occupy  the  top  of  it?  Why  were  no 
precautions  taken  to  prevent  it  ? Why  was  not  a post  estab- 
lished there,  as  at  Bunker’s  Hill  ? Or  if  Boston  was  tenable,  as 
the  general  had  pledged  himself,  and  I confess  I have  not  the 
least  doubt  of,  why,  in  God’s  name,  was  it  so  shamefully 
abandoned  ? Why  were  the  army  and  the  loyalists  obliged 
to  combat  war,  pestilence  and  famine,  through  the  winter,  at 
Boston,  only  to  be  hurried  from  it  in  the  spring?  Or  why 
was  the  town  finally  evacuated  with  circumstances  so  dispir- 
iting to  the  troops,  and  so  encouraging  to  the  rebels  ? All 
the  cannon  at  Charlestown,  the  greatest  part  of  those  at  the 
lines  on  the  Neck,  two  thirteen-inch  mortars,  and  other  ord- 
nance, amounting  in  the  whole  to  (serviceable  and  unservice- 
able) one  hundred  pieces,  great  quantities  of  military  stores, 
and  even  provisions,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  rebels.  And  as 
though  something  was  still  wanting  to  swell  their  triumph 
and  make  it  complete,  a convention  was  entered  into  with  the 
rebels,  with  General  Howe’s  knowledge  and  approbation,  that 
the  town  should  not  be  injured  in  case  they  would  suffer  the 
troops  to  embark  without  interruption.  The  agreement  was 
religiously  kept.  As  the  last  division  of  troops  embarked  at 
the  Long  Wharf,  a flag  was  hoisted  on  the  steeple  of  a 
church,  and  Washington  entered  the  town  with  drums  beat- 


326 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


ing,  music  playing,  colors  flying,  and  in  all  the  pride  and 
exultation  of  victory.”  1 

However  just,  in  a military  point  of  view,  the  criticism 
might  have  been,  relative  to  the  long  neglect  of  Dorchester 
Heights,  no  other  course  but  an  evacuation  remained  to  Gen- 
eral Howe  after  Washington  had  got  possession  of  them. 
Nor  could  he  have  prosecuted  operations  against  the  American 
lines  with  any  chance  of  success.  They  were  numerous  and 
strong.  “Nothing,”  it  has  been  remarked,  “but  the  enthusi- 
asm of  liberty  could  have  enabled  the  men  of  America  to  have 
constructed  such  works.  In  history  they  are  equalled  only 
by  the  lines  and  forts  raised  by  Julius  Caesar  to  surround  the 
army  of  Pompey.”  2 Hence  the  British  army  accomplished 
all  that  could  be  expected  of  an  army  placed  in  such  a con- 
dition. 

Washington’s  conduct  met  with  universal  approval.  The 
people  had  been  jmpatient  to  see  the  British  driven  out  of  Bos- 
ton. Congress  shared  this  feeling,  and  hence  the  repeated 
expression  of  its  wish  that  Washington  should  venture  an 
assault.  It  was  doubted  whether  it  was  possible  to  keep  the 
army  together  during  so  long  and  wearisome  a siege.  It  was 
supposed  that  the  stimulus  of  a triumph  was  necessary  to 
sustain  the  American  cause.  Washington  felt  all  this,  and 
was  not,  also,  indifferent  to  the  wishes  of  Congress.  Hence 

1 This  extract  is  taken  from  a pamphlet,  entitled  “ A View  of  the  Evidence 
relative  to  the  Conduct  of  the  American  War,”  &c.,  1779.  It  was  one  of  the 
publications  that  caused  General  Howe  to  demand  an  inquiry  into  his  oper- 
ations in  America.  In  the  evidence  given  during  this  investigation,  the 
events  of  the  siege  occupy  a conspicuous  place. 

The  following  extract  from  a speech  of  Mr.  Wilkes,  Nov.  18,  1777,  will 
show  what  language  continued  to  be  used  in  Parliament  : — “ Let  us  recol- 
lect, sir,  what  passed  after  Boston  was  taken  by  the  British  forces.  Our 
general  was  soon  besieged  in  that  capital  of  New  England,  ignominiously 
cooped  up  there  many  months  with  twenty  regiments,  and  at  last  driven  from 
thence.  I know  the  coloring  given  to  this  retreat  by  the  court  party  among 
us,  and  have  been  nauseated  with  the  cant  terms  of  our  generals’  changing 
their  quarters,  and  shifting  their  positions  ; but  I know,  likewise,  that  their 
artillery  and  stores  were  left  behind.  All  the  military  men  of  this  country 
now  confess  that  the  retreat  of  General  Howe  from  Boston  was  an  absolute 
flight,  — as  much  so,  sir,  as  that  of  Mahomet  from  Mecca.” 

2 Article  in  Silliman’s  Journal. 


STATE  OF  BOSTON. 


327 


his  repeated  proposals  to  his  general  officers  to  make  an  attack 
on  Boston.  However  strong  might  have  been  his  belief  of 
the  feasibility  of  a successful  assault,  it  can  now  be  scarcely 
doubted  but  that  the  adverse  decisions  of  the  councils  of  war 
were  correct.1  Such  enterprises  are  counted  hazardous,  even 
when  made  by  veterans  in  war.  How  much  greater  is  the 
hazard  when  raw  levies  are  to  be  led  against  disciplined 
troops,  protected  by  intrenchments  as  strong  as  science  and 
labor  can  make  them.  When  all  the  advantage  that  could 
have  been  reasonably  calculated  on  by  an  attack,  had  been 
attained  without  the  effusion  of  blood  or  the  destruction  of 
property,  when  the  British  troops  had  been  driven  ingloriously 
out  of  Boston,  the  censure  that  had  been  cast  upon  the  Fabian 
policy  of  Washington  was  changed  into  a general  approval 
of  the  wisdom  of  his  councils.  It  was  seen  that  the  British, 
in  abandoning  the  town  that  had  been  proclaimed  the  cause 
of  the  struggle,  in  reality  suffered  a defeat ; and  that  the 
Americans,  in  getting  possession  of  it.  in  reality  achieved  a 
triumph. 

Boston  was  not  injured  so  much,  either  by  the  bombard- 
ment or  by  the  troops,  as  it  had  been  reported.  Dr.  Warren 
went  in  two  hours  after  the  British  left.  He  writes  in  his 
diary  : “ The  houses  I found  to  be  considerably  abused  inside, 
where  they  had  been  inhabited  by  the  common  soldiery,  but 
the  external  parts  of  the  houses  made  a tolerable  appearance. 
The  streets  were  clean,  and.  upon  the  whole,  the  town  looks 
much  better  than  I expected.  Several  hundred  houses  were 
pulled  down,  but  these  were  very  old  ones.”  Washington 
wrote  to  President  Hancock  that  his  house  had  received  no 
damage  worth  mentioning ; that  his  family  pictures  were 
untouched,  and  his  furniture  was  in  tolerable  order ; and  that 
the  damage  done  to  the  houses  and  furniture  generally  was 
not  equal  to  the  report : but  that  the  inhabitants  suffered 
much  from  being  plundered  by  the  soldiery  at  their  depart- 
ure. Other  contemporary  letters  contain  similar  statements 
as  to  the  general  appearance  of  the  town.  The  interior  of 
many  of  the  houses  had  been  badly  used.' 

1 Reed’s  Life  of  President  Reed,  vol.  i.,  p.  121. 

2 A report  was  prepared  by  the  selectmen,  agreeable  to  an  order  of  the 

28 


328 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Many  of  the  public  buildings  were  in  a shameful  condition. 
The  Old  South  Church,  obnoxious  to  the  British  on  account 
of  the  town-meetings  held  in  it,  had  been  made  a riding- 
school.  Deacon  Newell  (October  27)  writes  in  his  diary  as 
follows  : “ The  spacious  Old  South  meeting-house  taken  pos- 

session of  for  this  purpose.  The  pulpit,  pews  and  seats,  all 
cut  to  pieces,  and  carried  off  in  the  most  savage  manner  as 
can  be  expressed,  and  destined  for  a riding-school.  The  beau- 
tiful carved  pew,  with  the  silk  furniture,  of  Deacon  Hub- 
bard’s, was  taken  down  and  carried  to  — ’s  house  by  an 

officer,  and  made  a hog-stye.  The  above  was  effected  by  the 
solicitation  of  General  Burgoyne.”  Dirt  and  gravel  were 
spread  over  the  floor ; the  south  door  was  closed ; a bar  was 
fixed,  over  which  the  cavalry  leaped  their  horses  at  full  speed ; 
the  east  galleries  were  allotted  to  spectators ; the  first  gallery 
was  fitted  up  as  a refreshment  room.  A stove  was  put  up  in 
the  winter,  and  here  were  burnt  for  kindling  many  of  the 
books  and  manuscripts  of  Prince’s  fine  library.  The  parson- 
age house  belonging  to  this  society  was  pulled  down  for  fuel. 

The  Old  North  Chapel,  built  in  1677.  which  was  in  good 
repair,  and  might  have  stood  many  years,  was  pulled  down 
for  fuel.  The  steeple  of  the  West  Church,  built  of  large  tim- 
ber, was  also  taken  down,  and  afforded  no  small  supply. 
Many  trees  were  cut  down  on  the  common,  and  in  other 
places.  The  celebrated  Liberty  Tree  furnished  fourteen  cords 
of  wood.  The  common  was  much  disfigured.  Much  of  it 
was  turned  up  into  fortifications.  Faneuil  Hall  was  fitted  up, 
by  subscription,  into  a very  neat  theatre,  under  the  counte- 
nance of  General  Howe.  The  Brattle-street  Church'  and 
the  Hollis-street  Church  were  occupied  by  the  troops  for 
barracks. 

The  most  important  of  the  fortifications  were  found  entire, 
and  exceedingly  strong.  Several  persons,  who  went  into 

legislature,  of  the  amount  of  damage  suffered  by  Boston  during  the  opera- 
tion of  the  Port  Bill  and  the  siege.  The  total  was  estimated  at  £323,074 
14s.  6d. 

1 A shot  from  the  American  lines  struck  the  tower  of  this  church,  which 
was  picked  up  by  Mr.  Turell,  preserved  in  his  family,  and  was  subsequently 
fastened  into  the  tower  where  it  struck. 


THE  FORTIFICATIONS  IN  BOSTON. 


329 


Boston  soon  after  the  British  troops  left  it,  have  given  partial 
descriptions  of  their  appearance.  “We  found,”  one  says, 
“ the  works  upon  the  Neck  entire,  the  cannon  spiked  up,  the 
shells  chiefly  split,  and  many  of  the  cannon  carriages  cut  to 
pieces  ; these  lines  upon  the  Neck  were  handsomely  built,  and 
so  amazingly  strong  that  it  would  have  been  impracticable 
for  us  to  have  forced  them.  The  other  works  were  not  so 
well  constructed  as  I imagined  we  should  have  found  them, 
especially  at  the  bottom  of  the  common,  and  on  Beacon  Hill. 
They  appeared  to  be  ill-constructed,  and  designed  for  little  but 
to  frighten  us.”  1 

Dr.  Warren  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  the  forts  as  they 
were  left  by  the  enemy,  and  describes  their  appearance.  Two 
redoubts,  situated  in  the  neighborhood  of  Beacon  Hill,  ap- 
peared to  me,  he  says,  “ to  be  considerably  strong.  There 
were  two  or  three  half-moons  at  the  hill  upon  the  bottom  of 
the  common  for  small  arms,  and  there  were  no  embrasures  at 
the  redoubt  above  mentioned.  Just  by  the  shore,  opposite 
Lechmere’s  Point,  is  a bomb  battery,  lined  with  plank,  and 
faced  with  a parapet  of  horse-dung,  being  nothing  but  a 
simple  line  ; near  it  lies  a thirteen-inch  mortar,  a little  moved 
from  its  bed.  This  is  an  exceeding  fine  piece;  being,  as  I am 
sure,  seven  and  a half  inches  thick  at  the  muzzle,  and  near 
twice  that  over  the  chamber,  with  an  iron  bed  all  cast  as  one 
piece,  the  touch-hole  spiked  up.  Just  above  it,  upon  the  ascent 
of  the  hill,  was  a three-gun  battery  of  thirty-two-pounders. 
The  cannon  are  left  spiked  up,  and  shot  drove  into  the  boxes. 
There  was  only  a simple  line,  being  plank  filled  with  dirt. 
Upon  Beacon  Hill  were  scarcely  more  than  the  fortifications 
of  nature,  — a very  insignificant  shallow  ditch,  with  a few 
short  pickets,  a platform,  and  one  twenty-four-pounder,  which 
could  not  be  brought  to  bear  upon  any  part  of  the  hill.  This 
was  left  spiked  up,  and  the  bore  crammed.  Copp’sHill,  at 
the  north,  was  nothing  more  than  a few  barrels  filled  with 
ditt,  to  form  parapets,  — three  twenty-four-pounders  upon  (a) 
platform,  left  spiked  and  crammed ; all  these,  as  well  as  the 
others,  on  carriages.  The  parapet  in  this  fort,  and  on  Beacon 

'Edward  Bangs’  Ms.  Diary,  — for  which,  and  for  other  favors,  I am 
indebted  to  J.  Wingate  Thornton,  Esq. 


330 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


Hill,  did  not  at  all  cover  the  men  who  should  work  the  can- 
non. There  was  a small  redoubt  behind  for  small  arms,  very- 
slender  indeed.  Fort  Hill  was  only  five  lines  of  barrels  filled 
with  earth,  very  trifling  indeed.  Upon  the  Neck  the  works 
were  strong,  consisting  of  redoubts,  numbers  of  lines  with 
embrasures  for  cannon,  a few  of  which  were  left  as  the  others. 
A very  strong  work  at  the  old  fortification,  and  another  near 
the  hay-market.  All  these  were  ditched  and  picketed. 
Hatch’s  Wharf  was  a battery  of  rafters,  with  dirt,  and  two 
twelve-pounders,  left  as  the  others.  One  of  these  I saw 
drilled  out  and  cleared  for  use,  without  damage.  A great 
number  of  other  cannon  were  left  at  the  north  and  south  bat- 
teries, with  one  or  both  trunnions  beat  off.  Shot  and  shells 
in  divers  parts  of  the  town,  some  cartridges,  great  quantities 
of  wheat,  hay,  oil,  medicine,  horses,  and  other  articles,  to  the 
amount  of  a great  sum.”  Washington  was  evidently  sur- 
prised at  the  formidable  character  of  the  main  works.  “ The 
town  of  Boston,”  he  writes,  “was  almost  impregnable  — 
every  avenue  fortified.” 

Charlestown  presented  one  unbroken  scene  of  desolation  — 
here  and  there  only  a wall  or  a chimney.  Dr.  Warren,  on 
the  21st  of  March,  visited  it,  and  described  it  as  follows  : — 
“ This  day  I visit(ed)  Charlestown,  and  a most  melancholy 
heap  of  ruins  it  is.  Scarcely  the  vestiges  of  those  beautiful 
buildings  remain  to  distinguish  them  from  the  mean  cottages. 
The  hill  which  was  the  theatre  upon  which  the  bloody 
tragedy  of  the  17th  of  June  was  acted  commands  the  most 
affecting  view  I ever  saw  in  my  life.  The  walls  of  magnifi- 
cent buildings  tottering  to  the  earth  below  — above,  a great 
number  of  rude  hillocks,  under  which  are  deposited  the 
remains  of  clusters  of  those  deathless  heroes  who  fell  in.  the 
field  of  battle.  The  scene  was  inexpressibly  solemn.  When 
I considered  myself  as  walking  over  the  bones  of  many  of 
my  worthy  fellow-countrymen,  who  jeoparded  and  sacrificed 
their  lives  in  these  high  places  ; when  I considered  that  whilst 
I (was)  musing  (on)  the  objects  around  me,  I might  be  stand- 
ing over  the  remains  of  a dear  brother,  whose  blood  had 
stained  these  hallowed  walks ; with  veneration  did  this  inspire 
me.  How  many  endearing  scenes  of  fraternal  friendship, 


\ 


temporary  Magazines,  now  made  Guard- 


STATE  OF  CHARLESTOWN. 


331 


now  past  and  gone  forever,  presented  themselves  to  my  view  ! 
But  it  is  enough.  The  blood  of  the  innocent  calls  for  ven- 
geance on  the  guilty  heads  of  the  vile  assassins.  O may  our 
arms  be  strengthened  to  fight  the  battles  of  our  God  ! When 
I came  to  Bunker  Hill  I found  it  exceeding  strong.  The  front 
parapet,  about  thirteen  feet  high,  composed  of  earth  con- 
tained) in  plank,  supported  by  huge  timber,  with  two  look- 
outs upon  the  top.  In  the  front  of  this  were  two  bastions, 
and  a semi-circular  line,  with  very  wide  trenches,  and  very 
long  pickets  as  well  as  trenches.  Within,  the  causeway  was 

secured  with  a and  brush.  All  that  part  of  the  main 

fort  which  was  not  included  with  (in)  (the)  high  works  above 
mentioned,  viz.,  the  rear,  was  secured  by  another  parapet, 
with  a trench  picketed  inside  as  well  as  out.  There  was  a 
half-moon  which  commanded  the  river  at  the  side.”  1 Wash- 
ington pronounced  this  work  “ amazingly  strong.”  “Twenty 
thousand  men,”  he  says,  “could  not  have  carried  it  against 
one  thousand,  had  that  work  been  well  defended.”  This 
work  was  destroyed  by  the  American  troops  immediately 
after  the  British  evacuated  the  town.2  Dr.  Warren  describes 
the  other  works  in  Charlestown  as  follows  : “ There  was  a 
block-house  upon  School-house  Hill,  enclosed  by  a very  strong 
fence  spiked,  and  a dungeon  and  block-house  upon  Breed’s 
Hill,  enclosed  in  a redoubt  of  earth,  with  trenches  and  pickets. 
The  works  which  had  been  cast  up  by  our  forces  had  been 
entirely  levelled.”  3 

1 Dr.  Warren's  Diary.  Some  of  this  interesting  Ms.  is  hardly  legible. 

2 The  barracks  attached  to  this  fortress  were  moved  into  various  parts  oi 
Charlestown,  and  improved  for  dwelling-houses.  The  low  building  opposite 
-he  City  Hall,  in  Bow-street,  on  the  Austin  estate,  was  one  of  these  bar- 
racks. The  groundwork  of  this  fortress  could  be,  until  recently,  very  dis- 
tinctly traced. 

3 1 have  been  often  informed  that  the  redoubt  and  works  raised  by  the 
Americans  were  entirely  levelled  by  the  British  while  they  were  in  posses- 
sion of  Charlestown.  Contemporary  accounts,  however,  (except  the  one  in 
the  text,)  do  not  indicate  this.  In  Waller's  Orderly  Book,  (Ms.,)  kept  in 
Charlestown,  there  are  several  allusions  to  the  “ Rebel  Redoubt.”  A guard 
was  immediately  (June  19)  stationed  “ in  the  redoubt  stormed  by  the  army  ; ” 
it  was  ordered  (June  20)  to  be  cleared,  and  a shed  built  in  it,  to  shelter  the 
guard;  the  posts  and  rails  were  ordered  (June  21)  to  be  “carried  to  the 
redoubt,  and  piled  up  in  order.”  The  tools  in  the  camp  were  ordered 


332 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


I have  attempted  to  present  a faithful  narrative  of  the  open- 
ing scenes  of  the  war  of  the  American  Revolution.  The  siege 
of  Boston  must  be  regarded  not  only  as  one  of  the  most  inter- 
esting incidents  connected  with  this  great  contest,  but  as  one 
of  the  memorable  events  of  history.  When  the  people  of 
Massachusetts  saw  that  the  British  government  was  deter- 
mined to  inflict  on  them  the  blight  of  despotic  law,  — a law 
that  destroyed  their  ancient  charter,  and  that  undermined 
their  ancient  liberties,  — they  resolved,  at  every  hazard,  to 
resist  its  execution.  When  a British  army  was  concentrated 
to  enforce  submission,  they  resolutely  prepared  for  self-defence. 
So  thoroughly  was  this  work  done,  and  so  strong  was  the  sus- 
taining sentiment  of  the  community,  that,  on  the  first  invasion 
of  their  soil,  it  seemed  as  though  the  fable  of  the  dragon’s 
teeth  was  realized  in  the  armed  hosts  that  started  up  to  repel 
the  insult.  The  expedition  sent  to  Concord  was  driven  back 
in  disgrace  to  its  quarters ; and,  within  twenty-four  hours, 
the  whole  British  army  was  confined  to  the  bounds  of  a small 
peninsula,  was  cut  off  from  all  relief  by  land,  and  was 
reduced  to  humiliating  expedients  for  subsistence. 

(August  5)  to  be  “ carried  to  the  Rebel  Redoubt.”  Other  redoubts  in  town 
are  named,  as  “the  Grenadier  Redoubt,”  which  were  undoubtedly  thrown 
up  by  the  British  troops. 

In  addition  to  this,  General  Wilkinson  states  in  his  memoirs,  that,  on  the 
evacuation  of  the  town,  he  accompanied  Colonels  Stark  and  Reed  over  the 
battle-field.  While  he  names  “the  vestiges”  of  the  rail  fence  breastwork, 
he  speaks  of  “ resting  on  the  parapet  ” where  the  patriots  fought.  He  says  : 
“ Arrived  on  the  field  of  battle,  where  those  officers  had  performed  conspic- 
uous parts,  with  anxious  inquiry  I traced  the  general  disposition  of  our  yeo- 
manry on  that  eventful  day,  and  the  particular  station  of  each  corps  ; I 
marked  the  vestiges  of  the  post  and  rail  fence  on  the  left,  and  the  breastwork 
thrown  up  on  the  beach  of  Mystic  River,  which  covered  our  armed  citizens. 
I paced  the  distance  to  the  point  from  whence  the  British  light-infantry,  after 
three  successive  gallant  charges,  were  finally  repulsed.  I examined  the 
redoubt,  the  intrenchment,  the  landings  and  approaches  of  the  enemy,  and 
every  point  of  attack  and  defence.  Resting  on  the  parapet  where,  nine 
months  before,  1 valor’s  self  might  have  stood  appalled,’  I surveyed  the 
whole  ground  at  a glance,  and  eagerly  devoured  the  information  imparted  by 
my  brave  companions.” 

The  small  mound  on  the  north-eastern  corner  of  the  Monument-square  is 
said  to  be  the  remains  of  the  original  breastwork. 


CONCLUDING  REMARKS. 


333 


The  British  generals,  after  for  sixty  days  denying  the  fact 
of  being  in  a state  of  siege,  determined  to  penetrate  into  the 
country.  It  was  announced  in  England  that  General  Gage 
would  garrison  Boston,  and  that  Generals  Howe,  Clinton,  and 
Burgoyne,  would  take  the  field,  and  disperse  the  colonial 
army.  To  cany  out  this  plan,  they  fixed  upon  a time  to 
occupy  one  of  the  heights  of  land  that  commanded  their  posi- 
tion. To  their  astonishment  a redoubt  suddenly  appeared  on 
another  height,  equally  commanding  in  its  position,  which 
was  filled  with  the  daring  Americans.  To  dislodge  them,  a 
detachment  marched  out  to  a conflict  as  bloody  as  history  had 
on  record.  This  experience  appears  to  have  changed  the 
spirit  of  the  British  generals  and  the  British  troops.  It  shook 
out  of  them  their  arrogance  and  contempt.  It  made  them 
respectful,  if  not  timid.  They  afterwards  manifested  no  dis- 
position to  measure  strength  with  their  antagonists.  They 
attained  to  the  belief  that  there  was  something  about  Massa- 
chusetts— either  in  the  nature  of  the  country  or  in  the  temper 
of  its  people  — that  made  it  a most  unfit  place  for  military 
operations.  If  they  entertained  offensive  plans,  they  did  not 
attempt  to  carry  them  into  effect.  And  thus  a well-appointed 
army,  with  accomplished  officers,  with  cavalry  and  a fine 
train  of  artillery,  supplied  with  every  science  of  war,  of  un- 
doubted bravery  and  backed  by  a powerful  fleet,  was  satisfied 
if  allowed  to  remain  unmolested  in  its  strongholds  until  it 
chose  to  change  its  position. 

It  was  not  so,  however,  with  the  Americans.  They  were 
at  all  times  inadequately  supplied  with  materials  of  war,  and 
at  some  periods  were  alarmingly  weak  in  point  of  numbers. 
Washington  had  difficulties  that  seemed  insurmountable.  He 
was  even  obliged  to  disband  one  army  and  to  enlist  another,  in 
the  face  of  his  veteran  enemy.  But  he  went  triumphantly 
through  them  all.  He  drew  his  lines  each  month  closer  about 
Boston.  He  proposed  each  month,  after  his  works  permitted 
it,  an  assault  on  the  British  army.  It  was  judged  inexpedi- 
ent, for  want  of  the  necessary  means,  and  of  that  steady  dis- 
cipline that  can  only  be  relied  on  in  veterans.  But  such  was 
the  spirit  of  the  army,  that  it  engaged  in  daring  enterprise  on 
the  land  and  in  the  harbor.  When  an  adequate  supply  of 


334 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


powder  and  of  other  military  stores  was  received,  Washing- 
ton occupied  a position  that  compelled  the  British  general  to 
hazard  a battle  or  to  evacuate  the  town.  Such,  then,  became 
his  critical  position,  that  he  willingly  entered  into  an  informal 
understanding,  by  which,  to  secure  his  unmolested  departure, 
he  agreed  not  to  injure  the  town.  These  considerations  were 
as  mortifying  to  the  British  as  they  were  gratifying  to  the 
colonists.  The  abandonment  of  Boston,  under  such  circum- 
stances, was  regarded  in  England  as  a flight,  and  in  America 
as  a victory.1 

The  patriots  now  felt  their  strength.  They  saw  what  four 
only  of  the  colonies  had  done,  and  they  could  calculate  what 
thirteen  colonies  might  do.  They  felt  that  the  same  power 
of  endurance,  exerted  in  a righteous  cause,  would  insure  its 
ultimate  triumph.  Every  scene  of  carnage  and  of  desolation 
roused  the  spirit  of  the  country,  and  weakened  attachment  to 
Great  Britain.  Every  trial  of  their  strength  gave  firmness  to 
their  resistance  and  elevation  to  their  demands.  When  the 
siege  of  Boston  commenced,  the  colonies  were  hesitating  on 
the  great  measure  of  war,  were  separated  by  local  interests, 
were  jealous  of  each  others’  plans,  and  appeared  on  the 
field,  each  with  its  independent  army  under  its  local  colors: 

1 It  may  be  interesting  to  state,  that  all  the  British  generals  lived  to  see 
America  triumphant. 

General  Gage,  on  his  return  to  England,  held  conferences  with  the  minis- 
ters on  American  affairs,  but  appears  to  have  lived  mostly  in  private  life. 
He  died  in  April,  1787. 

General  Howe,  after  serving  at  the  south  with  doubtful  reputation,  re- 
turned to  England  after  the  campaign  of  1777,  and  went  through  the  ordeal 
of  a severe  inquiry.  He  died  in  1814. 

General  Clinton  succeeded  General  Howe  in  the  command  of  the  British 
army,  and  served  till  1782,  when  he  was  superseded  by  General  Carleton. 
He  died  December  22,  1795. 

General  Burgoyne  returned  to  Boston  as  a prisoner  of  war.  After  his 
return  to  England,  he  joined  the  opposition,  and  advocated  in  Parliament  a 
discontinuance  of  the  war.  He  died  August  4,  1792. 

Lord  Percy  was  much  praised  for  his  generosity  and  chivalry.  His  regi- 
ment suffered  severely  at  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  He  was  kind  to  the 
officers  and  soldiers  who  were  wounded,  and  to  the  widows  of  those  who 
fell.  “He  is  daily  doing  something  great  and  commendable,”  wrote  a 
grateful  officer. 


CONCLUDING  REMARKS. 


335 


when  the  siege  of  Boston  ended,  the  colonies  had  drawn  the 
sword  and  nearly  cast  away  the  scabbard  ; they  had  softened 
their  jealousy  of  each  other ; they  had  united  in  a political 
association  ; and  the  union  flag  of  the  thirteen  stripes  waved 
over  a continental  army.  When  the  siege  of  Boston  com- 
menced, the  general  object  and  the  general  desire  were  for  a 
work  of  restoration,  for  a return  to  the  halcyon  days  of  a 
constitutional  connection  with  the  mother  country  : when  the 
siege  of  Boston  ended,  a majority  of  the  patriots  had  irrevoca- 
bly decided,  that  the  only  just  and  solid  foundation  for  secu- 
rity and  liberty  was  the  creation  of  an  independent  American 
empire. 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 

BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


It  seems  appropriate  that  a narrative  of  the  early  events  of 
the  war  of  the  American  Revolution  should  be  accompanied 
with  a history  and  description  of  the  monument  that  gratitude 
and  patriotism  have  raised  to  commemorate  them.  The 
account  must,  necessarily,  be  brief. 1 

It  was  contemplated  early  to  erect  a monument  to  the  mem- 
ory of  General  W arren.  He  presided  over  the  Massachusetts 
grand  lodge  of  Freemasons  from  its  organization  until  his 
death.  This  lodge,  after  the  evacuation  of  Boston,  applied 
to  the  Massachusetts  Council  for  permission  to  take  up  his 
remains,  and  bury  them  with  the  usual  solemnities  of  the 
order.  A committee  of  the  Council  reported  (April  4,  1776) 
in  favor  of  this  petition,  provided  the  design  was  carried  out 
in  such  a manner  that  the  government  of  the  colony  might 
have  an  opportunity  to  erect  a monument  to  his  memory. 
Though  there  was  a procession,  and  an  oration  was  delivered 
by  Perez  Morton,  in  honor  of  General  Warren,  no  measures 
were  taken  to  build  a monument.  The  time  of  war,  and 
the  period  immediately  after  it,  were  unfavorable  for  such  a 
work. 

The  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  for  several 
years,  passed  unnoticed.  The  earliest  general  parade  on  this 
day  was  in  1786.  It  was,  however,  a celebration  of  the 
opening  of  Charles  River  Bridge.  The  toasts,  songs,  and 

1 The  narrative  in  the  text  has  been  prepared  from  information  derived  from 
gentlemen  who  kindly  communicated  facts,  from  the  records  of  associations, 
annual  reports,  letters,  and  newspapers.  The  documents  in  relation  to  the 
Bunker  Hill  Monument  are  voluminous. 

29 


338 


BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


speeches,  which  the  occasion  elicited,  contain  many  allusions 
to  the  battle.  The  contrast  presented  in  the  celebration  of  one 
of  the  triumphs  of  peace,  — the  completion  of  the  greatest 
enterprise  of  the  kind  undertaken  in  America,  — with  the  ter- 
rific scene  of  war  of  eleven  years  previous,  furnished  themes 
of  gratifying  and  patriotic  remark. 

The  credit  is  due  to  the  Charlestown  Artillery  of  having 
been  the  first  to  celebrate  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  The  cus- 
tom of  parading  on  its  anniversary  has  been  kept  up  to  the 
present  time.  In  1794  it  celebrated  the  day  with  much  parade. 
A portion  of  the  military  of  Boston  joined  it;  and,  at  its  re- 
quest, Dr.  Bartlett  delivered  an  oration  in  the  meeting-house. 
There  was  also  a procession.  The  whole  proceedings  gave 
great  satisfaction. 

King  Solomon’s  Lodge  was  established  in  Charlestown  in 
1783  ; and  the  honor  belongs  to  it  of  having  first  placed  a 
monument  on  Breed’s  Hill.  It  appointed  (November  11,  1794) 
a committee  to  erect  such  an  one  as  would  do  honor  to  the 
lodge,  and  authorized  it  to  draw  on  the  treasurer  to  defray  the 
expense.  This  work  was  promptly  done,  — the  land  being 
given  for  this  purpose  by  Hon.  James  Russell.  It  was  ded- 
icated in  the  afternoon  of  the  2d  of  December.  A procession 
was  formed  at  Warren  Hall,  consisting  of  the  members  of  the 
lodge,  the  municipal  authorities  of  Charlestown,  the  ministers 
and  military  officers,  the  children  of  the  public  schools,  and 
the  citizens,  which,  accompanied  by  a band  of  music,  “walked 
in  solemn  silence”  to  the  hill.  There  a circle  was  formed 
round  the  pillar,  and  the  master  of  the  lodge,  John  Soley,  Esq., 
delivered  a neat  and  eloquent  address.  Minute-guns  were 
then  fired  by  a detachment  of  the  Artillery,  and  the  American 
flag  was  displayed  at  half-mast.  The  procession  then  returned 
to  Warren  Hall,  where  Dr.  Josiah  Bartlett  delivered  a eulogy 
on  General  Warren,  and  the  ceremony  was  concluded  by  the 
following  toast:  “May  the  fragrance  of  a good  report,  like  a 
sprig  of  cassia,  bloom  .over  the  grave  of  every  departed 
brother.”  The  services  throughout  were  impressive.  The 
monument,  and  the  dedication  of  it,  reflect  great  credit  on 
King  Solomon’s  Lodge. 

This  monument,  which  stood  a few  rods  west  of  the  present 


THE  FIRST  MONUMENT. 


339 


monument,  and  on  the  spot  where  Warren  fell,  was  a Tuscan 
pillar,  built  of  wood,  eighteen  feet  high,  raised  on  a brick 
pedestal  eight  feet  square,  and  rising  ten  feet  from  the  ground. 
The  pillar  terminated  in  a gilt  urn,  bearing  the  inscription 
J.  W.,  aged  35, — entwined  with  masonic  emblems.  The 
south  side  of  the  pedestal  contained  the  following  inscription  : 

Erected,  a.  d.  mdccxciv. 

By  King  Solomon’s  Lodge  of  Freemasons, 

Constituted  in  Charlestown,  1783, 

In  Memory  of 

Major-general  Joseph  Warren, 

And  his  Associates, 

Who  were  slain  on  this  memorable  spot,  June  17,  1775. 

None  but  they  who  set  a just  value  on  the  blessings  of  liberty  are  worthy 
to  enjoy  her. 

In  vain  we  toiled  ; in  vain  we  fought ; we  bled  in  vain  ; if  you,  our  off- 
spring, want  valor  to  repel  the  assaults  of  her  invaders. 

Charlestown  settled,  1628. 

Burnt,  1775.  Rebuilt,  1776. 

The  enclosed  land  given  by  the  Hon.  James  Russell. 

This  monument  cost  about  one  thousand  dollars.  It  was 
kept  in  repair  by  the  lodge  until  1825,  when,  with  the  land, 
it  was  presented  to  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Association. 

The  next  celebration  of  this  anniversary  was  by  the  Charles- 
town Artillery.  At  its  request,  William  Austin,  of  Charles- 
town, delivered  (June  17,  1S01)  an  oration  at  the  new  meet- 
ing-house, which  was  published.  On  this  occasion  there  was 
a procession,  and,  after  the  oration,  a dinner  at  Warren  Hall. 
The  journals  of  the  day  contain  full  details  of  the  proceed- 
ings. This  celebration  gave  great  gratification  to  those  who 
participated  in  it,  and  reflected  much  credit  on  the  company. 

From  the  year  1801  to  the  year  1825,  there  appears  to  have 
been  no  general  celebration  of  the  day.  The  Charlestown 
Artillery  continued  its  annual  parade  and  salutes.  Some 
years  it  was  joined  by  a portion  of  the  military  of  Boston, 
when  the  proceedings  became  sufficiently  important  to  attract 
notice  in  the  Boston  journals.  Occasionally  there  were  din- 
ners given,  with  the  usual  accompaniment  of  toasts  and 


340 


BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


speeches.  But  no  oration,  during  this  period,  appears  to  have 
been  delivered. 

Meantime  the  American  revolution  won  more  and  more  the 
admiration  of  the  world.  Public  attention  had  been  particu- 
larly called  to  its  grand  opening  scene,  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill,  and  many  regretted  that  no  enduring  memorial  had  been 
raised  “ to  testify  public  gratitude,  or  do  honor  to  national  sen- 
timent.” 1 Among  them  was  William  Tudor,  — an  amiable 
man,  an  accomplished  scholar,  and  a patriotic  citizen.  He 
desired  to  see  on  the  battle-ground  <!  the  noblest  column  in 
the  world  2 and  he  was  so  ardent  and  persevering  in  urging 
such  a project,  that  it  has  been  stated  that  he  first  conceived 
the  idea  of  it.3  He  watched  this  spot  with  great  solicitude. 
Learning  that  a portion  of  it  — about  three  acres  — was  to  be 
sold,  he  conferred  with  several  gentlemen  as  to  the  expediency 
of  keeping  it  unoccupied.  Dr.  John  C.  Warren  was  one  of  them, 
who,  with  this  object  in  view,  purchased  it,  (November,  1822,) 
and  held  it  until  it  was  required  by  the  Monument  Association. 
Dr.  Warren,  thus  energetic  and  early  to  promote  this  enter- 
prise, continued  to  labor  indefatigably  in  its  behalf.  Meetings 
of  gentlemen  friendly  to  it  were  held  at  his  house.  A party, 
who  felt  a deep  interest  in  it,  assembled  also  at  Colonel  Per- 
kins’ at  breakfast,  — among  them  Hon.  Daniel  Webster,  Pro- 
fessor George  Ticknor,  Dr.  John  C.  Warren,  Hon.  William 

1 The  Massachusetts  Legislature,  February  1,  1818,  instructed  a committee 
to  consider  the  expediency  of  building  a monument  of  American  marble  to 
the  memory  of  General  Warren. 

2 The  quotation  is  taken  from  a letter  (1822)  strongly  urging  that  a monu- 
ment should  be  built. 

3 Address  of  Hon.  Edward  Everett,  May  28,  1833.  “ The  idea  was  first 

conceived  by  an  amiable  and  accomplished  fellow-citizen,  now  no  more,  (the 
late  William  Tudor,)  when  the  half  century  was  near  expiring  since  the 
occurrence  of  the  event.  It  was  by  him  communicated  to  a circle  of  friends, 
and  by  them  to  the  public.”  He  served  Iks  the  first  secretary,  but  soon  sailed 
for  South  America.  The  records  of  the  association  contained  the  following  : 
“June  7,  1825.  — William  Tudor,  Esq.,  was  chosen  to  fill  the  vacancy  in 
the  board  of  directors,  as  an  acknowledgment  of  his  services  in  promoting 
the  objects  of  the  association,  he  being  at  this  time  absent  in  South  Amer- 
ica.” He  was  the  author  of  the  Life  of  Otis,  Letters  on  the  Eastern  States, 
Miscellanies,  and  Gebel  Teir.  He  died  at  Rio  Janeiro  in  1830. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  MONUMENT. 


341 


Sullivan,  Hon.  George  Blake,  and  William  Tudor,  Esq.  They 
then  visited  the  battle-ground,  and  consulted  in  reference  to 
building  a monument.  It  was  determined  to  commence  the 
undertaking.  Soon  after,  a circular,  dated  May  10,  1S23, 
signed  by  Daniel  Webster,  William  Tudor,  and  Theodore 
Lyman,  Jr.,  invited  the  first  meeting  of  a public  nature  of 
those  friendly  to  it,  to  be  held  at  the  Merchants  Exchange, 
Boston,  on  the  following  Tuesday. 

The  gentlemen  who  attended  this  meeting  formed  an  asso- 
ciation to  procure  an  act  of  incorporation  authorizing  them, 
as  trustees,  to  collect  and  hold  subscriptions  for  the  purpose 
of  erecting  an  enduring  monument  “to  the  memory  of  those 
statesmen  and  soldiers  who  led  the  way  in  the  American  Rev- 
olution.” Each  one  subscribed  the  sum  of  five  dollars,  and 
signed  an  agreement  to  this  effect.1  This  meeting  appointed 
H.  A.  S.  Dearborn,  William  Tudor,  and  Theodore  Lyman,  Jr., 
to  petition  the  legislature  for  an  act  of  incorporation.  Accord- 
ingly, an  act  was  passed,  — approved  by  the  governor,  June 
7,  1823, — establishing  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Asso- 
ciation. 

The  Association  held  its  first  meeting  June  13,  1S23,  and,  on 
the  17th,  made  its  first  choice  of  officers.  John  Brooks,  the 
governor  of  the  state,  was  elected  the  president,  and  a code  of 
by-laws  was  adopted.  Many  new  members  were  elected  by 
the  original  associates.2  Little  or  no  progress,  however,  was 
made  this  year  in  carrying  forward  the  enterprise.  At  the 


1 The  agreement  was  signed  by  the  following 


Daniel  Webster, 
Edward  Everett, 
Theodore  Lyman,  Jr., 
Thomas  H.  Perkins, 
Franklin  Dexter, 
Charles  R.  Cod  man. 
Thomas  Harris, 

John  C.  Warren, 

N.  P.  Russell, 


Jesse  Putnam, 
Samuel  D.  Harris, 
Stephen  Gorham,  Jr. 
H.  A.  S.  Dearborn, 
William  Sullivan, 
Warren  Dutton, 

Seth  Knowles, 
George  Blake, 
Richard  Sullivan, 


persons : — 

Joseph  Stosy, 
Samuel  Swett, 
William  Tudoi, 
Benjamin  Gorham, 
George  Ticknor, 
Isaac  P.  Davis, 
Benjamin  Welles, 
Francis  C.  Gray. 


The  names  of  all  these  persons,  but  two,  appear  in  the  act  of  incorpo- 
ration. 

2 The  Association  elected  25  members,  June  30,  1823;  65,  August  21, 
1824  ; and  103,  September  8,  1824. 

29* 


342 


BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


next  annual  meeting,  June  17,  1S24,  efficient  measures  were 
adopted.  It  was  voted  to  have  an  annual  celebration;  and 
Hon.  Daniel  Webster  was  selected  as  the  orator  for  1825.  A 
committee  was  appointed  to  gather  memorials  of  the  battle, 
and  “to  collect  and  arrange  historically”  all  the  documents 
relating  to  it.  The  directors  were  also  instructed  to  prepare 
subscription  papers.  It  was  voted  (September  3)  that  every 
person  subscribing  five  dollars  should  belong  to  the  Association, 
and  be  presented  with  an  engraved  diploma  of  his  member- 
ship. The  directors  (September  20,  1824)  issued  a circular, 
from  the  pen  of  Hon.  Edward  Everett,  — who,  in  preparing 
documents,  and  acting  as  secretary  of  the  Association,  labored 
most  efficiently  in  its  behalf,  — which  delineated  the  character 
of  the  battle  and  the  object  of  the  monument,  and  solicited 
the  cooperation  and  interest  of  every  member  of  the  commu- 
nity. Another  circular  (October  1,  1824)  was  printed  in  sub- 
scription books,  and  sent  to  every  town  in  Massachusetts.  A 
third  circular  (January  19,  1825)  repelled  the  charge  that  the 
directors  desired  to  limit  the  subscriptions  to  Massachusetts. 
The  other  colonies,  especially  those  of  New  England,  had 
borne  part  in  the  great  events  designed  to  be  commemorated, 
and  its  whole  community  were  appealed  to  in  behalf  of  the 
monument.  The  smallest  sums  were  solicited,  while  the 
largest  sums  were  not  declined. 

Circumstances  proved  favorable  for  the  enterprise.  It  was 
a season  of  unusual  prosperity,  and  the  visit  of  Lafayette,  — 
his  triumphal  progress  as  the  nation’s  guest,  — made  it  a 
season  of  national  enthusiasm.  The  directors  invited  him 
(August  21,  1824)  to  Bunker  Hill.  He  accepted  the  invita- 
tion. On  viewing  the  battle-ground,  he  expressed  a lively 
interest  in  the  proposed  monument,  and  enrolled  his  name  on 
a subscription  list.  — by  special  request  of  the  directors,  how- 
ever, with  no  sum  set  against  it;  and  when  Dr.  Warren 
invited  him  to  he  present  on  the  succeeding  anniversary,  he 
promptly  acceded  to  the  wishes  of  the  Association.  It  was 
determined  to  celebrate  the  Fiftieth  Jubilee  with  great  splen- 
dor. The  renown  of  the  orator,  the  announcement  (October 
1,  1824)  that  the  corner-stone  would  then  be  laid,  and  that 
Lafayette  would  take  part  in  the  ceremony,  created  high 


THE  FIFTIETH  ANNIVERSARY. 


343 


expectations  of  this  celebration.  An  enthusiasm  was  kindled 
in  behalf  of  the  monument.  The  newspapers  announced,  from 
time  to  time,  the  state  of  the  subscriptions.  Their  amount 
soon  became  large. 

The  directors,  in  the  spring  of  1825,  had  secured  the  title 
to  the  land,  had  purchased  the  slope  of  Breed’s  Hill,  — about 
fifteen  acres,  — and  made  other  necessary  preparations ; but 
had  not  matured  the  plan  of  the  proposed  monument.  The 
first  committee  on  the  form  consisted  of  Daniel  Webster, 
Loammi  Baldwin,  George  Ticknor,  Gilbert  Stewart,  and 
Washington  Allston.  A premium  of  one  hundred  dollars  was 
offered  for  the  best  design,  when  about  fifty  plans  were  pre- 
sented, either  in  drawings  or  models.  There  was  much  dis- 
cussion as  to  the  most  appropriate  form  to  adopt.  The 
debates  in  the  board  of  directors  were  uncommonly  able  and 
learned;  and,  at  length,  at  a special  meeting,  (May  19,  1825,) 
the  choice  was  narrowed  down  to  two  forms,  the  column  and 
the  obelisk.  A new  committee  (H.  A.  S.  Dearborn,  Edward 
Everett,  Seth  Knowles,  S.  D.  Harris,  T.  H.  Perkins)  was 
appointed  to  procure  designs  of  both,  with  estimates  of  the 
expense  of  each.  This  committee  reported  on  the  7th  of  June. 
Hon.  Daniel  Webster  presided  at  this  meeting.  There  was 
then  an  animated  discussion  on  the  comparative  merits  of  the 
two  plans,  which  was  prolonged  to  a late  hour,  when  the 
question  was  decided.  Sixteen  of  the  directors  voted.  On  a 
motion  to  adopt  a column,  five  voted  in  the  affirmative,  and 
eleven  in  the  negative.  It  was  then  voted  to  adopt  the  form 
of  an  obelisk,  as  being  the  most  simple  and  imposing,  the  most 
congenial  to  our  republican  institutions,  and  the  most  appro- 
priate to  the  character  of  the  event  to  be  commemorated.  The 
following  gentlemen  were  then  appointed  a committee  to  report 
a design  : Loammi  Baldwin,  George  Ticknor,  Jacob  Bigelow, 
Samuel  Swett,  and  Washington  Allston. 

It  was  at  this  stage  of  the  enterprise  that  the  directors  pro- 
posed to  lay  the  corner-stone  of  the  monument,  and  ground' 
was  broken  (June  7)  for  this  purpose.  As  a mark  of  respect 
to  the  liberality  and  patriotism  of  King  Solomon’s  Lodge,  they 
invited  the  grand  master  of  the  Grand  Lodge  of  Massachu- 
setts to  perform  the  ceremony.  They  also  invited  General 


344 


BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


Lafayette  to  accompany  the  president  of  the  Association,  Hon. 
Daniel  Webster,  and  assist  in  it. 

This  celebration  was  unequalled  in  magnificence  by  any- 
thing of  the  kind  that  had  been  seen  in  New  England.  The 
morning  proved  propitious.  The  air  was  cool,  the  sky  was 
clear,  and  timely  showers  the  previous  day  had  brightened 
the  vesture  of  nature  into  its  loveliest  hue.  Delighted  thou- 
sands flocked  into  Boston  to  bear  a part  in  the  proceedings,  or 
to  witness  the  spectacle.  At  about  ten  o’clock  a procession 
moved  from  the  State  House  towards  Bunker  Hill.  The  mil- 
itary, in  their  fine  uniforms,  formed  the  van.  About  two 
hundred  veterans  of  the  revolution,  of  whom  forty  were  sur- 
vivors of  the  battle,  rode  in  barouches  next  to  the  escort. 
These  venerable  men,  the  relics  of  a past  generation,  with 
emaciated  frames,  tottering  limbs,  and  trembling  voices,  consti- 
tuted a touching  spectacle.  Some  wore,  as  honorable  decora- 
tions, their  old  fighting  equipments,  and  some  bore  the  scars  of 
still  more  honorable  wounds.  Glistening  eyes  constituted  their 
answer  to  the  enthusiastic  cheers  of  the  grateful  multitudes 
who  lined  their  pathway  and  cheered  their  progress.  To  this 
patriot  band  succeeded  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Association. 
Then  the  masonic  fraternity,  in  their  splendid  regalia,  thou- 
sands in  number.  Then  Lafayette,  continually  welcomed  by 
tokens  of  love  and  gratitude,  and  the  invited  guests.  Then  a 
long  array  of  societies,  with  their  various  badges  and  banners. 
It  was  a splendid  procession,  and  of  such  length  that  the 
front  nearly  reached  Charlestown  Bridge  ere  the  rear  had  left 
Boston  Common.  It  proceeded  to  Breed’s  Hill,  where  the 
grand  master  of  the  Freemasons,  the  president  of  the  Monu- 
ment Association,  and  General  Lafayette,  performed  the  cere- 
mony of  laying  the  corner-stone,  in  the  presence  of  a vast 
concourse  of  people.1  The  procession  then  moved  to  a spa- 

' The  plate  contained  the  following 

INSCRIPTION. 

“ On  the  xvii.  day  of  June,  mdcccxxv.,  at  the  request  of  the  Bunker  Hill 
Monument  Association,  the  Most  Worshipful  John  Abbot,  Grand  Master  of 
Masons  in  Massachusetts,  did,  in  the  presence  of  Gen.  Lafayette,  lay  this 
Cbrner  Stone  of  a Monument,  to  testify  the  gratitude  of  the  present  genera- 
tion to  their  Fathers,  who,  on  the  17th  June,  1775,  here  fought  in  the  cause 


THE  CELEBRATION  OF  1825. 


345 


cious  amphitheatre  on  the  northern  declivity  of  the  hill,  where 
Hon.  Daniel  Webster  delivered  an  address.  It  was  at  the 
close  of  a dedicatory  passage  on  the  monument  that  he  uttered 
the  words,  “Let  it  rise  till  it  meet  the  sun  in  its  coming;  let 
the  earliest  light  of  the  morning  gild  it,  and  parting  day  linger 
and  play  on  its  summit.”  When  the  exercises  here  were  con- 
cluded, a procession  was  escorted  to  Bunker  Hill,  where  a tent 
covering  3S,400  square  feet  had  been  erected.  Twelve  tables 
ran  the  entire  length  of  it,  which  were  set  with  four  thousand 
plates.  Here  speeches,  toasts,  and  songs,  concluded  the  cere- 
monies. Such  is  but  a faint  outline  of  a scene  which  those 
who  were  so  fortunate  as  to  witness  will  not  soon  forget. 

At  a meeting  of  the  directors  (June  24)  the  committee  on 
laying  the  corner-stone  reported  that  a stone  had  been  pre- 
pared to  receive  a box  ; that  one,  containing  a plate  of  silver 
with  inscriptions,  had  been  deposited  on  the  17th  ; and  that 
stones,  secured  by  iron  clamps,  had  been  placed  over  it.  This 
corner-stone,  however,  was  subsequently  rejected.  On  the 
commencement  of  the  work  for  the  monument,  the  box  was 
taken  out,  put  into  the  hands  of  Dr.  Warren  for  safe  keeping, 
and  placed  in  another  stone,  which  now  is  in  the  north-eastern 
angle  of  the  structure. 

of  their  country,  and  of  free  institutions,  the  memorable  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill,  and  with  their  blood  vindicated  for  their  posterity  the  privileges  and  hap- 
piness this  land  has  since  enjoyed.  Officers  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument 
Association.  — President,  Daniel  Webster  ; Vice-presidents,  Thomas  H.  Per- 
kins, Joseph  Story  ; Secretary,  Edward  Everett ; Treasurer,  Nathaniel  P. 
Russell.  [Here  follows  a list  of  twenty-five  Directors.]  Standing  Committee 
for  collecting  Subscriptions,  — Henry  A.  S.  Dearborn,  John  C.  Warren, 
Edward  Everett,  George  Blake,  and  Samuel  D.  Harris.  Committee  on  the 
form  of  the  Monument,  — Daniel  Webster,  L.  Baldwin,  G.  Stuart,  Wash- 
ington Allston,  and  G.  Ticknor. 

“ President  of  the  United  States,  John  Quincy  Adams.  Governor  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, Levi  Lincoln  : Governor  of  New  Hampshire,  David  L.  Morrell ; 
Governor  of  Connecticut,  Oliver  Wolcott;  Governor  of  Vermont,  C.  P. 
Van  Ness  ; Governor  of  Rhode  Island,  James  Fenner  ; Governor  of  Maine, 
Albion  K.  Parris.  Alexander  Parris,  Architect.”  - 

The  architect  here  named  was  at  this  time  employed  by  the  Association, 
and  had  presented  a plan  of  a monument.  As  his  design  was  not  adopted, 
the  name  of  Solomon  Willard  ought  to  be  on  the  inscription,  if  by  “ Archi- 
tect” is  to  be  understood  the  designer  of  the  monument. 


346 


BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


The  directors  soon  decided  upon  a plan.  The  committee 
appointed  for  this  purpose  reported  one  on  the  1st  of  July. 
It  was  then  discussed,  and  the  consideration  of  it  was  post- 
poned until  July  5th,  when  it  was  adopted.  It  was  drawn  by 
Solomon  Willard.  A building  committee  was  not  obtained, 
owing  to  the  restrictions  put  upon  it,  until  the  4th  of  October. 
It  consisted  of  John  C.  Warren.  Amos  Lawrence,  H.  A.  S. 
Dearborn,  William  Sullivan,  and  George  Blake,  — to  all  of 
whom  great  credit  is  due  for  well-directed  and  laborious  effort. 
Dr.  Warren  was  its  chairman.  This  committee  reported, 
October  4th,  that  Solomon  Willard  had  been  appointed  the 
architect  and  superintendent  of  the  monument.  He  had 
already  rendered  great  service  to  the  work.  He  had  spent 
much  time,  and  labor,  and  money,  in  exploring  the  country  to 
ascertain  the  best  place  to  procure  the  material ; and  it  was 
his  judgment  that  secured  the  quarry  at  Quincy.  He  desired 
that  his  services  might  be  gratuitous,  but  to  this  the  directors 
would  not  consent.  A moderate  compensation,  his  expenses, 
was  all  that  he. would  accept.  His  name,  in  addition,  appears 
as  a donor  of  one  thousand  dollars.  His  design,  under  his 
own  superintendence,  has  been  faithfully  carried  out.  James 
S.  Savage  was  appointed  the  builder. 

The  earliest  work  was  done  at  the  granite  quarry  in  Quincy, 
discovered  by  Mr.  Willard,  and  secured  by  the  Association  for 
a trifling  sum  ($325).  A railroad  — the  first  one  built  in  the 
country  — was  constructed  by  another  corporation,  to  convey 
the  stones  to  the  wharf  in  Quincy,  where  they  were  put  on 
board  flat-bottomed  boats,  towed  by  steam-power  to  Deven’s 
Wharf,  Charlestown,  and  thence  carried  to  the  hill  on  teams. 
But  this  repeated  transfer  defaced  the  stones  so  much,  that, 
after  a few  courses  of  the  monument  had  been  raised,  they 
were  teamed  directly  from  the  quarry  to  the  hill.  The  build- 
ing of  the  railroad  delayed  the  prosecution  of  the  work.  It 
was  not  until  December  1,  1826,  that  the  building  committee 
gave  its  instructions  to  Mr.  Willard  ; and  not  until  April  25, 
1827,  that  a contract  for  teaming  the  stone  from  Deven’s 
Wharf  to  the  hill  had  been  made  with  Thomas  O.  Nichols 
and  John  Pierce. 

At  length  the  community,  in  the  spring  of  1827,  saw  the 


SUSPENSION  OF  THE  WORK. 


347 


monument  fairly  under  way,  and  watched  its  progress  with 
interest  and  pride.  The  estimated  cost  of  the  obelisk  was  one 
hundred  thousand  dollars.  The  original  subscription,  with 
a grant  of  seven  thousand  dollars  from  the  state,  amounted  to 
$64,010.55.  After  deducting  the  sums  paid  for  the  land, 
for  laying  the  corner-stone,  and  for  various  necessary  expend- 
itures, the  amount  applicable  to  the  building  of  the  obelisk 
was  only  $33,576.40.  This  sum,  and  a loan  of  $23,400, 
supported  it  until  January,  1829,  and  carried  the  obelisk  four- 
teen courses  — about  thirty-seven  feet  — high.  It  was  then 
suspended  for  the  want  of  funds.  During  this  period,  Hon. 
Daniel  Webster  and  Colonel  Thomas  H.  Perkins  were  the 
presidents  of  the  Association. 

The  work  now  encountered  obstacles  which  it  took  years 
to  overcome.  It  would  require  too  much  space  to  give  the 
dark  side  of  its  history,  — to  detail  the  measures,  in  order  to 
raise  the  required  funds,  that  were  suggested,  attempted,  and 
abandoned.  In  spite  of  the  efforts  of  its  friends,  and  of  the 
appeals  of  the  press,  the  work  remained  suspended.  At  length 
Amos  Lawrence,  Esq.,  who  had  taken  a deep  interest  in  its 
progress,  and  had  rendered  it  essential  financial  aid,  proffered 
a liberal  conditional  donation,  in  case  the  Massachusetts  Char- 
itable Mechanic  Association  would  make  an  effort  to  finish 
the  monument.  This  offer  was  made  April  24,  1833,  in  a 
written  communication  to  several  of  the  members  of  this 
institution,  — his  object  being  to  have  the  monument  com- 
pleted according  to  the  original  plan,  and  to  keep  the  whole 
of  the  battle-field  open  to  posterity.1  It  was  laid  before  the 

1 This  proposition  was  made  in  a letter  addressed  to  Samuel  T.  Armstrong, 
Charles  Wells,  Joseph  T.  Buckingham,  and  J.  P.  Thorndike,  members  of 
the  Mechanic  Association.  After  stating  his  desire  to  see  the  monument 
completed,  and  the  battle-field  kept  open,  Mr.  Lawrence  stated  that  sixty 
thousand  dollars  would  finish  the  monument,  and  do  something  towards  orna- 
menting the  grounds  ; and  that  if  the  association  would  secure  fifty  thousand 
dollars  within  three  months,  he  would  pay  five  thousand  dollars  ; or  he  would 
pay  ten  per  cent,  on  any  less  sum  that  should  be  in  like  manner  secured.  It 
is  an  interesting  fact,  also,  that  Mr.  Lawrence,  in  his  will,  (made  April  1, 
1833,)  had  appropriated  property  to  complete  the  monument,  and  preserve 
the  whole  battle-field  open.  His  father,  Deacon  Samuel  Lawrence,  of  Gro- 
ton, was  in  the  battle  ; and  also  his  uncle,  Lieut.  Faucett,  who  died  of  his 
wounds  in  Boston. 


348 


BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


association  May  2d,  and  acted  upon  at  a special  meeting,  May 
16,  when  the  Association  voted  to  make  the  effort.  It  called  a 
public  meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall  on  the  2Sth,  when  Hon.  Joseph 
T.  Buckingham,  its  president,  presided.  George  Blake,  Ed- 
ward Everett,  Charles  G.  Greene,  and  Judge  Story,  spoke  — 
the  records  say  — with  “an  eloquence  adapted  to  the  occa- 
sion.” The  meeting  was  large  and  enthusiastic.  The  thril- 
ling speech  of  Hon.  Edward  Everett  was  widely  circulated  in 
handbills,  and  through  the  press.  A new  diploma  was  pre- 
pared, in  which  the  two  Associations  were  connected,  and 
which  was  given  to  those  who  contributed,  and  were  members. 
The.  Monument  Association  voted  that  the  president  of  the 
Mechanic  Association,  ex  officio,  should  be  its  first  vice-presi- 
dent. But  still  vigorous  effort,  from  various  causes,  was 
delayed  ; and  it  was  some  time  before  subscription  papers 
were  returned. 

Meantime  the  affairs  of  the  Monument  Association  wore  a 
more  gloomy  aspect.  The  debt,  originally  contracted  in  the 
purchase  of  the  battle-field,  had  increased  to  about  thirty 
thousand  dollars.  The  Mechanic  Association  determined  that 
the  amount  they  collected  should  be  applied  to  carrying  up 
the  obelisk.  When  the  proposition  was  made  to  sell  portions 
of  the  land  to  pay  the  debt,  it  met  with  much  opposition,  and 
effort  was  made  to  defeat  it.  At  length  a committee  (May  5, 
1834)  made  an  elaborate  report,  which  recommended  a sale 
of  the  land.  It  estimated  the  cost  of  raising  the  monument 
to  the  height  of  121  feet,  at  $28,967.36  ; to  raise  it  to  159  feet 
6 inches,  at  $42,922.40  ; and  to  raise  it  220  feet,  at  $55,576.40. 
After  long  discussions,  it  was  voted  that,  when  the  monu- 
ment had  been  raised  to  the  height  of  159  feet  it  should  be 
considered  as  completed  ! The  association  voted  (June  17, 
1834)  to  sell  the  land,  which  was  done,  and  $25,000  were 
realized. 

In  the  mean  time  the  amount  secured  on  the  subscription 
list  warranted  a renewal  of  the  work.  The  Monument  Asso- 
ciation (May  5,  1834)  voted  “to  empower  and  request”  the 
Mechanic  Association  to  apply  the  moneys  they  had  collected, 
or  might  collect,  to  complete  the  monument,  “by  raising  the 
same  to  the  elevation  of  159  feet  6 inches,”  under  “ the 


THE  MECHANIC  ASSOCIATION. 


349 


supervision  of  the  executive  committee  of  the  corporation.”  1 
The  Mechanic  Association  (June  4,  1834)  authorized  its  own 
executive  committee  to  carry  this  vote  into  effect.  Accord- 
ingly, Solomon  Willard  was  again  employed  as  the  superin- 
tendent. Work  was  commenced  on  the  17th  of  June,  1834. 
The  Mechanic  Association  collected  $19,073.03.  They  also 
received  the  subscription  known  as  “The  Ladies’  Fund,” 
($2937.90,)  which  the  Monument  Association  voted  to  pay 
over  to  the  Mechanic  Association  : total,  $22,010.93.  The 
obelisk  was  raised  to  the  height  of  eighty-two  feet.  Charles 
Pratt  was  the  master  mason,  though  Mr.  Savage,  still  em- 
ployed by  Mr.  Willard,  continued  to  render  the  work  assist- 
ance. The  Association  expended,  through  Mr.  Willard, 
$18,321.77 ; and  directly  to  the  workmen,  and  for  contingent 
expenses,  $2952.66.  It  invested  the  balance  of  its  moneys 
($736.50)  in  shares  of  the  Tremont  Bank,  which  were  subse- 
quently transferred  to  the  Monument  Association.  Great 
credit  is  due  to  this  patriotic  institution  for  making  this  timely 
effort,  and  for  the  faithful  manner  in  which  it  saw  the  funds 
applied.  The  president  was  Joseph  T.  Buckingham ; the 
treasurer  was  Uriel  Crocker;  and  the  building  committee 
were  Charles  Wells,  George  Darracott,  Jonathan  Whitney, 
Charles  Leighton,  and  John  P.  Thorndike.  They  devoted  to 
this  work  much  time  and  labor.  The  president  of  the  Monu- 
ment Association  was  Judge  William  Prescott. 

Another  interval  was  destined  to  elapse  before  it  could  be 
said  that  “ A duty  had  been  performed.”  New  schemes  were 
proposed  to  obtain  the  required  means  to  finish  the  monument, 
and  the  press  contained  indignant  appeals.  It  was  announced 
at  meetings  of  the  directors,  in  1839,  that  two  gentlemen  were 
ready  to  give  ten  thousand  dollars  each,  provided  a sum  neces- 
sary to  complete  the  monument  could  be  raised.  One  was 
Amos  Lawrence,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  who  thus  again  evinced 
the  deep  interest  he  felt  in  this  work;  the  other  was  Judah 
Touro,  Esq.,  of  New  Orleans,  who  thus  manifested  a lib- 

1 The  executive  committee  of  the  Monument  Association  consisted  of  Joseph 
T.  Buckingham,  William  Sullivan,  George  Darracott,  Nathaniel  Hammond, 
John  Skinner,  W.  W.  Stone,  J.  P.  Thorndike,  Joseph  Jenkins,  Ebenezer 

Breed. 


30 


350 


BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


eral  patriotism,  and  his  regard  for  the  land  of  his  early  days. 
Stimulated  by  these  offers,  another  subscription  was  proposed, 
but  was  deemed  inexpedient ; and  the  proposal  of  a fair  was 
reasoned  down  or  ridiculed  down.  So  unpropitious,  indeed, 
seemed  the  hour,  that  in  the  succeeding  annual  report  (June 
17,  1840)  it  is  remarked  that  it  was  exceedingly  doubtful 
whether  the  present  generation  would  have  the  pleasure  to  see 
the  monument  completed.  The  remark  was  repeated  in  one 
of  the  sewing-circles  of  Boston,  when  several  ladies  proposed 
to  get  up  a fair  in  its  behalf.  The  proposal  met  with  imme- 
diate favor.  It  received  the  sanction  (June  25,  1840)  of  the 
board  of  directors,  and  met  with  the  approving  sentiment  of 
the  community.  A circular,  recommending  the  measure,  was 
issued  by  a sub-committee  of  the  directors,  and  stirring  appeals 
were  made  through  the  press.  The  busy  hands  of  woman, 
in  the  patriotic  spirit  of  the  women  of  the  revolution,  were 
soon  “plying  the  needle  with  exquisite  art”  in  the  work  of 
preparation.  The  fair  was  held  in  Quincy  Hall,  Boston,  — 
commencing  on  the  5th,  and  closing  on  the  15th,  of  September. 
The  scene  that  opened  upon  the  delighted  visiter,  when  the 
product  of  so  much  ingenuity  was  dispensed  at  the  hands 
of  so  much  grace  and  beauty,  was  brilliant  and  inspiring. 
Thousands  from  the  city  and  the  country  flocked  to  the  well- 
stored  tables.  The  fair  was  conducted  under  the  exclusive 
direction  of  the  ladies.1  A daily  journal,  “The  Monument,” 
printed  in  the  hall,  daily  chronicled  its  success.  It  is  but  bare 
justice  to  state  that  it  was  one  of  the  best  devised  and  most 
admirably  executed  things  of  the  kind  ever  attempted  in  the 
country.  The  result  exceeded  the  expectations  of  its  friends. 
It  put  an  end  to  doubt  and  difficulty  in  relation  to  the  comple- 
tion of  the  monument.  And  thus  “ garlands  of  grace  and 
beauty”  crowned  a work  “which  had  its  commencement  in 
manly  patriotism.” 

The  net  proceeds  of  the  ladies’  fair,  ($30,035.53,)  the  dona- 
tions of  ten  thousand  dollars  each  from  Amos  Lawrence  and 
Judah  Touro,  and  the  amount  received  from  other  sources, 
made  the  total  sum  realized  at  this  effort  (January  14,  1841) 

1 The  executive  committee  were — Catherine  G.  Prescott,  Sarah  J.  Hale, 
Lucinda  Chapman,  Susan  P.  Warren,  Sarah  Darracott,  Abby  L.  Wales. 


CELEBRATION  OF  1843. 


351 


$55,153.27.  Measures  were  promptly  taken  to  complete  the 
monument.  The  vote  passed  on  the  5th  of  May,  1834,  that  it 
should  be  considered  to  be  finished  at  the  height  of  159  feet, 
was  rescinded.  An  able  building  committee  was  elected,  — 
Charles  Wells,  George  Darracott,  J.  P.  Thorndike,  and  Charles 
Leighton.  They  had  already  done  (1834)  efficient  service  in 
the  same  capacity.  Hon.  Joseph  T.  Buckingham,  at  this 
time,  was  president  of  the  Association.  This  committee 
contracted  (November  4,  1840)  with  James  S.  Savage  to  com- 
plete the  monument  according  to  the  original  design  of  the 
architect,  (Solomon  Willard,)  and  under  his  superintendence. 
Mr.  Savage  was  to  receive  for  the  work  $43,800,  and  the  appa- 
ratus that  might  be  on  hand  at  the  close  of  it.  By  a subse- 
quent arrangement,  he  was  also  toTeceive  the  fees  taken  at  the 
monument  until  January,  1845,  and  agreed  to  do  certain  work 
not  specified  in  the  contract.  Accordingly,  work  was  recom- 
menced May  2,  1841,  and  steadily  prosecuted  until  its  com- 
pletion. The  last  stone  was  raised  on  the  morning  of  July 
23,  1842,  in  the  presence  of  the  government  of  the  Association, 
— the  American  flag  being  waved  from  it  during  its  ascent,1 
and  salutes  being  fired  from  the  Charlestown  Artillery.  Much 
additional  work  remained  to  be  done, — such  as  grading  the 
ground,  making  the  walks,  and  building  the  fences.  The 
Association  took  possession  of  the  monument  December  31, 
1844. 

Another  splendid  pageant  is  connected  with  the  history  of 
the  monument,  — the  celebration,  in  1843,  in  honor  of  its  com- 
pletion. On  this  anniversary  a grand  procession,  composed  of 
the  military,  various  associations,  delegations  from  the  states, 
members  of  the  national  and  state  governments,  including  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  moved  from  the  State  House  to 
the  monument-square.  It  contained  about  one  hundred  of  the 
veterans  of  theRevolution,  — only  a few  of  whom,  about  eleven, 
were  survivors  of  the  battle.  The  same  eloquent  voice  that 
was  heard  at  the  ceremony  of  laying  the  corner-stone,  was 
heard,  on  this  proud  occasion,  to  proclaim,  from  the  same  spot, 

1 Mr.  Edward  Carnes,  Jr.,  of  Charlestown,  accompanied  the  stone  in  its 
ascent,  waving  the  American  flag.  A little  time  previous,  a cannon  had  been 
raised  to  the  top  of  it,  and  a salute  fired  from  it. 


352 


BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


“ The  monument  is  finished.”  The  scene  that  presented  itself 
defies  description.  Before  the  orator,  (Hon.  Daniel  Webster,) 
and  around  him,  was  an  immense  concourse  of  people.  A 
hundred  thousand  at  least  had  gathered  on  the  hallowed  spot. 
And  when,  after  remarking,  “It  is  not  from  my  lips,  it  could 
not  be  from  any  human  lips,  that  that  strain  of  eloquence  is 
this  day  to  flow  most  competent  to  move  and  excite  the  vast 
multitude  around  me  : the  powerful  speaker  stands  motionless 
before  us,”  — he  paused,  and  pointed  in  silent  admiration  to 
the  sublime  structure,  the  audience  burst  into  a long  and  loud 
applause.  It  was  some  moments  before  the  speaker  could  go 
on  with  the  address.  The  assembly  dispersed  at  its  conclu- 
sion. A dinner,  in  the  evening,  at  Faneuil  Hall,  closed  the 
proceedings  of  the  day. 

The  receipts  and  expenditures  connected  with  this  work  ’ 
have  been  as  follows  : — 


RECEIPTS. 

The  balance  of  the  “ capital  stock”  account  of  the  Treasurer, 
being  receipts  from  the  following  sources  : — 

Subscriptions  to  1830,  ....  $58,582.81 

Grant  of  the  State,  ....  7,000.00 

Ladies’  Donation,  .....  2,937.90 

Proceeds  of  the  Ladies’  Fair,  . . . 30,035.53 

Subscriptions  of  Amos  Lawrence  and  Judah 

Touro,  ......  20,000.00 

Other  Subscriptions  and  Donations  of  1840,  5,123.27 

The  Mechanic  Association  — Shares  of  the 

Tremont  Bank,  .....  800.00 

Subscription  of  1843,  ....  3,550.00 

Sundries,  — rents,  interest,  fees  at  monument, 

to  1844,  ......  2616.34 


$130,645.85 

Balance  of  Real  Estate  account,  profit  of  sale  of  land,  . . 1,767.57 

Fees  received  at  the  monument,  1845  and  ’46,  . . . 2,473.96 

Borrowed  to  finish  the  walks,  conductor,  &c.,  . . . 3,000.00 

$137,887.38 

Collected  by  the  Mechanic  Association  — deducting  amount 

invested,  ($736  50,)  and  accounted  for  above,  . . . 18,330.76 


$156,218.14 


COST  OF  THE  MONUMENT. 


353 


EXPENDITURES. 


Amount  debited  Bunker  Hill  Monument  on  the  Treasurer’s 
books,  made  up  of  the  following  items  : — 

Expended  by  the  Building  Committee  to 


1830, $57,378.80 

Paid  James  S.  Savage,  in  1841,  . . 43,800.00 

Grading,  Engineering,  &c.,  in  1843,  . 9,831.59 

For  Iron  Fence, 5,760.00 

Stone-work,  Steps,  &c.,  . . . 2,838.16 

Paid  to  Mechanic  Association,  — Ladies’ 

Donation,  2,937.90 


$122,546.45 

Amount  of  Expense  Account,  including  $4720.85  for  laying  the 

corner-stone, 10,398.89 

Balance  of  Interest  Account, 4,994.74 


$137,940.08 

Amount  expended  by  the  Mechanic  Association,  out  of  the 
funds  it  collected, 18,336.53 

$156,276.61 

The  cost  of  the  obelisk  was  about  $120,000,  the  cost  of 
fencing  and  grading  about  $19,000,  and  the  contingent  ex- 
penses about  $17,000.* 

The  records  of  the  Association  contain  many  acknowledg- 
ments for  services  rendered  in  aid  of  this  work.  Among  them 
are  those  to  Hon.  Daniel  Webster,  for  early  labors,  and  for  his 
addresses ; to  Judge  William  Prescott,  for  serving  six  years 
as  president;  to  Hon.  Joseph  T.  Buckingham,  for  twelve 
years’  labors  as  vice-president  and  president ; to  the  Mechanic 
Association,  for  its  timely  effort ; to  Amos  Lawrence  and 
Judah  Touro,  Esquires,  for  their  large  donations  ; to  the  ladies 
engaged  in  the  fair ; and  to  the  late  Hon.  Nathaniel  P.  Rus- 
sell, the  treasurer  for  twenty-five  years.  Mr.  Russell’s  duties 
were  important  and  laborious,  and,  besides  giving  them  gra- 
tuitously, he  was  a liberal  donor.  Over  three  hundred  and 
seventy  thousand  dollars  passed  through  his  hands.  A vote  of 
the  Association  (June,  1849)  is  expressive  of  the  value  of  this 


1 A small  balance  is  due  to  the  treasurer.  The  Association  have  paid  a 
large  portion  of  the  $3000  borrowed  to  complete  the  grounds,  out  of  fees 
received  at  the  monument. 

30* 


354 


BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


long  labor,  and  of  the  high  respect  entertained  for  his  mem- 
ory. There  are  also  votes  complimentary  of  the  architect 
and  the  builder.  Solomon  Willard  will  be  indissolubly  con- 
nected with  this  structure,  as  its  skilful  designer  and  indefat- 
igable and  patriotic  superintendent.  James  S.  Savage,  a 
skilful  mechanic,  and  the  last  contractor,  carried  out  this 
design  accurately,  and  faithfully  executed  his  contract.  The 
thanks  of  the  community  are  due  to  all  those  patriotic  indi- 
viduals who  originated  this  work,  or  aided  in  carrying  it  to  a 
successful  result.1 

In  spite  of  the  obstacles  that  were  encountered,  the  work, 
as  to  economy,  will  bear  a rigid  investigation.  Had  means 
been  provided  at  the  outset  to  have  completed  it  without  sus- 

1 The  officers  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Association,  including  the 
directors,  have  been  too  numerous  to  be  given.  Its  presidents  have  been  as 
follows  : John  Brooks,  chosen  in  1823  ; Daniel  Webster,  in  1825  ; Thomas 
H.  Perkins,  in  1827 ; Levi  Lincoln,  in  1829  ; William  Prescott,  in  1830  ; 
Abner  Phelps,  in  1831  ; William  Prescott,  in  1832  ; Jaseph  T.  Buckingham, 
in  1836,  who  continued  in  office  until  1847,  when  G.  Washington  Warren 
was  chosen. 

The  secretaries  have  been  — William  Tudor,  chosen  in  1823  ; Franklin  Dex- 
ter, in  1824  ; Edward  Everett,  in  1825  ; H.  A.  S.  Dearborn,  in  1829  ; E.  G. 
Prescott,  in  1830  ; William  Marston,  in  1831  ; E.  G.  Prescott,  in  1832  ; 
Francis  0.  Watts,  in  1836  ; G.  Washington  Warren,  in  1839  ; J.  H.  Buck- 
ingham, in  1847. 

Its  vice-presidents  have  been  — T.  H.  Perkins  and  Joseph  Story,  chosen 
in  1823  ; William  Prescott  and  Joseph  Story,  in  1827  ; John  C.  Warren  and 
Amos  Lawrence,  in  1829  ; John  C.  Warren  and  William  Sullivan,  in  1830  ; 
John  D.  Williams  and  George  Odiorne,  in  1831  ; John  C.  Warren  and  Wil- 
liam Sullivan,  in  1832.  The  number  was  then  increased  to  five.  The  pres- 
ident of  the  Mechanic  Association,  S.  T.  Armstrong,  Charles  Wells,  John 
C.  Warren,  and  William  Sullivan,  were  elected  in  1833  ; the  same,  with 
Joseph  Jenkins  in  the  place  of  William  Sullivan,  in  1835  ; and  the  same 
until  1839,  when  the  president  of  the  Mechanic  Association,  Charles  Wells, 
John  C.  Warren,  Joseph  Jenkins,  and  Leverett  Saltonstall,  were  chosen.  In 
1840  the  following  were  elected  : — President  of  the  Mechanic  Association, 
Charles  Wells,  John  C.  Warren,  George  C.  Shattuck,  Leverett  Saltonstall. 
This  board  continued  to  be  elected  until  1845,  when  Abbott  Lawrence  was 
elected  in  the  room  of  Leverett  Saltonstall.  This  board  has  continued  up  to 
the  present  time. 

Hon.  N.  P.  Russell  was  elected  treasurer  in  1823,  and  continued  in  offica 
until  his  death.  In  1849,  his  son,  S.  II.  Russell,  was  chosen. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  MONUMENT. 


355 


pension  or  embarrassment,  it  might,  undoubtedly,  have  been 
built  for  less  money.  The  apparatus  to  work  with  was  ex- 
pensive, and,  after  each  suspension,  became  unfit  for  use,  and 
required  refitting  ; and  there  was  loss  in  drilling  new  gangs  of 
hands  to  do  such  difficult  work  properly.  Still,  the  work  has 
been  done  at  a reasonable  rate.  It  is  estimated  that,  if  the 
usual  price  of  laying  stone-work  had  been  paid  for  it,  the 
obelisk  would  have  cost  two  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The 
result  is  still  favorable,  if  tested  by  the  cost  of  other  works. 
The  Washington  Monument,  at  Baltimore,  which  is  only  one 
hundred  and  sixty  feet  in  height,  and  contains  but  half  the 
number  of  cubic  feet  of  material  there  is  in  the  Bunker  Hill 
obelisk,  cost  two  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  dollars.  The 
Boston  Custom  House,  it  is  presumed,  contains  about  an  equal 
quantity  of  granite  with  the  obelisk,  and  this  cost  about  a 
million  of  dollars.1  If  these  works  have  been  executed  at  fair 
rates,  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  has  been  executed  at  a low 
rate.  Ir  is  probable  that  simply  with  respect  to  economy  in 
the  execution,  it  will  not  suffer  in  comparison  with  any  work 
of  the  kind  constructed  in  modern  times.  That  it  is  so  must 
be  ascribed  to  the  skill  of  the  architect  who  planned  it,  to  the 
attention  of  the  various  committees  who  devoted  to  it  so  much 
time  and  labor,  to  the  fidelity  of  the  builder,  and  to  the  well- 
directed  labor  of  the  workmen.  It  is  but  bare  justice  that  this 
fact  of  economy  should  be  borne  in  mind.  It  is  gratifying  to 
know  that  the  patriotic  offerings  of  the  community  have  not 
only  not  been  wasted,  but  have  been  so  faithfully  applied. 

Monument-square  is  four  hundred  and  seventeen  feet  from 
north  to  south,  and  four  hundred  feet  from  east  to  west,  and 
contains  about  four  acres.  It  embraces  the  whole  site  of  the 
redoubt,  and  a part  of  the  site  of  the  breastwork.  According 
to  the  most  accurate  plan  of  the  town  and  the  battle,  (Page’s,) 
the  monument  stands  where  the  south-west  angle  of  the 
redoubt  was ; and  the  whole  of  the  redoubt  was  between  the 
monument  and  the  street  that  bounds  it  on  the  west.  The 
small  mound  in  the  north-east  corner  of  the  square  is  sup- 
I posed  to  he  the  remains  of  the  breastwork.  Warren  fell 

1 The  authority  for  these  statements  is  an  elaborate  description  of  the  mon- 
I ument  by  its  architect. 


358 


BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


Holmes’  hoisting  apparatus  was  used  for  setting  the  first 
fifty-five  thousand  feet  of  the  stone.  Its  ingenious  inventor, 
Almiran  Holmes,  had  the  entire  charge  of  constructing  the 
derrick,  and  of  hoisting  the  first  thirty-six  thousand  feet  of 
the  stone.  He  died  before  the  work  was  recommenced  in 
1834.  In  the  last  contract,  Mr.  Savage  removed  the  gearing 
which  had  been  previously  used,  and  substituted  a steam- 
engine  of  six  horse  power,  and  an  ingenious  and  improved 
boom  derrick  constructed  by  himself.1 

But  a detail  of  facts  and  figures  does  but  poor  justice  to  the 
Bunker  Hill  Monument.  Fortunately,  the  pen  that  described 
the  characteristics  of  the  battle  has  supplied  a description  of 
the  monument.  Hon.  Daniel  Webster  (Address  of  1843) 
writes  : “ It  is  a plain  shaft.  It  bears  no  inscriptions,  fronting 
to  the  rising  sun,  from  which  the  future  antiquarian  shall  wipe 
the  dust.  Nor  does  the  rising  sun  cause  tones  of  music  to 
issue  from  its  summit.  But  at  the  rising  of  the  sun  and  at 
the  setting  of  the  sun,  in  the  blaze  of  noonday  and  beneath 
the  milder  effulgence  of  lunar  light,  it  looks,  it  speaks,  it  acts, 
to  the  full  comprehension  of  every  American  mind,  and  the 
awakening  of  glowing  enthusiasm  in  every  American  heart. 
Its  silent  but  awful  utterance ; its  deep  pathos,  as  it  brings  to 
our  contemplation  the  17th  of  June.  1775,  and  the  conse- 

about  eleven  o’clock  in  the  forenoon.  John  Soley,  Esq.,  delivered  an  address, 
which  was  responded  to  by  Augustus  Peabody,  Esq.,  grand-master.  An 
address  was  then  delivered  by  G.  Washington  Warren,  Esq.  After  the  pro- 
ceedings at  the  monument,  the  company  partook  of  a dinner.  This  celebra- 
tion was  carried  on  by  King  Solomon's  Lodge.  An  interesting  account 
of  it  may  be  found  in  the  Freemason’s  Monthly  Magazine,  August  1,  1845. 
The  following  inscription  was  put  on  this  model.  “ This  is  an  exact  model 
of  the  first  monument  erected  on  Bunker  Hill,  which,  with  the  land  on  which 
it  stood,  was  given,  A.  D.  1825,  by  King  Solomon’s  Lodge,  of  this  town,  to 
the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Association,  that  they  might  erect  upon  its  site  a 
more  imposing  structure.  The  association,  in  fulfilment  of  a pledge  at  that 
time  given,  have  allowed,  in  their  imperishable  obelisk,  this  model  to  be 
inserted,  with  appropriate  ceremonies,  by  King  Solomon’s  Lodge,  June  24, 
A.  D.,  1845.” 

1 The  description  of  the  monument  in  the  text  is  compiled  from  a quarto 
volume,  containing  plans  and  sections  of  the  obelisk,  by  Solomon  Willard, 
and  a description  of  the  monument  in  “ Sketches  of  Bunker  Hill  Battle  and 
Monument,”  by  Rev.  G.  E.  Ellis. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  MONUMENT, 


359 


quences  which  have  resulted  to  us,  to  our  country,  and  to 
the  world,  from  the  events  of  that  day,  and  which  we  know 
must  continue  to  rain  influence  on  the  destinies  of  mankind, 
to  the  end  of  time ; the  elevation  with  which  it  raises  us 
high  above  the  ordinary  feelings  of  life,  surpass  all  that  the 
study  of  the  closet,  or  even  the  inspiration  of  genius,  can 
produce.  To-day,  it  speaks  to  us.  Its  future  auditories 
will  be  the  successive  generations  of  men,  as  they  rise  up 
before  it,  and  gather  around  it.  Its  speech  will  be  of  pa- 
triotism and  courage  ; of  civil  and  religious  liberty  ; of  free 
government;  of  the  moral  improvement  and  elevation  of 
mankind  ; and  of  the  immortal  memory  of  those,  who,  with 
heroic  devotion,  have  sacrificed  theirlives  for  their  country.” 


breed’s  hill  monument. 


356 


BUNKER  HILL  MONUMENT. 


about  two  hundred  feet  west  of  the  monument.  An  iron  fence 
encloses  the  square,  and  another  surrounds  the  monument. 
The  square  has  entrances  on  each  of  its  sides,  and  at  each  of 
its  corners,  and  is  surrounded  by  a walk  and  rows  of  trees. 

The  obelisk  is  thirty  feet  in  diameter  at  the  base,  about  fif- 
teen feet  at  the  top  of  the  truncated  part,  and  designed  two 
hundred  and  twenty  feet  high;  but  the  mortar  and  the  seams 
between  the  stones  make  the  precise  height  two  hundred  and 
twenty-one  feet.  Within  the  shaft  is  a hollow  cone,  with  a 
circular  stairway  winding  round  it  to  the  summit,  which  enters 
a circular  chamber  at  the  top.  There  are  ninety  courses  of 
stone  in  the  shaft,  — six  of  them  below  the  ground,  and  eighty- 
four  above  the  ground.  The  cap-stone,  or  apex,  is  a single 
stone,  four  feet  square  at  the  base,  and  three  feet  six  inches  in 
height,  weighing  two  and  a half  tons. 

The  foundation  consists  of  six  courses  of  stone  of  two  feet 
rise.  It  is  sunk  twelve  feet  below  the  ground,  and  rests  upon 
a bed  of  clay  and  gravel.  The  first  course  iss,  fifty  feet  in 
diameter,  and  consists  of  forty-four  stones,  twelve  feet  long, 
two  feet  six  inches  wide,  and  two  feet  thick  — each  equal  to 
five  tons  in  weight.  The  blocks  were  rough-dressed,  and  cov- 
ered the  whole  surface,  except  the  corners.  In  this  course 
there  are  twelve  headers  on  each  side.  The  second  course 
consists  of  stretchers,  which  fall  back  three  feet,  and  lap  on 
to  the  centre  of  the  blocks  in  the  first  course.  The  third 
course  has  headers  going  back  into  the  body  of  the  work,  and 
the  fourth  course  stretchers. 

The  obelisk  contains  four  faces  of  dressed  stone,  besides  the 
steps;  namely,  the  outside  and  inside  of  the  shaft,  and  the  out- 
side and  inside  of  the  cone.  The  outer  wall  is  six  feet  thick 
at  the  bottom,  and  two  feet  thick  at  the  top.  There  are  twelve 
stones  in  the  exterior,  and  six  circling  stones  in  the  interior, 
of  each  course  of  the  shaft ; there  are  two  courses  of  the  cone, 
each  of  six  stones,  and  four  steps  to  each  course  of  the  shaft. 
Seventy-eight  of  the  courses  of  the  shaft  are  two  feet  eight 
inches  rise;  the  next  five  courses,  making  the  point,  are  one 
foot  eight  inches.  In  construction  the  courses  are  alike,  ex- 
cept diminishing  as  they  recede  from  the  base  upwards.  In 
order  to  preserve  the  bond,  Ihe  headers  are  shifted  to  opposite 


DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  MONUMENT. 


357 


1 After  the  model  was  placed  in  its  present 
position,  there  was,  June  24,  1845,  a masonic 
celebration  in  honor  of  it.  A procession  moved 
from  Charlestown-square  to  the  monument  at 


sides  in  each  succeeding  course  ; namely,  in  the  first  course  the 
headers  show  on  the  east  and  west  sides,  and  in  the  second  on 
the  south,  and  so  on.  The  corner-stone,  about  nine  tons  in 
weight,  forms  the  quoin  at  the  north-east  angle.  The  ac- 
companying cut  of  the  monument  will  give  an  idea  of  its 
construction. 

The  cone  commences  at  the  top  of  the  first  course,  and 
contains  one  hundred  and  forty-seven 
courses,  having  a rise  of  one  foot  four 
inches.  Its  exterior  diameter,  at  the 
base,  is  ten  feet,  — at  the  top,  six  feet 
three  inches ; its  interior  diameter,  at 
the  base,  is  seven  feet,  — at  the  top, 
four  feet  two  inches.  There  are  two 
hundred  and  ninety-four  steps  winding 
round  it,  of  eight  inches  rise.  There 
are  several  apertures  to  admit  air  and 
light. 

The  chamber,  at  the  top,  is  circular, 
eleven  feet  in  diameter,  and  seventeen 
feet  high,  with  four  windows,  facing 
nearly  the  four  cardinal  points.  The 
windows  are  two  feet  eight  inches  high, 
and  two  feet  two  inches  broad.  Here 
are  the  two  brass  field-pieces,  — the 
Hancock  and  Adams,  — which,  in 
1825,  were  presented  by  the  state  to 
the  association. 

Directly  in  front  of  the  entrance- 
door  of  the  monument,  on  a base  of 
granite,  is  a model  of  the  original  mon- 
ument erected  by  King  Solomon’s 
Lodge.  It  is  made  of  Italian  marble, 
and,  with  the  pedestal,  is  about  nine 
feet  high.1 


. 

■ 


■ 


APPENDIX. 


COLONIAL  POLITICS. 


No.  1.  — Call  of  a Meeting  held  on  the  26th  of  August,  1774,  at 
Faneuil  Hall. 

» Boston,  August  19,  1774. 

Gentlemen,  — The  committee  of  the  town  of  Worcester,  having  signified 
their  desire  to  the  committee  of  correspondence  of  this  town,  to  advertise  our 
brethren  of  the  committees  of  sundry  towns  in  Middlesex  to  convene  on  the 
26th  inst.  at  such  place  as  we  shall  determine  to  be  most  convenient,  that  a 
plan  of  operation  may  be  agreed  upon,  to  be  adopted  by  the  several  counties 
of  this  province,  at  this  important  crisis.  In  compliance  with  so  wise  and 
salutary  a proposal,  the  committee  of  Boston  request  the  attendance  of  one 
or  more  of  your  committee  of  correspondence  at  Faneuil  Hall,  in  Boston,  on 
the  26th  inst.,  at  two  o’clock,  p.  m.,  to  consider  and  determine  as  above. 

Per  order  of  the  committee  of  correspondence  for  this  town, 

John  Sweetser,  Jun. 

To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
of  the  Town  of  Charlestown. 


No.  2.  — Proceedings  of  a Meeting  held  at  Faneuil  Hall  on  the 
26th  of  August,  1774. 

At  a meeting  of  delegates  from  the  counties  of  Worcester,  Middlesex,  and 
Essex,  with  the  committee  of  correspondence  of  the  town  of  Boston  in 
behalf  of  the  county  of  Suffolk,  holden  at  Boston  on  the  26th  day  of  August, 
1774,  it  was  voted,  that  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  body,  the  judges  of  the 
superior  court,  judges  of  the  inferior  court  of  common  pleas,  commissioners 
of  oyer  and  terminer,  attorney  general,  provost  marshals,  justices  of  the 
peace,  and  other  officers  to  the  council  and  courts  of  justice  belonging  in  this 
province,  are,  by  a late  act  of  Parliament,  entitled  “ An  act  for  the  better 
regulation  and  government  of  Massachusetts  Bay,”  rendered  unconstitutional 
officers. 


31 


362 


APPENDIX. 


And,  thereupon,  a committee  was  voted  to  consider  and  bring  in  a report 
of  proper  resolutions  to  be  taken  on  this  alarming  occasion,  at  the  adjourn- 
ment, which  was  voted  to  be  at  11,  a.  m.,  on  the  next  day,  being  the  27th 
day  of  August  aforesaid,  which  report  was  as  follows  : — 

Whereas,  the  charter  of  this  province,  as  well  as  laws  enacted  by  virtue 
of  the  same,  and  confirmed  by  royal  assent,  have  been,  by  the  Parliament  of 
Great  Britain,  without  the  i’.aft  color  of  right  (.r  justice,  declared  in  part 
null  and  void  ; and,  in  conformity  to  an  act  of  said  Parliament,  persons  are 
appointed  to  fill  certain  offices  of  government  in  ways  and  under  influences 
wholly  unknown  before  in  this  province,  incompatible  with  its  charter,  and 
forming  a complete  system  of  tyranny  : 

And  whereas,  no  power  on  earth  has  a right,  without  the  consent  of  this 
province,  to  alter  the  minutest  tittle  of  its  charter,  or  abrogate  any  act  what- 
ever, made  in  pursuance  of  it,  and  confirmed  by  the  royal  assent,  or  to  consti- 
tute officers  of  government  in  ways  not  directed  by  charter,  or  so  constituted 
as  to  put  them  under  influence  not  known  in  our  constitution  ; and  all  such 
novel  officers,  attempting  to  act  in  such  departments,  are  daring  usurpers  of 
power,  by  whomsoever  commissioned,  and  ought  to  be  deemed  enemies  to 
the  province  : 

And  whereas,  we  are  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  means  of  sustenance, 
by  the  grace  of  Heaven,  and  without  the  king’s  leave,  — of  all  which  the 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  by  the  late  act  for  shutting  up  the  harbor  of 
Boston,  have  cruelly,  wantonly,  and  wickedly  endeavored  to  deprive  the 
inhabitants  of  the  capital  of  this  province  : 

And  whereas,  we  are,  by  firm,  and,  in  our  opinion,  irrefragable  compacts, 
entitled  to  all  the  privileges  of  native  Britons,  — to  the  accumulated  invasions 
of  such  privileges  already  experienced  by  this  province,  we  find,  to  our  sur- 
prise, we  are  robbed  of  the  most  essential  rights  of  British  subjects  by  the 
late  iniquitous  act,  improperly  entitled  an  act  for  the  impartial  administration 
of  justice  in  this  colony  : 

It  is  therefore  the  opinion  of  this  body  — 

That  a Provincial  Congress  is  necessary  for  concerting  and  executing  an 
effectual  plan  for  counteracting  the  systems  of  despotism  mentioned,  as  well 
as  for  substituting  referee  committees  during  the  unconstitutionality  of  the 
courts  of  justice  in  the  province  ; and  that,  therefore,  each  county  will  act 
wisely  by  choosing  members  as  soon  as  may  be  for  said  Congress,  and  by 
resolutely  executing  its  measures  when  recommended : 

That  executive  courts,  whether  superior  or  inferior,  sessions  of  the  peace, 
&e.,  by  the  late  act  of  Parliament  rendered  unconstitutional,  ought,  previous 
to  the  Provincial  Congress,  to  be  properly  opposed  in  the  counties  wherein 
they  shall  be  attempted  to  be  held  : 

That  every  officer  belonging  to  the  courts  aforesaid,  who  shall  attempt  to 
exercise  authority  as  such,  will  be  a traitor  cloaked  with  a pretext  of  law  ; 
and  so  are  all  others  to  be  considered,  whether  officers  or  private  persons 
who  shall  attempt  to  execute  the  late  act  of  Parliament  for  violating  the  con 
stitution  of  this  province  : 


NEWELL  S DIARY. 


363 


That,  therefore,  all  such  officers  and  private  persons  ought  to  be  held  in 
the  highest  detestation  by  the  people,  as  common  plunderers  ; and  that  all 
who  are  connected  with  such  officers  and  private  persons  ought  to  be  encour- 
aged to  separate  from  them  ; — laborers  to  shun  their  vineyards  ; merchants, 
husbandmen,  and  others,  to  withhold  their  commerce  and  supplies: 

That,  on  the  other  hand,  every  persecution  of  individuals  asserting  and 
maintaining  the  rights  of  this  province  and  continent  ought  to  be  withstood 
by  the  whole  county  in  which  it  may  happen,  and  province,  if  necessary  ; 
and  the  interest  as  well  as  persons  of  such  individuals  defended  from  every 
attack  of  despotism: 

That  the  military  art,  according  to  the  Norfolk  plan,1  ought  attentively  to 
be  practised  by  the  people  of  this  province,  as  a necessary  means  to  secure 
their  liberties  against  the  designs  of  enemies,  whether  foreign  or  domestic. 

The  above  report  was  repeatedly  read,  and  voted  paragraph  by  paragraph. 


No.  3. — Extracts  from  the  Diary  of  Thomas  Newell,  of  Boston.2 

1774.  May  13.  — Lively  arrived,  with  Gen.  Gage  on  board.  Town-meet- 
ing called.  Paul  Revere  despatched  to  York  and  Philadelphia. 

May  17.  — Hutchinson  superseded  by  Gage. 

June  1.  — Governor  Hutchinson,  son  and  daughter,  sailed  for  London. 

Three  transports,  with  troops  on  board,  arrived  at  Nantasket  Road  from 
England. 

June  14. — The  4th  or  king’s  own  regiment  landed  at  the  Long  Wharf, 
and  marched  to  the  common,  where  they  encamped. 

June  15,  a.  m.  — 43d  regiment  landed  at  the  Long  Wharf,  and  marched  to 
the  common,  and  there  encamped.  Most  of  the  stores  on  the  Long  Wharf 
are  now  shut  up.  Thus  are  we  surrounded  with  fleet  and  army,  the  harbor 
shut,  all  navigation  cease,  and  not  one  topsail  vessel  to  be  seen  but  those  of 
our  enemies. 

June  22.  — One  transport  arrived  from  Ireland. 

July  1.  — Admiral  Graves  3 arrived  with  his  fleet  from  London.  More 
transports  arrived  from  Ireland,  with  5th  and  38th  regiments. 

July  2,  a.  m. — Artillery  from  Castle  William  landed  with  eight  brass 
cannon,  and  encamped  on  the  common. 

July  4.  — 38th  regiment  landed  at  Hancock’s  Wharf,  and  encamped  on  the 
common. 

July  5.  — 5th  regiment  landed  at  the  Long  Wharf,  and  encamped  on  the 
common. 

1 This  was  a “ Plan  of  Exercise  for  the  Militia  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Bay : Extracted  from  the  Plan  of  Discipline  for  the  Norfolk  militia.”  Pub- 
lished in  a pamphlet  in  Boston,  by  Richard  Draper,  1768. 

* I am  indebted  to  Thomas  J.  Whittemore,  Esq.,  for  this  original  diary. 

8 General  Gage,  as  early  as  May  31,  mentions  a consultation  “ with  the  admiral.” 


364 


APPENDIX. 


August  6.  — The  Scarboro  man-of-war  arrived,  nine  weeks  from  England, 
p.  m.  Three  transports  from  Halifax,  with  the  59th  regiment  on  board,  and 
company  of  artillery  and  brass  cannon  ; eight  days  out.  In  the  margin  : 
The  59th  regiment,  some  time  in  the  next  week,  landed  at  Salem,  and  there 
encamped. 

August  7 — Lord’s  Day  — Fair  — a.  m. — Three  transports  from  New 
York,  with  the  royal  regiment  of  Welsh  Fusileers,  and  a detachment  of  royal 
artillery,  and  a quantity  of  ordnance  stores,  &c. 

August  8.  — Company  of  artillery  landed,  and  encamped  on  common. 

August  9. — ’This  morning  the  regiment  Welsh  Fusileers  (or  23d  regt.) 
landed  at  Long  Wharf.  Encamped  on  Fort  Hill. 

August  27.  — Governor  Thomas  Gage  came  to  town  from  Salem. 

September  3.  — This  afternoon  four  large  field-pieces  were  (from  the  com- 
mon) dragged  by  the  soldiery  and  placed  at  the  only  entrance  to  this  town  by 
land. 

September  13,  p.  m.  — The  59th  regiment  arrived  in  town  from  Salem, 
and  are  now  encamped  on  Boston  Neck. 

September  15.  — Last  night  all  the  cannon  in  the  North  Battery  were 
spiked  up  ; it  is  said  to  be  done  by  about  one  hundred  men  (who  came  in 
boats)  from  the  men-of-war  in  the  harbor. 

September  17.  — Last  night  town’s  people  took  four  brass  cannon  from  the 
gun-house  very  near  the  common. 

September  19.  — Most  of  our  town  carpenters,  with  a number  from  the 
country,  are  now  employed  in  building  barracks  for  the  army. 

hundred  of  the  soldiery  are  now  employed  in  repairing  and  mantling 

the  fortification  at  the  entrance  of  the  town. 

The  59th  regiment,  with  a number  of  other  soldiery,  are  now  throwing  up 
an  intrenchment  on  the  Neck. 

September  20.  — Some  cannon  removed  by  the  men-of-war’s  men  from  the 
mill-pond. 

September  26.  — All  the  carpenters  of  the  town  and  country  (this  morn- 
ing) that  were  employed  in  building  barracks  for  the  soldiery  left  off  work 
at  the  barracks,  &c. 

October  12.  — The  Rose  man-of-war  arrived  here  from  Newfoundland,  with 
three  companies  of  the  65th  regiment. 

October  14.  — The  three  companies  of  the  65th  regiment  landed,  and  now 
in  barrack  in  King-street. 

October  23.  — This  day  four  transports  arrived  here  from  New  York,  with 
a company  of  royal  artillery,  a large  quantity  of  ordnance  and  stores  for 
Castle  William,  three  companies  of  the  royal  regiment  of  Ireland,  or  the 
18th  regiment,  and  the  47th  regiment,  on  board. 

October  29.  — Arrived  here  several  transports,  with  troops  on  board,  from 
Quebec.  The  10th  and  52d  regiments. 

December  4.  — Yesterday  arrived  the  Scarborough  man-of-war,  which  went 
express  from  hence  to  England  the  beginning  of  September  last. 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


365 


December  17.  — This  day  the  Boyne  man-of-war,  of  sixty-four  guns,  and 
the  Asia,  of  sixty  guns,  lately  arrived,  (below,)  came  up  into  the  harbor, 
and  are  at  anchor  within  musket-shot  of  the  town. 

December  19  — The  Somerset  man-of-war,  of  sixty-four  guns,  arrived  in 
this  harbor. 


LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD. 


No.  1.  — Publications  on  the  Events  of  the  Nineteenth  of  April. 

The  earliest  accounts  of  the  events  of  the  nineteenth  of  April  appeared  in 
the  newspapers  of  the  day.  Some  of  them  were  printed,  soon  after  the 
battle,  in  a hand-bill,  having  forty  coffins  pictured  over  the  top  of  it,  over 
which  were  the  names  of  the  killed.  It  had,  also,  a wretched  eulogy  in 
verse,  to  their  memory.  The  letters  of  this  date  are  too  numerous  to  be 
separately  mentioned.  A series  of  engravings  of  the  battles  appeared  this 
year,  made  by  Amos  Doolittle,  of  New  Haven.  On  hearing  the  news  of 
the  battle,  he  volunteered  under  Benedict  Arnold.  He  visited  the  battle- 
ground, and  on  his  return  to  New  Haven  made  the  engraving. 

The  Provincial  Congress,  April  22,  1775,  ordered  depositions  to  be  taken 
in  relation  to  the  battle,  and  a narrative  to  be  prepared.  They  were  printed 
in  the  London  Chronicle  of  1774,  and  in  the  American  newspapers  ; and 
also  by  Isaiah  Thomas,  in  pamphlet  form,  of  twenty-two  pages,  entitled 
“ A Narrative  of  the  Incursions  and  Ravages  of  the  King's  Troops,  under 
the  Command  of  General  Gage,  on  the  nineteenth  of  April,  1775,  together 
with  the  Depositions  taken  by  order  of  Congress  to  support  the  truth  of  it.” 

Rev.  William  Gordon  prepared  a narrative,  entitled  “ An  Account  of  the 
Commencement  of  Hostilities  between  Great  Britain  and  America,  in  the 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  by  the  Reverend  Mr.  William  Gordon, 
of  Roxbury,  in  a Letter  to  a Gentleman  in  England,  dated  May  17,  1775.” 
This  is  printed  in  Force’s  American  Archives.  This  account,  substantially, 
appeared  in  several  almanacs  of  1776,  and,  with  additions  and  much  abridg- 
ment, it  was  incorporated  in  his  history. 

Rev.  Jonas  Clark  delivered  a sermon  at  Lexington  on  the  first  anniversary 
of  this  battle,  (1776,)  to  which,  on  its  publication,  he  added  “ A Brief  Nar- 
rative of  the  Principal  Transactions  of  that  Day.”  He  was  the  minister  of 
Lexington,  and  was  an  eye-witness  of  part  of  the  events  he  describes. 

Rev.  William  Emerson,  minister  of  Concord,  wrote  at  the  time  a brief 
account  of  the  events  in  Concord,  which  was  first  printed  in  the  Historical 
Discourse  of  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson,  delivered  at  Concord  in  1835. 

General  Gage,  April  29,  1775,  sent  to  Governor  Trumbull  a narrative, 
entitled  “ A Circumstantial  Account  of  an  Attack  that  happened  on  the  19th 
of  April,  1775,  on  His  Majesty’s  Troops,  by  a Number  of  the  People  of  the 

31* 


366 


APPENDIX. 


Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay.”  This  was  also  circulated  in  a hand- 
bill, and  is  printed  in  2 Mass.  Hist.  Collections,  vol.  n. , with  the  exception 
of  the  last  paragraph,  which  is  as  follows:  “Thus  this  unfortunate  affair 
has  happened  through  the  rashness  and  imprudence  of  a few  people  who 
began  firing  on  the  troops  at  Lexington.” 

In  1779  a pamphlet  was  published  in  Boston,  containing  General  Gage’s 
instructions  to  Captain  Brown  and  Ensign  D’Bernicre,  in  relation  to  surveying 
the  country,  dated  February  22,  1775  ; a narrative  of  their  journey  to  Wor- 
cester and  to  Concord  ; and  an  account  of  the  “ Transactions  of  the  British 
Troops  previous  to  and  at  the  Battle  of  Lexington,”  &c.  It  was  printed 
from  Mss.  left  in  Boston  by  a British  officer.  This  is  reprinted  in  2 Mass. 
Hist.  Collections,  vol.  iv. 

In  1798  Colonel  Paul  Revere  addressed  to  the  corresponding  secretary  of 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  a letter  containing  reminiscences  chiefly 
connected  with  the  events  of  the  night  of  the  18th  of  April,  which  is  printed 
in  vol.  v.  of  the  first  series  of  the  society’s  collections. 

In  1824  and  1825  several  articles  appeared  on  the  battle  in  the  Concord 
Gazette  and  Middlesex  Yeoman,  and  also  in  the  Boston  Patriot. 

In  1825  Hon.  Edward  Everett  delivered  at  Concord  an  oration  on  the  anni- 
versary of  the  battle,  which  was  published,  and  contains  a sketch  of  the 
events  of  the  day. 

In  1825  Elias  Phinney,  Esq.,  published  a “ History  of  the  Battle  at  Lex- 
ington, on  the  Morning  of  the  19th  of  April,  1775.”  This  pamphlet  con- 
tains ten  depositions  relating  to  the  battle,  taken  in  1825,  from  the  survivors. 

In  1827  Dr.  Ezra  Ripley,  with  other  citizens  of  Concord,  published  “A 
History  of  the  Fight  at  Concord  on  the  19th  of  April,  1775,  with  a Particu- 
lar Account  of  the  Military  Operations  and  Interesting  Events  of  thatever- 
memorable  Day  ; showing  that  then  and  there  the  first  regular  and  forcible 
resistance  was  made  to  the  British  soldiery,  and  the  first  British  blood  was 
shed  by  armed  Americans,  and  the  Revolutionary  War  thus  commenced.”  A 
second  edition  was  published  in  1832. 

In  1835  Lemuel  Shattuck,  Esq.  published  a History  of  Concord,  which 
contains  a minute  detail  of  the  military  transactions  of  the  19th  of  April,  in 
Concord,  and  the  depositions  taken  by  authority  of  the  Provincial  Congress 
of  1775. 

In  1835  Hon.  Edward  Everett  delivered  at  Lexington  an  oration  on  the 
19th  of  April,  at  the  request  of  the  citizens  of  that  place,  in  which  a sketch 
is  given  of  the  events  that  occurred  there.  This  was  published. 

In  1835  Josiah  Adams,  Esq.,  delivered  an  address  at  Acton,  being  the 
first  centennial  anniversary  of  that  town.  This  was  published,  and  contains, 
in  the  appendix,  a review  of  some  of  the  transactions  that  occurred  at  Con- 
cord. 

In  1835  Hon.  Daniel  P.  King  delivered  “ An  Address,  commemorative 
of  Seven  Young  Men  of  Danvers,  who  were  slain  in  the  Battle  of  Lexing* 
ton,”  at  Danvers,  on  the  occasion  of  laying  a corner-stone  to  their  memory. 


DEPOSITIONS. 


367 


No.  2.  — Deposition  (1775)  relative  to  the  Events  on  the  Morning 
of  the  Nineteenth  of  April,  at  Lexington. 

We,  Nathaniel  Parkhurst,  Jonas  Parker,  John  Monroe,  Jun.,  John 
Windship,  Solomon  Peirce,  John  Muzzy,  Abner  Meads,  John  Bridge,  Jun., 
Ebenezer  Bowman,  William  Monroe,  3d.,  Micah  Hagar,  Samuel  Sanderson, 
Samuel  Hastings,  and  James  Brown,  of  Lexington,  in  the  County  of  Middle- 
sex, and  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England,  and  all  of  law- 
ful age,  do  testify  and  say,  that  on  the  morning  of  the  nineteenth  of  April, 
instant,  about  one  or  two  o’clock,  being  informed  that  a number  of  regular 
officers  had  been  riding  up  and  down  the  road  the  evening  and  night  preced- 
ing, and  that  some  of  the  inhabitants  as  they  were  passing  had  been  insulted 
by  the  officers,  and  stopped  by  them  ; and  being  also  informed  that  the  regu- 
lar troops  were  on  their  march  from  Boston,  in  order  (as  it  was  said)  to  take 
the  colony  stores  then  deposited  in  Concord,  we  met  on  the  parade  of  our 
company  in  this  town  : after  the  company  had  collected,  we  were  ordered  by 
Capt.  John  Parker  (who  commanded  us)  to  disperse  for  the  present,  and  to 
be  ready  to  attend  the  beat  of  the  drum ; and  accordingly  the  company  went 
into  houses  near  the  place  of  parade.  We  further  testify  and  say,  that  about 
five  o’clock  in  the  morning  we  attended  the  beat  of  our  drum,  and  were 
formed  on  the  parade  ; we  were  faced  towards  the  regulars  then  marching  up 
to  us,  and  some  of  our  company  were  coming  to  the  parade,  with  their  backs 
towards  the  troops,  and  others  on  the  parade  began  to  disperse,  when  the 
regulars  fired  on  the  company,  before  a gun  was  fired  by  any  of  our  company 
on  them  ; they  killed  eight  of  our  company,  and  wounded  several,  and  con- 
tinued their  fire  until  we  had  all  made  our  escape. 

Lexington,  25th  April,  1775. 


No.  3.  — Deposition  (1775)  relative  to  the  Events  in  Concord  on 
the  Nineteenth  of  April. 

We,  Nathan  Barret,  Captain ; Jonathan  Farrer,  Joseph  Butler,  and 
Francis  Wheeler,  Lieutenants  ; John  Barret,  Ensign ; John  Brown,  Silas 
Walker,  Ephraim  Melvin,  Nathan  Butterick,  Stephen  Hosmer,  Jun.,  Sam- 
uel Barrett,  Thomas  Jones,  Joseph  Chandler,  Peter  Wheeler,  Nathan  Pierce, 
and  Edward  Richardson,  all  of  Concord,  in  the  County  of  Middlesex,  in  the 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  of  lawful  age,  testify  and  declare,  that 
on  Wednesday,  the  19th  instant,  about  an  hour  after  sunrise,  we  assembled 
on  a hill  near  the  meeting-house  in  Concord  aforesaid,  in  consequence  of  an 
information  that  a number  of  regular  troops  had  killed  six  of  our  countrymen 
at  Lexington,  and  were  on  their  march  to  said  Concord  ; and  about  an  hour 
after,  we  saw  them  approaching,  to  the  number,  as  we  imagine,  of  about 
twelve  hundred,  on  which  we  retreated  to  a hill  about  eighty  rods  back,  and  the 
aforesaid  troops  then  took  possession  of  the  hill  where  we  were  first  posted. 
Presently  after  this,  we  saw  them  moving  towards  the  North  Bjidge,  about 


368 


APPENDIX. 


one  mile  from  said  meeting-house  ; we  then  immediately  went  before  them, 
and  passed  the  bridge  just  before  a party  of  them,  to  the  number  of  about 
two  hundred,  arrived  ; they  there  left  about  one  half  of  those  two  hundred 
at  the  bridge,  and  proceeded  with  the  rest  towards  Colonel  Barrett’s,  about 
two  miles  from  the  said  bridge  ; we  then,  seeing  several  fires  in  the  town, 
thought  our  houses  were  in  danger,  and  immediately  marched  back  towards 
said  bridge  ; and  the  troops  who  were  stationed  there,  observing  our  approach, 
marched  back  over  the  bridge,  and  then  took  up  some  of  the  planks ; we  then 
hastened  our  steps  towards  the  bridge,  and  when  we  had  got  near  the  bridge, 
they ’fired  on  our  men,  first,  three  guns,  one  after  the  other,  and  then  a con- 
siderable number  more,  upon  which,  and  not  before,  (having  orders  from  our 
commanding  officers  not  to  fire  till  we  were  fired  upon,)  we  fired  upon  the 
regulars,  and  they  retreated.  At  Concord,  and  on  their  retreat  through  Lex- 
ington, they  plundered  many  houses,  burnt  three  at  Lexington,  together  with 
a shop  and  a barn,  and  committed  damage,  more  or  less,  to  almost  every 
house  from  Concord  to  Charlestown. 

Lexington,  April  23 d,  1775. 


No.  4.  — Petition  of  William  Tay,  of  Woburn,  relative  to  the 

Battle. 

Colony  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England. 
To  the  Honorable  the  Council  of  the  Colony  aforesaid,  and  the  Honorable 
House  of  Representatives,  in  General  Court  assembled,  the  twentieth  day 
of  September,  1775. 

Your  petitioner,  the  subscriber,  begs  leave,  humbly,  to  show  : 

That  on  the  10th  day  of  April,  1775,  being  roused  from  his  sleep  by  an 
alarm,  occasioned  by  the  secret  and  sudden  march  of  the  ministerial  troops 
towards  Concord,  supposed  to  intend  the  destruction  of  the  colony’s  maga- 
zine there  deposited,  — to  prevent  which,  your  petitioner,  with  about  180  of 
his  fellow-townsmen,  well  armed,  and  resolved  in  defence  of  the  common 
cause,  speedily  took  their  march  from  Woburn  to  Concord  aforesaid,  who, 
upon  their  arrival  there,  being  reinforced  by  a number  of  their  fellow-soldiers 
of  the  same  regiment,  smartly  skirmished  with  those  hostile  troops,  being 
deeply  touched  with  their  bloody  massacre  and  inhuman  murders  in  their 
march  at  Lexington,  where  we  found  sundry  of  our  friends  and  neighbors 
inhumanly  butchered  on  that  bloody  field  ; and  other  salvage  cruelties  to  our 
aged  fathers,  and  poor,  helpless,  bed-ridden  women  under  the  infirmities  of 
child-bearing  ; together  with  their  horrible  devastations  committed  on  their 
ignominious  retreat  the  same  day,  (shocking  to  relate,  but  more  so  to  behold,) 
to  the  eternal  infamy  of  those  British  arms  so  frequently  and  so  successfully 
wielded  in  the  glorious  cause  of  liberty  through  most  of  the  European 
dominions,  now  made  subservient  to  the  ambitious  purposes  of  a very  salvage 
cruelty,  inhuman  butchery,  and  tyrannical  slavery. 


MOULTON  S PETITION. 


369 


These  shocking  scenes  continually  opening  to  view,  served  to  heighten 
resentment,  and  warm  endeavors  to  reap  a just  revenge  upon  those  inhuman 
perpetrators,  and  to  risk  our  lives  in  defence  of  the  glorious  cause,  as  the 
heroic  deeds  of  our  troops  through  the  whole  series  of  the  tragical  actions 
of  that  memorable  day  abundantly  testify. 

In  which  your  petitioner,  by  the  joint  testimony  of  all  his  fellow-soldiers, 
lent,  at  least,  an  equal  part  through  the  whole  stretch  of  way  from  Concord 
to  Charlestown  aforesaid,  where  your  petitioner,  with  several  others,  passing 
by  an  house,  were  fired  upon  by  three  of  the  ministerial  troops  planted  within, 
who,  returning  the  fire,  killed  two  of  them  ; thereupon  your  petitioner  rushed 
into  the  house,  seized  the  survivor,  a sergeant,  in  his  arms,  gave  him  sundry 
cuffs,  who  then  resigned  himself  and  arms  to  your  petitioner,  none  others 
being  then  within  said  house. 

But  so  it  happened,  that  while  your  petitioner  was  busied  in  securing  his 
prisoner,  others  coming  up  and  rushing  into  said  house,  those  arms  were  car- 
ried off  by  some  person  to  your  petitioner  unknown,  which  arms  are  since 
found  in  the  hands  of  Lieut.  Joseph  Howard,  of  Concord  ; of  all  which  your 
petitioner  informed  the  committee  of  safety  for  this  colony,  who,  on  the  24th 
day  of  May,  1775,  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  these  arms  were  fairly  the 
property  of  your  petitioner. 

Nevertheless,  the  said  Joseph  (though  duly  requested)  refuses  to  deliver 
the  same,  under  pretext  of  his  own  superior  right. 

Wherefore  your  petitioner  earnestly  prays  that  your  honors  would  take 
his  cause  under  due  consideration,  and  make  such  order  thereon  as  to  your 
honors,  in  your  great  wisdom,  shall  seem  just  and  reasonable,  which  that  he 
may  obtain  he  as  in  duty  bound  shall  ever  pray,  &c. 

William  Tay,  Jr. 


No.  5.  — Petition  of  Martha  Moulton,  relative  to  Events  in 
Concord. 

To  the  Honorable  General  Court  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay, 
in  New  England,  in  their  present  session  at  Watertown. 

The  petition  of  Martha  Moulton,  of  Concord,  in  said  Province,  widow- 
woman, 

Humbly  sheweth  : 

That  on  the  19th  day  of  April,  1775,  in  the  forenoon,  the  town  of  Con- 
cord, wherein  I dwell,  was  beset  with  an  army  of  regulars,  who,  in  a hostile 
manner,  entered  the  town,  and  drawed  up  in  form  before  the  door  of  the 
house  where  I live  ; and  there  they  continued  on  the  green,  feeding  their 
horses  within  five  feet  of  the  door  ; and  about  fifty  or  sixty  of  them  was  in 
and  out  the  house,  calling  for  water  and  what  they  wanted,  for  about  three 
hours.  At  the  same  time,  all  our  near  neighbors,  in  the  greatest  consterna- 
tion, were  drawn  off  to  places  far  from  the  thickest  part  of  the  town,  where 
I live,  and  had  taken  with  them  their  families  and  what  of  their  best  effects 
they  could  carry,  — some  to  a neighboring  wood,  and  others  to  remote  houses, 
— for  security. 


370 


APPENDIX. 


Your  petitioner,  being  left  to  the  mercy  of  six  or  seven  hundred  armed  men, 
and  no  person  near  but  an  old  man  of  eighty-five  years,  and  myself  seventy- 
one  years  old,  and  both  very  infirm.  It  may  easily  be  imagined  what  a sad 
condition  your  petitioner  must  be  in.  Under  these  circumstances,  your  peti- 
tioner committed  herself,  more  especially,  to  the  Divine  Protection,  and  was 
very  remarkably  helpt  with  so  much  fortitude  of  mind,  as  to  wait  on  them,  as 
they  called,  with  water,  or  what  we  had,  — chairs  for  Major  Pitcairn  and 
four  or  five  more  officers, — 'who  sat  at  the  door  viewing  their  men.  At 
length  your  petitioner  had,  by  degrees,  cultivated  so  much  favor  as  to  talk  a 
little  with  them.  When  all  on  a sudden  they  had  set  fire  to  the  great  gun- 
carriages  just  by  the  house,  and  while  they  were  in  flames  your  petitioner 
saw  smoke  arise  out  of  the  Town  House  higher  than  the  ridge  of  the  house. 
Then  your  petitioner  did  put  her  life,  as  it  were,  in  her  hand,  and  ventured 
to  beg  of  the  officers  to  send  some  of  their  men  to  put  out  the  fire  ; but  they 
took  no  notice,  only  sneered.  Your  petitioner  seeing  the  Town  House  on 
fire,  and  must  in  a few  minutes  be  past  recovery,  did  yet  venture  to  expostu- 
late with  the  officers  just  by  her,  as  she  stood  with  a pail  of  water  in  her 

hand,  begging  of  them  to  send,  &c.  When  they  only  said,  “ 0,  mother,  we 

won't  do  you  any  harm  ! ” “ Don’t  be  concerned,  mother,”  and  such  like 

talk.  The  house  still  burning,  and  knowing  that  all  the  row  of  four  or  five 
houses,  as  well  as  the  school-house,  was  in  certain  danger,  your  petitioner 
(not  knowing  but  she  might  provoke  them  by  her  insufficient  pleading) 
yet  ventured  to  put  as  much  strength  to  her  arguments  as  an  unfortunate 
widow  could  think  of ; and  so  your  petitioner  can  safely  say  that,  under 
Divine  Providence,  she  was  an  instrument  of  saving  the  Court  House,  and 
how  many  more  is  not  certain,  from  being  consumed,  with  a great  deal  of 

valuable  furniture,  and  at  the  great  risk  of  her  life.  At  last,  by  one  pail 

of  water  after  another,  they  sent  and  did  extinguish  the  fire.  And  now, 
may  it  please  this  honored  Court,  as  several  people  of  note  in  the  town  have 
advised  your  petitioner  thus  to  inform  the  public  of  wbat  she  had  done,  and 
as  no  notice  has  been  taken  of  her  for  the  same,  she  begs  leave  to  lay  this 
her  case  before  your  honors,  and  to  let  this  honored  Court  also  know  that  the 
petitioner  is  not  only  so  old  as  to  be  not  able  to  earn  wherewith  to  support 
herself,  is  very  poor,  and  shall  think  her  highly  honored  in  the  favorablr 
notice  of  this  honored  Court.  As  what  the  petitioner  has  done  was  of  a 
public  as  well  as  a private  good,  and  as  your  honors  are  in  a public  capacity, 
your  petitioner  begs  that  it  may  not  be  taken  ill,  in  this  way,  to  ask  in  the 
most  humble  manner  something,  as  a fatherly  bounty,  such  as  to  your  great 
wisdom  and  compassion  shall  seem  meet  ; and  your  petitioner,  as  in  duty 
bound,  for  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  this  our  American  Israel,  shall  ever  pray. 

Martha  Moulton.1 

Concord,  February  4,  1776. 

1 The  committee  reported  a resolve  in  favor  of  paying  this  heroine  three  pounds  for 
her  good  services  in  so  boldly  and  successfully  preventing  the  army  from  burning  the 
Towa  House  in  Concord,  as  set  forth  in  her  petition. 


ROGERS’  PETITION. 


371 


No.  6.  — Extract  from  a Petition  of  Jacob  Rogers,  of  Charlestown 

dated  Cambridge,  October  10,  1775,  relating  to  Events  in  Charles- 
town. 

As  to  my  conduct  the  19th  of  April  : We  were  alarmed  with  various 
reports  concerning  the  king’s  troops,  which  put  everybody  in  confusion. 
About  ten  in  the  morning  I met  Doctor  Warren  riding  hastily  out  of  town, 
and  asked  him  if  the  news  was  true  of  the  men’s  being  killed  at  Lexington  ; 
he  assured  me  it  was.  I replied  I was  very  glad  our  people  had  not  fired 
first,  as  it  would  have  given  the  king’s  troops  a handle  to  execute  their  proj- 
ect of  desolation.  He  rode  on. 

In  the  afternoon  Mr.  James  Russell  received  a letter  from  General  Gage, 
importing  that  he  was  informed  the  people  of  Charlestown  had  gone  out 
armed  to  oppose  his  majesty’s  troops,  and  that  if  one  single  man  more  went 
out  armed,  we  might  expect  the  most  disagreeable  consequences. 

A line-of-battle  ship  lying  before  the  town  ; a report  that  Cambridge 
bridge  was  taken  up  ; no  other  retreat  but  through  Charlestown  ; numbers 
of  men,  women,  and  children,  in  this  confusion,  getting  out  of  town.  Among 
the  rest,  I got  my  chaise,  took  my  wife  and  children  ; and  as  I live  near  the 
school-house,  in  a back  street,  drove  into  the  main  street,  put  my  children  in 
a cart  with  others  then  driving  out  of  town,  who  were  fired  at  several  times 
on  the  common,  and  followed  after.  Just  abreast  of  Captain  Fenton’s,  on 
the  neck  of  land,  Mr.  David  Waitt,  leather-dresser,  of  Charlestown,  came 
riding  in  full  speed  from  Cambridge,  took  hold  of  my  reins,  and  assisted  me 
to  turn  up  on  Bunker’s  Hill,  as  he  said  the  troops  were  then  entering  the 
common.  I had  just  reached  the  summit  of  the  hill,  dismounted  from  the 
chaise,  and  tied  it  fast  in  my  father-in-law’s  pasture,  when  we  saw  the  troops 
within  about  forty  rods  of  us,  on  the  hill.  One  Hayley,  a tailor,  now  of 
Cambridge,  with  his  wife,  and  a gun  on  his  shoulder,  going  towards  them, 
drew  a whole  volley  of  shot  on  himself  and  us,  that  I expected  my  wife,  or 
one  of  her  sisters,  who  were  with  us,  to  drop  every  moment. 

It  being  now  a little  dark,  we  proceeded  with  many  others  to  the  Pest  House, 
till  we  arrived  at  Mr.  Townsend's,  pump-maker,  in  the  training-field  ; on 
hearing  women's  voices,  we  went  in,  and  found  him,  Captain  Adams,  tavern- 
keeper,  Mr.  Samuel  Carey,  now  clerk  to  Colonel  Mifflin,  quartermaster-gen- 
eral, and  some  others,  and  a house  full  of  women  and  children,  in  the  greatest 
terror,  afraid  to  go  to  their  own  habitations.  After  refreshing  ourselves,  it 
being  then  dark,  Mr.  Carey,  myself,  and  one  or  two  more,  went  into  town, 
to  see  if  we  might,  with  safety,  proceed  to  our  own  houses.  On  our  way, 
met  a Mr.  Hutchinson,  who  informed  us  all  was  then  pretty  quiet ; that  when 
the  soldiers  came  through  the  street, the  officers  desired  the  women  and  chil- 
dren to  keep  in  doors  for  their  safety  ; that  they  begged  for  drink,  which  the 
people  were  glad  to  bring  them,  for  fear  of  their  being  ill-treated.  Mr.  Carey 
and  I proceeded  to  the  tavern  by  the  Town  House,  where  the  officers  were  ; 
all  was  tumult  and  confusion  ; nothing  but  drink  called  for  everywhere.  1 
stayed  a few  minutes,  and  proceeded  to  my  own  house,  and  finding  things 


372 


APPENDIX. 


pretty  quiet,  went  in  search  of  my  wife  and  sisters,  and  found  them  coming 
up  the  street  with  Captain  Adams.  On  our  arrival  at  home,  we  found  that 
her  brother,  a youth  of  fourteen,  was  shot  dead  on  the  neck  of  land  by  the 
soldiers,  as  he  was  looking  out  of  a window.  I stayed  a little  while  to  con- 
sole them,  and  went  into  the  main  street  to  see  if  all  was  quiet,  and  found  an 
officer  and  guard  under  arms  by  Mr.  David  Wood’s,  baker,  who  continued,  it 
seems,  all  night ; from  thence,  seeing  everything  quiet,  came  home  and  went 
to  bed,  and  never  gave  assistance  or  refreshment  of  any  kind  whatever. 
Neither  was  any  officer  or  soldier  near  my  house  that  day  or  night.  The 
next  morning,  with  difficulty,  I obtained  to  send  for  my  horse  and  chaise  from 
off  the  hill,  where  it  had  been  all  night,  and  found  my  cushion  stole,  and 
many  other  things  I had  in  the  box.  Went  to  wait  on  Gen.  Pigot,  the  com- 
manding officer,  for  leave  to  go  in  search  of  my  children  ; found  Doctor  Rand, 
Captain  Cordis,  and  others,  there  for  the  same  purpose,  but  could  not  obtain 
it  till  he  had  sent  to  Boston  for  orders,  and  could  not  find  them  till  next  night, 
having  travelled  in  fear  from  house  to  house,  till  they  got  to  Captain  Waters’, 
in  Malden.1 


BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


No.  1. — The  Authorities  on  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill.2 

1775.  June  17.  — The  American  Orderly  Books  contain  meagre  refer- 
ences to  the  battle.  General  Ward’s  has,  in  the  margin,  only  a record  of  the 
loss,  — calling  it  “ The  Battle  of  Charlestown.”  Fenno's  contains  the  order 
for  the  three  Massachusetts  regiments  to  parade,  and  a brief  account  of  the 
action.  The  British  Orderly  Books  — General  Howe’s  and  Adjutant  Wal- 
ler’s — have  the  British  orders  in  full. 

June  19.  — Colonel  John  Stark,  in  a letter  to  the  New  Hampshire  Con 
gress,  dated  at  Medford,  says  that  the  Americans  intrenched  on  “ Charlestown 
Hill,”  and  that  he  went  on  by  order  of  General  Ward. 

June  20.  — The  Massachusetts  Provincial  Congress  sent  an  account  to  the 
Continental  Congress,  which  was  prepared  by  a committee  appointed  June 
18,  — Major  Hawly  chairman,  who  reported  it  June  20.  It  describes  the 
place  of  intrenchment  as  “ A small  hill  south  of  Bunker  Hill.”  This  Con- 
gress sent  another  account  to  Albany,  June  28,  designating  the  place  as  “A 
hill  in  Charlestown.” 

1 The  committee  of  safety,  July  7,  1775,  ordered  a circular  to  be  sent  to  the  town  of 
Reading,  desiring  “all  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony”  to  behave  peaceably  and  qui- 
etly towards  Captain  Rogers.  Tay’s,  Moulton’s,  and  Rogers’  petitions  are  from  Mss. 

2 This  notice  of  the  authorities  does  not  include  many  letters  of  an  early  date,  some 
which  appeared  in  the  newspapers,  giving  general  descriptions  of  the  battle.  A large 
number  of  them  will  be  found  collected  in  Force’s  American  Archives. 


ACCOUNTS  OF  THE  BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


373 


June  20.  — William  Williams,  in  a letter  dated  Lebanon,  Conn.,  June  20, 
1775,  ten  o’clock  at  night,  and  sent  to  the  Connecticut  delegation  in  Con- 
gress, says  : “ I receive  it  that  General  Putnam  commanded  our  troops,  per- 
haps not  in  chief.” 

June  22. — Isaac  Lothrop,  member  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  sent  to 
General  Wooster  a letter  dated  Watertown,  June  22,  1775,  which  was 
printed  in  the  newspapers.  He  designates  the  place  of  the  action  “ Breed's 
Hill.” 

June  23.  — Rev.  Ezra  Stiles,  of  Newport,  records  in  his  diary  details  he 
gathered  from  persons  who  obtained  information  from  General  Putnam  in  the 
camp,  who  stated,  “ That  Putnam  was  not  on  Bunker  Hill  at  the  beginning, 
but  soon  repaired  thither,  and  was  in  the  heat  of  the  action  till  towards  night, 
when  he  went  away  to  fetch  across  reinforcements  ; and,  before  he  could 
return,  our  men  began  to  retreat.” 

June  25.  — Letter  from  Peter  Brown  to  his  mother,  dated  “Cambridge. 
June  25,  1775.”  He  was  clerk  of  a company  in  Prescott’s  regiment,  and 
he  gives  a general  account  of  the  proceedings  until  the  retreat.  It  is  the 
only  important  contemporary  letter,  written  by  a private  in  the  battle,  I have 
seen.  He  calls  the  place  of  the  battle  “ Charlestown  Hill.”  It  is  preserved 
in  Stiles’  Diary. 

June  25.  — Letter  written  by  General  Burgoyne,  who  saw  the  action  from 
Copp’sHill,to  Lord  Stanley,  printed  in  the  newspapers  of  1775,  and  dated 
“ Boston,  June  25.”  The  British  journals  contain  comments  on  this  letter. 

June  25.  — Official  Letter  of  General  Gage,  addressed  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth, and  sent  by  the  Cerberus,  dated  Boston,  June  25.  Severe  strictures 
appeared  in  the  British  journals  on  this  account,  which  were  collected  in  the 
Remembrancer  of  1775.  General  Gage  sent  substantially  the  same  account 
to  the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  at  Virginia,  dated  June  26.  It  was  also  printed  in 
a hand-bill  substantially  as  it  appears  officially,  and  circulated  in  Boston, 
dated  also  June  26. 

June  30.  — Rev.  John  Martin  related  to  President  Stiles  an  account  of  the 
battle,  who  recorded  it  in  his  diary,  with  a rude  plan  of  the  battle.  He  was 
in  the  hottest  of  it,  and  supplies  much  interesting  detail.  He  states  the 
Americans  “ took  possession  of  Bunker  Hill,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Prescott;  ” that  application  to  General  Ward  for  aid  “ brought  Colonel  Put- 
nam and  a large  reinforcement  about  noon  ; ” and  that  Putnam  was  deeply 
engaged  with  the  enemy. 

July  5.  — A letter  (British)  from  Boston  gives  a detail  of  the  action.  It 
was  one  of  the  “ celebrated  fugitive  pieces  ” that  occasioned  the  inquiry  into 
the  conduct  of  General  Howe,  and  reprinted  in  “The  Detail  and  Conduct  of 
the  American  War.”  It  is  an  excellent  British  authoritv. 

32 


374 


APPENDIX. 


July  12.  — A letter  of  Samuel  Gray,  dated  Roxbury,  July  12,  gives  inter- 
esting facts  relative  to  the  battle.  It  calls  the  place  “ Charlestown  Hill,” 
and  states  that  two  generals  and  the  engineer  were  on  the  ground  on  the 
night  of  June  16,  at  the  consultation  as  to  the  place  to  be  fortified. 

July  13. — An  article  in  Rivington’s  New  York  Gazette  (Tory)  gives 
a brief  view  of  the  action. 

July  20.  — In  a letter  addressed  to  Samuel  Adams,  dated  “ Watertown, 
July  20,  1775,”  J.  Pitts  writes,  that  no  one  appeared  to  have  any  command 
but  Colonel  Prescott,  and  that  General  Putnam  was  employed  in  collecting 
the  men. 

July  22. — John  Chester,  who  commanded  a Connecticut  company,  wrote 
a letter  on  the  battle,  dated  “ Camp  at  Cambridge,  July  22,  1775,”  and  ad- 
dressed to  a clergyman.  It  gives  first  a general  view'  of  the  battle,  and  then 
details  his  own  agency  in  it.  It  is  an  excellent  authority.  He  gives  the  fact 
that,  after  the  B'  .sh  landed,  General  Putnam  ordered  all  the  Connecticut 
troops  to  march  to  oppose  the  enemy. 

July  25. — The  committee  of  safety  appointed  Rev.  Messrs.  Cooper, 
Gardner,  and  Thatcher,  to  draw  up  a narrative  of  the  battle.  This  was  sent 
to  London  to  Arthur  Lee.  It  states  that  “ The  commander  of  party  ” gave 
the  word  to  retreat  from  the  redoubt,  but  does  not  state  his  name.  I found, 
at  the  Antiquarian  Hall,  Worcester,  a Ms.  copy  of  this  account,  with  the 
erasures  and  interlineations  preserved.  It  was  written  by  Rev.  Peter 
Thatcher,  who  states  that  he  saw  the  action  from  the  north  side  of  Mystic 
River.  It  contains  passages  not  in  the  printed  copy.  This  is  the  account 
that  states  Breed’s  Hill  was  chosen  “ by  some  mistake.” 

August  20.  — Rivington’s  New  York  Gazette  has  a graphic  sketch  of 
the  battle,  with  a rude  plan  of  it.  It  does  not,  however,  name  an  American 
officer  engaged. 

A Voyage  to  Boston,  a poem.  By  the  author  of  American  Liberty,  a poem  ; 
General  Gage’s  Soliloquy,  &c.  Philadelphia,  1775.  This  contains  several 
pages  of  satire  on  the  British  generals,  and  the  result  of  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill.  It  was  probably  written  by  Phillip  Freneau.  See  page  38  for  an 
extract. 

The  British  Annual  Register  contains  a narrative  of  the  battle,  in  which  it 
is  stated  that  “ Doctor  Warren,  acting  as  major-general,  commanded.”  The 
Gentleman’s  Magazine,  London,  has  a wood  engraving,  purporting  to  be  a 
view  of  the  redoubt ; see  page  198.  The  Pennsylvania  Magazine  for  Sep- 
tember has  a picture  of  the  battle. 

John  Clark,  first  lieutenant  of  the  marines,  who  was  in  the  battle,  pub- 
lished in  London  “ An  Impartial  and  Authentic  Narrative  of  the  Battle,”  &c.. 


ACCOUNTS  OF  THE  BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


375 


;‘on  Bunker’s  Hill,  near  Charlestown,  in  New  England,”  &c.,  with  anec- 
dotes. The  whole  collected  and  written  on  the  spot.  It  gives  Howe’s 
speech  to  his  army.  It  states  that  Doctor  Warren  was  supposed  to  be  the 
commander  ; and  that  General  Putnam  was  about  three  miles  distant,  and 
formed  an  ambuscade  with  about  three  thousand  men.  A second  edition  of 
this  pamphlet  was  printed  in  1775. 

1776. — George’s  Cambridge  Almanack,  or  Essex  Callender,  for  1776, 
contains  a brief  narrative  of  the  battle,  in  which  it  is  stated  that  Joseph 
Warren  “ was  commander-in-chief  on  this  occasion.” 

Colonel  James  Scamman  published  in  the  New  England  Chronicle,  Feb. 
29,  1776,  a report  of  the  court-martial  that  tried  him,  July  13,  1775,  which 
was  interspersed  with  notes.  In  one  of  them  it  is  casually  remarked,  that 
“ There  was  no  general  officer  who  commanded  on  Bunker  Hill.” 

A pamphlet  was  published  in  Philadelphia,  entitled  “ Battle  of  Bunker 
Hill.  A Dramatic  Piece,  of  five  acts,  in  Heroic  Measure.  By  a Gentleman 
of  Maryland,”  — Hugh  Henry  Brackenridge.  It  names  Putnam,  Warren, 
and  Gardner.  An  extract  from  this  piece  will  be  found  n page  181. 

A plan  of  the  battle  was  published  in  England,  entitled  “A  Plan  of  the 
Action  on  Bunker's  Hill,  on  the  17th  of  June,  1775,  between  His  Majesty’s 
Troops,  under  the  .command  of  General  Howe,  and  the  Rebel  Forces.  By 
Lieut.  Page,  of  the  Engineers,  who  acted  as  Aid-de-camp  to  General  Howe 
in  that  action.  N.  B.  — The  Ground  Plan  is  from  an  actual  survey  by  Cap- 
tain Montresor.”  The  plate  of  this  was  used  by  Stedman  in  1794,  for  his 
history,  with  the  names  of  the  engineer  and  surveyor  suppressed,  and  with  a 
few  verbal  alterations. 

1778.  — Rev.  James  Murray,  of  Newcastle-upon-Tyne,  published  in  Lon- 
don, July  29,  1778,  a history  of  the  war,  in  which  he  gives  a full  account  of 
the  battle,  and  states  that  “ Doctor  Warren  acted  as  major-general  and  com- 
mander on  this  occasion.” 

General  Charles  Lee,  in  his  Vindication,  published  in  1778,  alludes  to  the 
battle,  praises  the  bravery  of  several  of  the  colonels,  and  says  : “ The 
Americans  were  composed  in  part  of  raw  lads  and  old  men,  half  armed,  with 
no  practice  or  discipline,  commanded  without  order,  and  God  knows  by 
whom.” 

1779.  — The  London  Chronicle  contained  an  interesting  review  of  the 
action,  embracing  many  curious  details,  written  by  Israel  Mauduit. 

Governor  Trumbull,  in  his  letter,  printed  in  vol.  vi.  of  the  Mass.  Historical 
Collections,  and  dated  August  31,  1779,  gives  a sketch  of  the  battle,  and 
names  General  Warren  as  the  commanding  officer. 

A pamphlet  was  published,  entitled  “ America  Invincible  : An  Heroic 


376 


APPENDIX. 


Poem.  By  an  Officer  of  Rank  in  the  Army.”  It  contains  a description  of 
the  battle.  It  alludes  only  to  General  Warren. 

1781.  — “ An  Impartial  History  of  the  War  in  America”  was  published 
in  Boston,  by  Nathaniel  Coverly  and  Robert  Hodge.  Its  “ authors  ” profess 
to  have  had  “the  best  opportunities  ” for  procuring  facts  ; but  they  adopt, 
with  few  variations,  and  without  acknowledgment,  Murray’s  account,  word 
for  word,  and  give  General  Warren  the  command.  The  only  other  Ameri- 
can officer  named  is  Lt.-col.  Parker. 

“ The  American  War,  a Poem  ; in  Six  Books,”  was  published  in  London. 
It  has  a poor  picture  of  the  battle,  and  a sketch  of  it  in  rhyme.  A few  lines 
will  suffice  to  indicate  the  quality  of  the  verse  : — 

About  two  thousand  were  embarked  to  go 
’Gainst  the  redoubt,  and  formidable  foe  : 

The  Lively’s,  Falcon’s,  Fame’s,  and  Glasgow’s  roar, 

Covered  their  landing  on  the  destined  shore. 

“ An  Eulogium  on  Major-general  Joseph  Warren,  who  fell  in  the  Action 
at  Charlestown,  June  17,  1775.  By  a Columbian.  Arma  virumque  cano.  — 
Virgil.  Boston  : Printed  by  John  Boyle,  in  Marlborough-street.  1781.” 
This  tract  contains  a poetic  description  of  the  battle,  but  mentions  only  the 
names  of  Warren  and  Chester.  Extracts  from  it  may  be  found  on  pages  77, 
144,  and  172. 

1788.  — General  David  Humphries  published  an  Essay  on  the  Life  of 
General  Putnam,  dated  Mount  Vernon,  July  4,  1788,  — the  general  being 
living.  He  says  : “ In  this  battle  the  presence  and  example  of  General  Put- 
nam, who  arrived  with  the  reinforcement,  were  not  less  conspicuous  than 
useful.” 

The  History  of  the  American  War,  by  Rev.  William  Gordon,  was  printed 
in  London,  the  preface  to  which  is  dated  October  23,  1788.  It  adopts  the 
greater  part  of  the  language  of  the  account  of  the  committee  of  safety, 
(Thatcher’s,)  and  defines  the  positions  of  Putnam,  Warren,  and  Pomeroy. 
This  is  the  first  time  Colonel  Prescott  appears,  in  print,  as  the  commander  of 
the  intrenching  party. 

1789.  — Ramsay’s  History  of  the  American  Revolution  was  published,  and 
has  a narrative  of  the  battle.  It  does  not  specify  a regiment  engaged,  or 
designate  an  officer  in  command  ; and  in  a eulogy  on  Warren,  does  not  assign 
to  him  any  special  agency  in  the  battle. 

1790.  — Rev.  Josiah  Whitney  preached  a sermon  at  the  funeral  of  General 
Putnam,  who  died  May  29,  1790.  Mr.  Whitney,  in  a note,  in  commenting 
on  Humphries’  account  of  the  battle,  says  : “ The  detachment  was  first  pul 
under  the  command  of  General  Putnam.  With  it  he  took  possession  of  the 
hill,  and  oraered  the  battle  from  the  beginning  to  the  end.”  This  is  the  first 


ACCOUNTS  OF  THE  BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


377 


time  I have  met,  in  print,  with  the  statement  that  General  Putnam  was  the 
commander. 

1794.  — Stedman’s  History  of  the  American  War  was  published  in  Eng- 
land. The  only  American  officer  named  is  “Doctor  Warren,  who  com- 
manded in  the  redoubt.”  It  adopts,  without  acknowledgment,  Page’s  plan, 
and  uses  the  same  plate,  with  a few  verbal  alterations. 

“ An  Oration,  delivered  at  the  Meeting-house  in  Charlestown,  June  17,  by 
Josiah  Bartlett.”  Doctor  Bartlett  was  invited  by  the  artillery  company,  and 
his  address  is  dedicated  to  Major  William  Calder,  and  the  officers  and  mem- 
bers of  that  company.  It  contains  but  few  allusions  to  the  battle.  On  the 
dedication  of  the  monument  on  Breed's  Hill,  built  by  King  Solomon’s  Lodge, 
in  December,  Doctor  Bartlett  delivered  a eulogy  on  General  Warren,  and 
John  Soley,  Esq.,  a brief  address. 

1796.  — Colonel  Trumbull’s  engraving  of  the  battle  was  published  about 
this  time.  He  began  his  picture  in  London  in  1786,  and  issued  a subscrip- 
tion paper  for  his  engraving  April,  1790.  An  account  of  the  battle  is  printed 
in  the  appendix  to  Colonel  Trumbull's  Autobiography,  printed  in  1841. 

1798.  — General  Heath's  Memoirs  were  printed,  which  contain  a brief 
account  of  the  battle.  He  states  that  Colonel  William  Prescott,  notwith- 
standing anything  that  may  have  been  said,  “ was  the  proper  commanding 
officer  at  the  redoubt.” 

1801.  — “An  Oration,  pronounced  at  Charlestown,  at  the  Request  of  the 
Artillery  Company,  on  the  seventeenth  of  June  ; being  the  Anniversary  of  the 
Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  of  that  Company,”  &c.,  by  William  Austin,  A.  B. 
It  contains  a brief  general  description  of  the  battle,  and  regards  General  Put- 
nam as  the  commander. 

1804.  — Marshall,  in  his  Life  of  Washington,  states  that  Colonel  Prescott 
commanded  the  original  detachment ; and  that,  previous  to  the.  action,  the 
Americans  were  reinforced  by  a body  of  troops,  under  Generals  Warren  and 
Pomeroy.  He  does  not  mention  General  Putnam's  name. 

1805.  — Hubley,  in  his  History  of  the  Revolution,  follows  chiefly  the  com- 
mittee of  safety's  account,  — adopting  Gordon’s  language  respecting  Prescott, 
Warren,  and  Putnam. 

1808. — James  Allen,  who  died  in  1808,  wrote  an  Epic,  with  the  title  of 
“ Bunker  Hill.”  A portion  of  it  may  be  found  in  the  notes  to  Colonel 
Swett’s  History  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 

1812.  — Lee’s  Memoirs  of  the  War  in  the  Southern  Department  contain 
a train  of  reflections  on  Howe’s  campaigns,  in  which  the  influence  of  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill  is  dwelt  upon,  and  a sketch  of  it  given.  Lee  states 

32* 


378 


APPENDIX. 


that  the  Americans  were  commanded  by  Colonel  Prescott.  He  does  not 
mention  Putnam’s  name. 

1816. — General  James  Wilkinson,  in  his  memoirs,  chapter  xix.,  gives 
what  is  called  “ A rapid  sketch  of  the  Battle  of  Breed’s  Hill.”  He  went 
over  the  field,  March  17,  1776,  with  Colonels  Stark  and  Reed  ; and  October 
27,  1815,  addressed  a letter,  with  a series  of  queries,  to  Major  Caleb  Stark, 
on  this  subject.  He  gives  reminiscences  of  his  own,  and  details  he  received 
from  others  ; and  presents  a fresh  history  of  the  battle.  He  states  there  was 
no  general  command  exercised  on  the  field  ; that  Colonel  Prescott,  seconded 
by  a Colonel  Brewer,  was  ordered  to  take  possession  of  Bunker  Hill  ; that 
Prescott  commanded  at  the  redoubt,  and  Stark  at  the  rail  fence,  between 
which  “ there  was  no  preconcert  or  plan  of  cooperation.”  He  stations  Put- 
nam, with  intrenching  tools  slung  across  his  horse,  out  of  the  action,  on 
Bunker  Hill,  with  Colonel  Gerrish,  and  affirms  that  all  the  reinforce- 
ments which  arrived  here,  after  Colonel  Stark  had  passed,  halted,  and  kept 
company  with  them.  This  work  contains  the  earliest  reflections  on  General 
Putnam’s  conduct  on  this  occasion,  either  printed  or  in  manuscript,  that  I 
have  met.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that, in  the  review  of  this  work,  in  the 
North  American  Review,  October,  1817,  no  fault  is  found  with  the  account 
of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 

1818.  — The  Analectic  Magazine  for  February  contains  a history  of  the 
oattle,  chiefly  in  Thatcher’s  and  Gordon’s  language,  without  acknowledg- 
ment, but  with  important  variations.  It  states  that  the  original  detachment 
was  under  Colonel  Prescott;  that  General  Warren,  the  “leader,”  was 
“ everywhere  aiding  and  encouraging  his  men  that  General  Pomeroy  “ com- 
manded a brigade;  ” and  that  General  Putnam  “ directed  the  whole  on  the 
fall  of  General  Warren.”  It  is  accompanied  by  an  engraving  of  Henry 
De  Berniere’s  plan  of  the  battle,  from  a sketch  found  in  the  captured  baggage 
of  a British  officer  in  1775.  This  is  the  first  American  engraving  of  a full 
plan  of  the  battle. 

The  Analectic  Magazine  for  March  contains  an  additional  article,  with 
many  interesting  and  correct  details  gathered  from  actors  in  it,  and  several 
documents  in  relation  to  it. 

The  Port  Folio  for  March  has  another  engraving  of  Berniere’s  plan,  with 
corrections  of  the  original  in  red  color,  by  General  Henry  Dearborn,  (who 
commanded  a company,  during  the  action,  of  Stark’s  regiment,)  and  an  ac- 
count of  the  battle  by  him,  written  for  this  journal,  at  the-request  of  the 
editor.  In  this  account  it  is  stated  that  General  Putnam  remained  at  or  near 
the  top  of  Bunker  Hill  during  the  whole  action  ; that  Colonel  Prescott  com- 
manded in  the  redoubt ; that  during  the  action  no  officer  but  Colonel  Stark 
gave  any  orders  ; that  no  reinforcement  of  men  or  of  ammunition  was  sent 
to  those  engaged  ; and  that  General  Putnam  rode  off  with  a number  of  spades 
and  pickaxes  in  his  hand. 


ACCOUNTS  OF  THE  BUNKER  HILL  BATTLE. 


379 


Daniel  Putnam,  son  of  General  Putnam,  published  “ A Letter  to  Major- 
general  Dearborn,”  dated  May  4,  1818.  It  contains  a defence  of  General 
Putnam,  and  interesting  anecdotes  of  the  battle. 

The  Boston  Patriot  of  June  13,  1818,  contained  a brief  letter  from  Gen- 
eral Dearborn,  dated  June  10,  1818,  and  fourteen  documents  relating  to  the 
battle  ; the  whole  entitled  “ Major-general  H.  Dearborn’s  Vindication.” 

The  Columbian  Centinel,  July  4,  1818,  has  the  first  of  a series  of  elab- 
orate numbers,  entitled  “ General  Putnam  defended.  Review  of  General 
Dearborn’s  Defence  of  his  Attack  on  General  Putnam.”  It  takes  the  ground 
that,  though  “ It  is  certainly  true  that  there  could  not,  in  the  nature  of  the 
case,  have  been  any  authorized  commander,”  yet  that  General  Putnam  was 
in  fact  the  commander  of  the  detachment.  This  review  was  written  by  Hon. 
John  Lowell,  and  embodies  many  depositions. 

The  North  American  Review  for  July,  1818,  has  an  article,  entitled 
“ Battle  of  Bunker  Hill  — General  Putnam,”  in  which  General  Putnam  is 
defended,  and  an  interesting  view  of  the  battle  is  given.  It  contends  that 
General  Putnam  commanded  at  the  rail  fence  and  on  Bunker  Hill,  while 
Prescott  commanded  in  the  redoubt ; and  that,  “ In  truth,  if  there  was  any 
commander-in-chief  in  the  action,  it  was  Prescott;”  or  that  “if  it  were 
proper  to  give  the  battle  a name,  from  any  distinguished  agent  in  it,  it  should 
be  called  Prescott’s  Battle.”  This  article  was  written  by  Hon.  Daniel 
Webster.1 

In  October,  Colonel  Samuel  Swett  published,  as  an  appendix  to  a new 
edition  of  Humphrey’s  Life  of  Putnam,  an  “Historical  and  Topographical 
Sketch  of  Bunker  Hill  Battle.”  A second  edition  of  this  work  was  pub- 
lished, in  pamphlet  form,  in  1826,  with  a plan  and  notes;  and  a third  edition, 
with  additional  notes,  in  1827.  Colonel  Swett’s  indefatigable  labors  pre- 
served many  interesting  facts  from  oblivion.  He  states  that  Colonel  Prescott 
“ was  ordered  to  proceed  with  the  detachment  at  Charlestown,”  “ General 
Putnam  having  the  principal  direction  and  superintendence  of  the  expedition 
accompanying  it.” 

The  Boston  Patriot,  November  17,  1818,  contains  the  first  number  of  a 
series  of  articles  reviewing  Colonel  Swett's  history,  — subsequently  published 
in  a pamphlet  form,  — and  entitled  “ Enquiry  into  the  Conduct  of  General 
Putnam,”  &c.  Its  main  object  is  to  establish  the  point,  “ that  General  Put- 
nam was  not  in  any  part  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  or  Breed's  Hill.”  It  was 
written  by  David  Lee  Child,  Esq. 

Hon.  William  Tudor,  judge-advocate  in  most  of  the  trials  of  the  officers 
after  the  battle,  in  a statement  published  in  the  Columbian  Centinel,  July  11, 
1818,  says  : General  Putnam  appeared  to  have  been  on  Breed’s  Hill  without 

1 An  extract  from  this  article  will  be  found  on  pages  204 — 206. 


380 


APPENDIX. 


any  command,  for  there  was  no  authorized  commander;  Colonel  Prescott 
appeared  to  have  been  the  chief. 

John  Adams,  ex-president,  in  a letter  published  also  in  the  Centinel,  and 
dated  June  19,  1818,  states  that  the  army  had  no  commander-in-chief,  — that 
he  always  understood  that  General  Pomeroy  was  the  first  officer  of  Massa- 
chusetts on  Bunker  or  Breed's  Hill. 

The  newspapers  of  1818  abound  with  letters,  depositions,  and  articles  in 
relation  to  the  battle.  I have  files  of  the  Boston  Patriot,  Columbian  Cen- 
tinel, and  Salem  Gazette,  and  have  consulted  all  they  contain.  Of  the  Ms. 
documents  quoted,  are  the  statements  of  Governor  Brooks,  Joseph  Pearce, 
and  General  Winslow,  taken  down  by  Colonel  Swett  in  1818. 

1823.  — Thatcher’s  Military  Journal  contains  a narrative  of  the  battle,  pur- 
porting to  be  written  in  July,  1775.  Thatcher  states  that,  though  several 
general  officers  were  present,  Colonel  Prescott  retained  the  command  during 
the  action. 

Tudor's  Life  of  Otis  contains  a brief  description  of  the  battle,  with  inter- 
esting anecdotes  of  Warren  and  Prescott.  It  is  stated  that  the  Americans 
were  commanded  by  Colonel  Prescott. 

0 

1825.  — Alden  Bradford  published,  in  pamphlet  form,  a concise  narrative 
of  the  battle,  with  copious  notes.  He  maintains  that,  in  fact,  “ General 
Putnam  was  considered  and  acted  as  commander-in-chief.” 

An  Address,  delivered  at  the  laying  of  the  corner-stone  of  the  Bunker 
Hill  Monument.  By  Daniel  Webster.  This  address  was  delivered  at  the 
request  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Association,  and  in  the  presence  of 
Lafayette. 

This  year  the  ceremonies  of  the  laying  of  the  corner-stone  of  the  monu- 
ment occasioned  renewed  attention  to  the  details  of  the  battle  ; and  numerous 
Ms.  depositions,  then  taken  from  the  actors  in  it,  are  extant.  A long  narra- 
tive of  the  battle  appeared  in  the  Columbian  Centinel,  December,  1824,  and 
January,  1825. 

1831.  — A pamphlet  was  published  by  Charles  Coffin,  at  Saco,  entitled 
“ History  of  the  Battle  of  Breed’s  Hill.”  It  contains  the  accounts  of  Heath, 
Lee,  Wilkinson  and  Dearborn,  a few  depositions,  and  a few  pages  of  remarks. 

1836.  — An  Address,  delivered  at  Charlestown,  Mass.,  on  the  17th  of 
June,  1836,  at  the  request  of  the  young  men,  without  distinction  of  party,  in 
commemoration  of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  By  Alexander  H.  Everett. 
This  address  contains  a graphic  description  of  the  battle. 

1838. — Judge  William  Prescott,  son  of  Colonel  Prescott,  prepared  a 
memoir  of  the  battle,  (see  page  121,)  which  contains  much  detail  not  else- 
where to  be  found.  Copious  extracts  from  it,  taken  from  the  original,  in  the 


COMMITTEE  OF  SAFETY  ACCOUNT. 


381 


hand-writing  of  Judge  Prescott,  will  be  found  in  the  preceding  pages. 
Appended  to  the  memoir  is  a letter,  dated  in  1838,  and  hence  it  is  placed 
under  this  year. 

1841.  — “An  Oration,  delivered  at  Charlestown,  Massachusetts,  on  the  17th 
of  June,  1841,  in  commemoration  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  By  George 
E.  Ellis.”  This  oration  was  delivered  at  the  request  of  the  officers  and  mem- 
bers of  the  Warren  Phalanx.  It  contains  a full  narrative  of  the  battle.  It 
was  prepared  into  a small  volume,  with  illustrative  documents,  and  published 
by  C.  P.  Emmons,  of  Charlestown. 

1843.  — Address,  delivered  at  Bunker  Hill,  June  17,  1843,  on  the  comple- 
tion of  the  Monument.  By  Daniel  Webster.  This  address  is  not  of  an 
historical  character. 

The  Veil  Removed  : Reflections  on  the  Lives  of  Putnam,  and  the  His- 
tories of  the  Battle.  By  John  Fellows.  Printed  in  New  York.  He 
renews  the  charges  against  General  Putnam,  and  reprints,  often  very  incor- 
rectly, many  revolutionary  depositions. 


No.  2. — Narrative  of  the  Battle,  prepared  by  Order  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Committee  of  Safety. 

The  committee  of  safety,  on  the  6th  of  July,  1775,  passed  the  following 
vote  : — 

July  6,  1775. 

This  Committee  have,  with  great  concern,  considered  the  advantages  our 
enemies  will  derive  from  General  Gage's  misrepresentations  of  the  battle  of 
Charlestown,  unless  counteracted  by  the  truth  of  that  day’s  transactions  being 
fairly  and  honestly  represented  to  our  friends  and  others  in  Great  Britain  ; 
therefore, 

Resolved,  That  it  be  humbly  recommended  to  the  honorable  Congress, 
now  sitting  at  Watertown,  to  appoint  a committee  to  draw  up  and  transmit 
to  Great  Britain,  as  soon  as  possible,  a fair,  honest,  and  impartial  account  of 
the  late  battle  of  Charlestown,  on  the  17th  ultimo,  so  that  our  friends,  and 
others  in  that  part  of  the  world,  may  not  be,  in  any  degree,  imposed  upon  by 
General  Gage’s  misrepresentations  of  that  day’s  transactions  ; and  that  there 
also  be  a standing  committee  for  that  purpose. 

In  compliance  with  this  recommendation,  the  Provincial  Congress,  July  7, 
ordered  the  committee  of  safety  to  be  a committee  for  this  purpose,  and  also 
to  be  a standing  committee  for  like  purposes.  This  committee  (11th)  “ being 
exceedingly  crowded  with  business,”  requested  “ Rev.  Dr.  Cooper,  Rev.  Mr. 
Gardner,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Peter  Thatcher,”  to  draw  up  a true  state  of  this 
action,  as  soon  as  might  be,  and  lay  it  before  them.  The  following  account 
was  accordingly  prepared  : — 


382 


APPENDIX. 


In  Committee  of  Safety,  July  25,  1775. 

In  obedience  to  the  order  of  the  Congress,  this  committee  have  inquired 
into  the  premises,  and,  upon  the  best  information  obtained,  find  that  the  com- 
manders of  the  New  England  army  had,  about  the  14th  alt. , received  advice 
that  General  Gage  had  issued  orders  for  a party  of  the  troops  under  his  com- 
mand to  post  themselves  on  Bunker’s  Hill,  a promontory  just  at  the  entrance 
of  the  peninsula  at  Charlestown,  which  orders  were  soon  to  be  executed. 
Upon  which  it  was  determined,  with  the  advice  of  this  committee,  to  send  a 
party,  who  might  erect  some  fortifications  upon  the  said  hill,  and  defeat  this 
design  of  our  enemies.  Accordingly,  on  the  16th  ult. , orders  were  issued, 
that  a detachment  of  1000  men  should  that  evening  march  to  Charlestown, 
and  intrench  upon  that  hill.  Just  before  nine  o’clock  they  left  Cambridge, 
and  proceeded  to  Breed's  Hill,  situated  on  the  further  part  of  the  peninsula 
next  to  Boston,  for,  by  some  mistake,  this  hill  was  marked  out  for  the 
intrenchment  instead  of  the  other.  Many  things  being  necessary  to  be  done 
preparatory  to  the  intrenchments  being  thrown  up,  (which  could  not  be  done 
before,  lest  the  enemy  should  discover  and  defeat  the  design,)  it  was  nearly 
twelve  o’clock  before  the  works  were  entered  upon.  They  were  then  carried 
on  with  the  utmost  diligence  and  alacrity,  so  that  by  the  dawn  of  the  day 
they  had  thrown  up  a small  redoubt  about  eight  rods  square.  At  this  time  a 
heavy  fire  began  from  the  enemy's  ships,  a number  of  floating  batteries,  and 
from  a fortification  of  the  enemy's  upon Copp’s Hill  in  Boston,  directly  oppo- 
site to  our  little  redoubt.  An  incessant  shower  of  shot  and  bombs  was  rained 
by  these  upon  our  works,  by  which  only  one  man  fell.  The  provincials  con- 
tinued to  labor  indefatigably  till  they  had  thrown  up  a small  breastwork, 
extending  from  the  east  side  of  the  redoubt  to  the  bottom  of  the  hill,  but 
were  prevented  completing  it  by  the  intolerable  fire  of  the  enemy. 

Between  twelve  and  one  o’clock  a number  of  boats  and  barges,  filled  with 
the  regular  troops  from  Boston,  were  observed  approaching  towards  Charles- 
town ; these  troops  landed  at  a place  called  Moreton’s  Point,  situated  a little 
to  the  eastward  of  our  works.  This  brigade  formed  upon  their  landing,  and 
stood  thus  formed  till  a second  detachment  arrived  from  Boston  to  join  them  ; 
having  sent  out  large  flank  guards,  they  began  a very  slow  march  towards 
our  lines.  At  this  instant  smoke  and  flames  w'ere  seen  to  arise  from  the 
town  of  Charlestown,  which  had  been  set  on  fire  by  the  enemy,  that  the 
smoke  might  cover  their  attack  upon  our  lines,  and  perhaps  with  a design  to 
rout  or  destroy  one  or  two  regiments  of  provincials  who  had  been  posted  in 
that  town.  If  either  of  these  was  their  design,  they  were  disappointed,  for 
the  wind  shifting  on  a sudden,  carried  the  smoke  another  way,  and  the  regi- 
ments were  already  removed.  The  provincials,  within  their  intrenchments, 
impatiently  waited  the  attack  of  the  enemy,  and  reserved  their  fire  till  they 
came  within  ten  or  twelve  rods,  and  then  began  a furious  discharge  of  small- 
arms.  This  fire  arrested  the  enemy,  which  they  for  some  time  returned, 
without  advancing  a step,  and  then  retreated  in  disorder,  and  with  great  pre- 
cipitation, to  the  place  of  landing,  and  some  of  them  sought  refuge  even 


COMMITTEE  OF  SAFETY  ACCOUNT. 


333 


within  their  boats.  Here  the  officers  were  observed,  by  the  spectators  on  the 
opposite  shore,  to  run  down  to  them,  using  the  most  passionate  gestures,  and 
pushing  the  men  forward  with  their  swords.  At  length  they  were  rallied, 
and  marched  up,  with  apparent  reluctance,  towards  the  intrenchment ; the 
Americans  again  reserved  their  fire  until  the  enemy  came  within  five  or  six 
rods,  and  a second  time  put  the  regulars  to  flight,  who  ran  in  great  confusion 
towards  their  boats.  Similar  and  superior  exertions  were  now  necessarily 
made  by  the  officers,  which,  notwithstanding  the  men  discovered  an  almost 
insuperable  reluctance  to  fighting  in  this  cause,  were  again  successful. 
They  formed  once  more,  and  having  brought  some  cannon  to  bear  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  rake  the  inside  of  the  breastwork  from  one  end  of  it  to  the 
other,  the  provincials  retreated  within  their  little  fort.  The  ministerial  army 
now  made  a decisive  effort.  The  fire  from  the  ships  and  batteries,  as  well  as 
from  the  cannon  in  the  front  of  their  army,  was  redoubled.  The  officers,  m 
the  rear  of  their  army,  were  observed  to  goad  forward  the  men  with  renewed 
exertions,  and  they  attacked  the  redoubt  on  three  sides  at  once.  The  breast- 
work on  the  outside  of  the  fort  was  abandoned  ; the  ammunition  of  the  pro- 
vincials was  expended,  and  few  of  their  arms  were  fixed  with  bayonets.  Can 
it  then  be  wondered  that  the  word  was  given  by  the  commander  of  the  party 
to  retreat  ? But  this  he  delayed  till  the  redoubt  was  half  filled  with  regulars, 
and  the  provincials  had  kept  the  enemy  at  bay  some  time,  confronting 
them  with  the  butt  ends  of  their  muskets.  The  retreat  of  this  little  handful 
of  brave  men  would  have  been  effectually  cut  off,  had  it  not  happened  that 
the  flanking  party  of  the  enemy,  which  was  to  have  come  upon  the  back  of 
the  redoubt,  was  checked  by  a party  of  the  provincials,  who  fought  with  the 
utmost  bravery,  and  kept  them  from  advancing  further  than  the  beach  ; the 
engagement  of  these  two  parties  was  kept  up  with  the  utmost  vigor  ; and  it 
must  be  acknowledged  that  this  party  of  the  ministerial  troops  evidenced  a 
courage  worthy  a better  cause.  All  their  efforts,  however,  were  insufficient  to 
compel  the  provincials  to  retreat  till  their  main  body  had  left  the  hill.  Per- 
ceiving this  was  done,  they  then  gave  ground,  but  with  more  regularity  than 
could  be  expected  of  troops  who  had  no  longer  been  under  discipline,  and 
many  of  whom  had  never  before  seen  an  engagement. 

In  this  retreat  the  Americans  had  to  pass  over  the  neck  which  joins  the 
peninsula  of  Charlestown  to  the  main  land.  This  neck  was  commanded  by 
the  Glasgow  man-of-war,  and  two  floating  batteries,  placed  in  such  a manner 
as  that  their  shot  raked  every  part  of  it.  The  incessant  fire  kept  up  across 
this  neck  had,  from  the  beginning  of  the  engagement,  prevented  any  con- 
siderable reinforcements  from  getting  to  the  provincials  on  the  hill,  and  it  was 
feared  it  would  cut  off  their  retreat,  but  they  retired  over  it  with  little  or  no  loss. 

With  a ridiculous  parade  of  triumph  the  ministerial  troops  again  took 
possession  of  the  hill  which  had  served  them  as  a retreat  in  flight  from  the 
battle  of  Concord.  It  was  expected  that  they  would  prosecute  the  supposed 
advantage  they  had  gained  by  marching  immediately  to  Cambridge,  which 
was  distant  but  two  miles,  and  which  was  not  then  in  a state  of  defence. 
This  they  failed  to  do.  The  wonder  excited  by  such  conduct  soon  ceased, 


384 


APPENDIX. 


when,  by  the  best  accounts  from  Boston,  we  are  told  that,  of  3000  men  who 
marched  out  upon  this  expedition,  no  less  than  1500  (92  of  which  were 
commissioned  officers)  were  killed  or  wounded  ; and  about  1200  of  them 
either  killed  or  mortally  wounded.  Such  a slaughter  was,  perhaps,  never 
before  made  upon  British  troops  in  the  space  of  about  an  hour,  during  which 
the  heat  of  the  engagement  lasted,  by  about  1500  men,  which  were  the  most 
that  were  any  time  engaged  on  the  American  side. 

The  loss  of  the  New  England  army  amounted,  according  to  an  exact 
return,  to  145  killed  and  missing,  and  304  wounded  ; thirty  of  the  first  were 
wounded  and  taken  prisoners  by  the  enemy.  Among  the  dead  was  Major- 
general  Joseph  Warren,  a man  whose  memory  will  be  endeared  to  his  coun- 
trymen, and  to  the  worthy  in  every  part  and  age  of  the  world,  so  long  as 
virtue  and  valor  shall  be  esteemed  among  mankind.  The  heroic  Colonel 
Gardner,  of  Cambridge,  has  since  died  of  his  wounds  ; and  the  brave  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Parker,  of  Chelmsford,  who  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner, 
perished  in  Boston  jail.  These  three,  with  Major  Moore  and  Major  M’Clary, 
who  nobly  struggled  in  the  cause  of  their  country,  were  the  only  officers  of 
distinction  which  we  lost.  Some  officers  of  great  worth,  though  inferior  in 
rank,  were  killed,  whom  we  deeply  lament.  But  the  officers  and  soldiers  in 
general,  who  were  wounded,  are  in  a fair  way  of  recovery.  The  town  of 
Charlestown,  the  buildings  of  which  were,  in  general,  large  and  elegant,  and 
which  contained  effects  belonging  to  the  unhappy  sufferers  in  Boston,  to  a 
very  great  amount,  was  entirely  destroyed,  and  its  chimneys  and  cellars  now 
present  a prospect  to  the  Americans,  exciting  an  indignation  in  their  bosoms 
which  nothing  can  appease  but  the  sacrifice  of  those  miscreants  who  have 
introduced  horror,  desolation,  and  havoc,  into  these  once  happy  abodes  of 
liberty,  peace,  and  plenty. 

Though  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  ministerial  army  meanly  exult  in 
having  gained  this  ground,  yet  they  cannot  but  attest  to  the  bravery  of  our 
troops,  and  acknowledge  that  the  battles  of  Fontenoy  and  Minden,  according 
to  the  numbers  engaged,  and  the  time  the  engagement  continued,  were  not  to 
be  compared  with  this  ; and,  indeed,  the  laurels  of  Minden  were  totally  blasted 
in  the  battle  of  Charlestown.  The  ground  purchased  thus  dearly  by  the 
British  troops  affords  them  no  advantage  against  the  American  army,  now 
strongly  intrenched  on  a neighboring  eminence.  The  Continental  troops, 
nobly  animated  from  the  justice  of  their  cause,  sternly  urge  to  decide  the 
contest  by  the  sword ; but  we  wish  for  no  further  effusion  of  blood,  if  the 
freedom  and  peace  of  America  can  be  secured  without  it : but  if  it  must  be 
otherwise,  we  are  determined  to  struggle.  We  disdain  life  without  liberty. 

Oh,  Britons  ! be  wise  for  yourselves,  before  it  is  too  late,  and  secure  a 
commercial  intercourse  with  the  American  colonies  before  it  is  for  ever  lost ; 
disarm  your  ministerial  assassins,  put  an  end  to  this  unrighteous  and  unnat- 
ural war,  and  suffer  not  any  rapacious  despots  to  amuse  you  with  the 
unprofitable  ideas  of  your  right  to  tax  and  officer  the  colonies,  till  the  most 
profitable  and  advantageous  trade  you  have  is  irrecoverably  lost.  Be  wise  for 
yourselves,  and  the  Americans  will  contribute  to  and  rejoice  in  your  prosperity. 

J.  Palmer,  per  order. 


COMMITTEE  OF  SAFETY  ACCOUNT. 


385 


In  regard  to  what  I know  of  the  setting  fire  to  Charlestown,  on  the  17th 
of  June,  is  — I was  on  Copp’sHill,  at  the  landing  of  the  troops  in  Charles 
town  ; and  about  one  hour  after  the  troops  were  landed,  orders  came  down 
to  set  fire  to  the  town,  and  soon  after  a carcass  was  discharged  from  the  hill, 
which  set  fire  to  one  of  the  old  houses,  just  above  the  ferry-ways  ; from  that 
the  meeting-house  and  several  other  houses  were  set  on  fire  by  carcasses  ; 
and  the  houses  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  town  were  set  on  fire  by  men  landed 
out  of  the  boats. 

William  Cockran. 

Middlesex  ss.,  August  16,  1775. 

Then  William  Cockran  personally  appeared  before  me,  the  subscriber, 
and  made  solemn  oath  to  the  truth  of  the  within  deposition. 

James  Otis, 

A Justice  of  the  Peace  through  the  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England. 

This  account  was  sent  to  London,  with  the  following  letter  to  Arthur 
Lee  : — 

In  Committee  of  Safety,  Watertown,  July  25,  1775. 

Sir,  — The  committee  of  safety  of  this  colony,  having  been  ordered  by  the 
honorable  Provincial  Congress  to  draw  up  and  transmit  to  Great  Britain  a 
fair  and  impartial  account  of  the  late  battle  of  Charlestown,  beg  leave  to 
enclose  the  same  to  you,  desiring  you  to  insert  the  same  in  the  public  papers, 
so  that  the  European  world  may  be  convinced  of  the  causeless  and  unex- 
ampled cruelty  with  which  the  British  ministry  have  treated  the  innocent 
American  colonies. 

We  are,  sir,  with  great  respect, 

Your  most  humble  servant, 

J.  Palmer,  per  order. 

To  Arthur  Lee,  Esq.,  at  London. 

There  is  among  the  manuscripts  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  at 
Worcester,  a copy  of  this  account,  with  the  interlineations  and  corrections 
preserved.  It  contains  passages  not  in  the  printed  copy.  It  is  enclosed  in  a 
paper  having  the  following  statement,  without  a date  : — 

The  following  account  was  written  by  a person  who  was  an  eye-witness 
of  the  battle  of  Bunker’s  Hill.  Some  of  the  circumstances  the  intervention 
of  the  hill  prevented  him  from  seeing,  for  he  stood  on  the  north  side  of  Mys- 
tic River.  What  facts  he  did  not  see  himself  were  communicated  to  him  from 
Colonel  Prescott,  (who  commanded  the  provincials,)  and  by  other  persons, 
who  Were  personally  conversant  in  the  scenes  which  this  narrative  describes. 
It  was  drawn  up  within  one  fortnight  after  the  seventeenth  of  June,  1775, 
while  events  were  recent  in  the  minds  of  the  actors  ; and  it  is  now  faithfully 
copied  from  the  draught  then  made  in  a great  hurry.  This  must  serve  as  an 
excuse  for  those  inaccuracies  and  embarrassments  of  the  style,  which  would 
have  been  altered,  had  not  the  author  felt  himself  obliged  to  give  a copy  of 

33 


386 


APPENDIX. 


the  account  precisely  as  it  was  then  written.  It  was  transmitted  by  the  com- 
mittee of  safety  of  Massachusetts  to  their  friends  in  England,  and  may  now, 
possibly,  be  in  the  hands  of  some  person  there.  The  author  signs  his  name, 
which,  though  it  may  give  no  other  celebrity  to  the  account,  will,  he  hopes, 
convince  those  who  know  him  that  the  account  is  true  ; for  he  flatters  him- 
self that  they,  none  of  them,  can  believe  him  to  be  guilty  of  the  baseness 
and  wickedness  of  a falsehood. 

Peter  Thatcher. 


No.  3. — Official  Account  of  General  Gage,  published  in  the 
London  Gazette. 

Whitehall , July  25,  1775. 

This  morning,  arrived  Capt.  Chadds,  of  his  majesty’s  ship  Cerberus,  with 
the  following  letter  from  the  Honorable  Lieutenant-general  Gage  to  the  Earl 
of  Dartmouth,  one  of  his  majesty’s  principal  secretaries  of  state. 

Copy  of  a Letter  from  the  Honorable  Lieutenant-general  Gage  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth.  Dated  Boston,  June  25,  1775. 

My  Lord,  — I am  to  acquaint  your  lordship  of  an  action  that  happened  on 
the  17th  instant  between  his  majesty’s  troops  and  a large  body  of  the  rebel 
forces. 

An  alarm  was  given  at  break  of  day,  on  the  17th  instant,  by  a firing  from 
the  Lively  ship  of  war  ; and  advice  was  soon  afterwards  received,  that  the 
rebels  had  broke  ground,  and  were  raising  a battery  on  the  heights  of  the 
peninsula  of  Charlestown,  against  the  town  of  Boston.  They  were  plainly 
seen  at  work,  and,  in  a few  hours,  a battery  of  six  guns  played  upon  their 
works.  Preparations  were  instantly  made  for  landing  a body  of  men  to  drive 
them  off,  and  ten  companies  of  the  grenadiers,  ten  of  light-infantry,  with  the 
5th,  38th,  43d,  and  52d  battalions,  with  a proportion  of  field  artillery,  under 
the  command  of  Major-general  Howe  and  Brigadier-general  Pigot,  were 
embarked  with  great  expedition,  and  landed  on  the  peninsula  without  oppo- 
sition, under  the  protection  of  some  ships  of  war,  armed  vessels,  and  boats, 
by  whose  fire  the  rebels  were  kept  within  their  works. 

The  tr  >ops  formed  as  soon  as  landed  ; the  light-infantry  posted  on  the 
right,  and  the  grenadiers  upon  their  left.  The  5th  and  38th  battalions  drew 
up  in  the  rear  of  those  corps,  and  the  43d  and  52d  battalions  made  a third 
line.  The  rebels  upon  the  heights  were  perceived  to  be  in  great  force,  and 
strongly  posted.  A redoubt,  thrown  up  on  the  16th,  at  night,  with  other 
works,  full  of  men,  defended  with  cannon,  and  a large  body  posted  in  the 
houses  in  Charlestown,  covered  their  right  flank  ; and  their  centre  and  left 
were  covered  by  a breastwork,  part  of  it  cannon-proof,  which  reached  from 
the  left  of  the  redoubt  to  the  Mystic  or  Medford  River. 

This  appearance  of  the  rebels’  strength,  and  the  large  columns  seen  pour- 
ing in  to  their  assistance,  occasioned  an  application  for  the  troops  to  be 


GENERAL  GAGE’S  ACCOUNT. 


387 


reinforced  with  some  companies  of  light-infantry  and  grenadiers,  the  47th 
battalion,  and  the  1st  battalion  of  marines;  the  whole,  when  in  conjunction, 
making  a body  of  something  above  2000  men.  These  troops  advanced, 
formed  in  two  lines,  and  the  attack  began  by  a sharp  cannonade  from  our 
field-pieces  and  howitzers,  the  lines  advancing  slowly,  and  frequently  halting 
to  give  time  for  the  artillery  to  fire.  The  light-infantry  was  directed  to  force 
the  left  point  of  the  breastwork,  to  take  the  rebel  line  in  flank,  and  the  grena- 
diers to  attack  in  front,  supported  by  the  5th  and  52d  battalion.  These  orders 
were  executed  with  perseverance,  under  a heavy  fire  from  the  vast  numbers 
of  the  rebels  ; and,  notwithstanding  various  impediments  before  the  troops 
could  reach  the  works,  and  though  the  left,  under  Brigadier-general  Pigot, 
who  engaged  also  with  the  rebels  at  Charlestown,  which,  at  a critical  moment, 
was  set  on  fire,  the  brigadier  pursued  his  point,  and  carried  the  redoubt. 

The  rebels  were  then  forced  from  other  strongholds,  and  pursued  till  they 
were  drove  clear  off  the  peninsula,  leaving  five  pieces  of  cannon  behind  them. 

The  loss  the  rebels  sustained  must  have  been  considerable,  from  the  great 
numbers  they  carried  off  during  the  time  of  action,  and  buried  in  holes,  since 
discovered,  exclusive  of  what  they  suffered  by  the  shipping  and  boats  ; near 
one  hundred  were  buried  the  day  after,  and  thirty  found  wounded,  in  the 
field,  three  of  which  are  since  dead. 

I enclose  your  lordship  a return  of  the  killed  and  wounded  of  his  majesty’s 
troops. 

This  action  has  shown  the  superiority  of  the  king’s  troops,  who,  under 
every  disadvantage,  attacked  and  defeated  above  three  times  their  own  num- 
ber, strongly  posted,  and  covered  by  breastworks. 

The  conduct  of  Major-general  Howe  was  conspicuous  on  this  occasion, 
and  his  example  spirited  the  troops,  in  which  Major-general  Clinton  assisted, 
who  followed  the  reinforcement.  And,  in  justice  to  Brigadier-general  Pigot, 
I am  to  add,  that  the  success  of  the  day  must,  in  great  measure,  be  attrib- 
uted to  his  firmness  and  gallantry. 

Lieutenant-colonels  Nesbit,  Abercrombie,  and  Clarke ; Majors  Butler, 
Williams,  Bruce,  Spendlove,  Small,  Mitchell,  Pitcairn,  and  Short,  exerted 
themselves  remarkably  ; and  the  valor  of  the  British  officers  and  soldiers  in 
general  was  at  no  time  more  conspicuous  than  in  this  action. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  &c., 

Tho.  Gage. 

Return  of  the  Officers,  Non-commission  Officers,  and  Privates,  killed  and 

wounded,  of  His  Majesty's  Troops,  at  the  Attack  of  the  Redoubts  and 

Intrenchments  on  the  Heights  of  Charlestown,  June  17,  1775. 

Royal  Regiment  Artillery.  — Capt.  Huddleton,  Capt.  Lemoin,  Lieut. 
Shuttlew'orth,  1 sergeant,  8 rank  and  file,  wounded. 

4th  Foot. — Capt.  Balfour,  Capt.  West,  Lieut.  Barron,  Lieut.  Brown, 
wounded  ; 1 sergeant,  13  rank  and  file,  killed  ; 1 sergeant,  1 drummer  and 
fifer,  29  rank  and  file,  wounded. 


388 


APPENDIX. 


5th.  — Capt.  Harris,  Capt.  Jackson,  Capt.  Downes,  Capt.  Marsden,  Lieut. 
M’Clintock,  Lieut.  Croker,  Ensign  Charleton,  Ensign  Balaguire,  wounded  ; 
22  rank  and  file,  killed  ; 10  sergeants,  2 drummers  and  fifers,  110  rank  and 
file,  wounded. 

10th.  — Capt.  Parsons,  Capt.  Fitzgerald,  Lieut.  Pettigrew,  Lieut.  Yerner, 
Lieut.  Hamilton,  Lieut.  Kelly,  wounded  ; 2 sergeants,  5 rank  and  file,  killed  ; 
1 drummer  and  fifer,  39  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

18th.  — Lieut.  Richardson,  wounded  ; 3 rank  and  file,  killed  ; 7 rank  and 
file  wounded. 

22d.  — Lieut. -col.  Abercrombie,  wounded,  and  since  dead. 

23d.  — Capt.  Blakeney,  Lieut.  Beckwith,  Lieut.  Cochrane,  Lieut.  Len- 
thall,  wounded  ; 2 sergeants,  1 drummer,  11  rank  and  file,  killed;  2 ser- 
geants, 1 drummer  and  fifer,  35  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

35th.  — Lieut.  Baird,  killed  ; Captain  Drew,  Capt.  Lyon,  Lieut.  Massay, 
Lieut.  Campbell,  v/ounded  ; 18  rank  and  file,  killed  ; 3 sergeants,  2 drum- 
mers, 41  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

38th.  — Lieut.  Dutton,  killed  ; Capt.  Coker,  Capt.  Boyd,  Lieut.  Christie, 
Lieut.  House,  Lieut.  Myres,  Ensign  Sergeant,  Ensign  Sweney,  Quartermas- 
ter Mitchell,  wounded  ; 2 sergeants,  23  rank  and  file,  killed  ; 4 sergeants,  1 
drummer  and  fifer,  69  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

43d.  — Major  Spendlove,  Capt.  M’Kenzie,  Lieut.  Robinson,  Lieut.  Dai- 
ry mple,  wounded  ; 2 sergeants,  20  rank  and  file,  killed  ; 3 sergeants,  2 
drummers  and  fifers,  77  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

47th. — Major  Small,  Capt.  Craig,  Capt.  England,  Capt.  Alcock,  Lieut. 
England,  wounded  ; Lieut.  Hilliard,  Lieut.  Gould,  wounded,  since  dead  ; 1 
sergeant,  15  rank  and  file,  killed  ; 3 sergeants,  47  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

52d. — Major  Williams,  wounded,  since  dead;  Capt.  Addison,  Capt. 
Smith,  Capt.  Davidson,  killed  ; Capt.  Nelson,  Lieut.  Higgins,  Lieut.  Thomp- 
son, Lieut.  Crawford,  Ensign  Chetwynd,  Ensign  Graeme,  wounded;  1 ser- 
geant, 20  rank  and  file,  killed  ; 7 sergeants,  73  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

59th.  — Lieut.  Haynes,  wounded  ; 6 rank  and  file,  killed  ; 25  rank  and 
file,  wounded. 

63d.  — Lieut.  Dalrymple,  killed  ; Capt.  Folliot,  Capt.  Stopford,  wounded  ; 
1 sergeant,  7 rank  and  file,  killed  ; 2 sergeants,  1 drummer,  25  rank  and  file, 
wounded. 

65th.  — Capt.  Hudson,  killed  ; Major  Butler,  Capt.  Sinclair,  Lieut.  Pax- 
ton, Lieut.  Hales,  Lieut.  Smith,  wounded  ; 1 sergeant,  8 rank  and  file, 
killed  ; 1 sergeant,  1 drummer,  25  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

1st  battalion  marines.  — Major  Pitcairn,  wounded,  since  dead  ; Capt.  Ellis, 
Lieut.  Shea,  Lieut.  Finnie,  killed  ; Capt.  Averne,  Capt.  Chudleigh,  Capt. 
Johnson,  Lieut.  Ragg,  wounded  ; 2 sergeants,  15  rank  and  file,  killed  ; 2 
sergeants,  55  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

2d  battalion  marines.  — Capt.  Campbell,  Lieut.  Gardiner,  killed;  Capt. 
Logan,  Lieut.  Dyer,  Lieut.  Brisbane,  wounded  ; 5 rank  and  file,  killed;  1 
sergeant,  29  rank  and  file,  wounded. 


Chester’s  letter. 


389 


Officers  attending  on  General  Howe. 

67th.  — Capt.  Sherwin,  aid-de-camp,  killed. 

14th.  — Lieut.  Bruce,  killed  ; Ensign  Hesketh,  wounded. 

Royal  Navy.  — Lieut.  Jorden,  wounded. 

Engineer  Lieut.  Page,  wounded. 

Volunteers,  late  Barre’s,  Lieut.  Alex.  Campbell,  on  half-pay,  wounded. 
Royal  Artillery.  — Mr.  Uance,  wounded. 

4th  Foot.  — Mr.  Dorcus,  wounded. 

35th.  — Mr.  Maden,  wounded. 

52d.  — Mr.  Harrison,  wounded. 

59th.  — Mr.  Clarke,  wounded. 

2d  Battalion  Marines. — Mr.  Bowman,  wounded. 

Total.  — 1 lieutenant-colonel,  2 majors,  7 captains,  9 lieutenants,  15  ser- 
geants, 1 drummer,  191  rank  and  file,  killed  ; 3 majors,  27  captains,  32  lieu- 
tenants, 8 ensigns,  40  sergeants,  12  drummers,  706  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

N.  B.  — Capt.  Downes,  of  the  5th  regiment,  and  Lieut.  Higgins,  of  the 
52d,  died  of  their  wounds  on  the  24th  instant. 


No  4.  — Letter  of  Captain  John  Chester,  supposed  to  be  addressed  to 
Rev.  Joseph  Fish,  of  Stonington,  Connecticut.1 

Camp  at  Cambridge , July  22 d,  1775. 

Rev.  and  Much  Respected  Sir,  — Your  favor  of  the  4th  instant  I received 
the  day  before  the  Fast,  and  should  have  answered  it  by  the  bearer,  Mr.  Niles, 
had  I not  been  that  day  on  fatigue  duty.  The  day  after  Fast  Mr.  Niles  set 
off  for  home,  from  Roxbury.  I want  words  to  express  my  gratitude  for  your 
religious  advice,  your  many  useful  and  important  hints,  your  arguments  and 
reasons  for  our  animation  and  support  in  the  glorious  struggle  for  freedom, 
and  your  tender  expressions  of  friendship  for  my  family,  as  well  as  your  anx- 
ious concern  for  my  own  personal  safety. 

I shall  endeavor,  as  far  as  my  time  and  business  will  permit,  to  give  you, 
sir,  the  particulars  of  the  battle  of  Charlestown.  Though,  as  to  the  greater 
past  of  account  published,  I may  not  be  able  to  mend  it. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  day  before  the  battle,  our  adjutant  informed  me 
that  orders  were  issued  from  head-quarters  that  1800  province  men,  and  200 
Connecticut  men,  parade  themselves  [ * * * * ] clock,  with  provisions  for 
twenty-four  hours,  blankets  [ * * * ] there  wait  for  further  orders.  About 
nine  o'fclock  t]hey  were  ordered  to  march  to  Bunker  Hill,  a nu[mbe]r  of  wag- 
ons accompanying  them  with  intrenching  tools,  &c.  Just  about  twelve  o’clock 
at  night  they  began  intrenching,  and  went  on  with  great  vigor  till  day-break, 

1 I am  indebted  to  Gurdon  Trumbull.  Esq.,  for  this  letter,  who  has  the  original. 
The  conclusion  of  jt  is  lost.  Hammond  Trunbull,  Esq  , has  also  kindly  furnished 
matter  for  this  work,  ."•ee  p.  415  .or  Letter,  dated  June  19,  by  Chester  and  Webb. 


390 


APPENDIX. 


and  were  then  discovered  by  the  regulars,  who  were  heard  to  swear  most 
terribly  about  the  Yankees  ; and  they  began  a heavy  fire  before  sunrise  from 
the  ships  and  Cops  Hill,  which  was  kept  up  with  little  or  no  cessation  till 
afternoon.  But  finding  our  people  paid  little  regard  to  their  cannon,  and 
knowing  the  great  importance  of  the  post,  they  landed,  (I  believe  it  was 
about  two  o’clock,)  and  formed  in  three  or  four  solid  columns,  and  advanced 
towards  the  fort.  Those  on  their  right  soon  changed  their  position  into  a 
line  for  battle,  and  marched  on  very  regularly,  rank  and  file.  They  were 
very  near  Mystic  River,  and,  by  their  movements,  had  determined  to  outflank 
our  men,  and  surround  them  and  the  fort.  But  our  officers  in  command,  soon 
perceiving  their  intention,  ordered  a large  party  of  men  (chiefly  Connecticut) 
to  leave  the  fort,  and  march  down  and  oppose  the  enemy’s  right  wing.  This 
they  did  ; and  had  time  to  form  somewhat  regularly  behind  a fence  half  of 
stone  and  two  rayles  of  wood.  Here  nature  had  formed  something  of  a breast- 
work, or  else  there  had  been  a ditch  many  years  agone.  They  grounded 
arms,  and  went  to  a neighboring  parallel  fence,  and  brought  rayles  and  made  a 
slight  fortification  against  musquet-bal] . Here  they  received  the  enemy  to  very 
tolerable  advantage.  Our  officers  ordered  their  men  not  to  fire  till  the  word 
was  given.  Lieut.  Dana  tells  me  he  was  the  first  man  that  fired,  and  that  he 
did  it  singly,  and  with  a view  to  draw  the  enemy’s  fire,  and  he  obtained  his 
end  fully,  without  any  damage  to  our  party.  Our  men  then  returned  the  fire, 
well-directed,  and  to  very  good  effect,  and  so  disconcerted  the  enemy  that 
they  partly  brok[e  and  recreated.  Many  of  our  men  were  for  pursuing,  [but 
by]  the  prudence  of  the  officers  they  were  prevented  leafving  s]o  advantageous 
a post.  The  enemy  again  rallied  and  ad[vanc]ed,  and  in  the  same  manner 
were  repulsed  a second,  and  some  say,  a third  time.  But  at  last  they  stood 
their  ground,  and  the  action  was  warm,  till  the  enemy  carried  the  fort  which 
was  on  their  left  wing,  and  soon  there  was  a retreat  of  the  whole  of  the  pro- 
vincials. I am  told  that  a gentleman  on  Chelsea  side  saw  the  whole  engage- 
ment, and  that  he  said  it  lasted  thirty-five  minutes  with  the  musquetry,  and 
that  our  first  firings  swept  down  the  enemy  most  amazingly.  The  men  that 
went  to  intrenching  over  night  were  in  the  warmest  of  the  battle,  and,  by  all 
accounts,  they  fought  most  manfully.  They  had  got  hardened  to  the  noise 
of  cannon  ; but  those  that  came  up  as  recruits  were  evidently  most  terribly 
frightened,  many  of  them,  and  did  not  march  up  with  that  true  courage  that 
their  cause  ought  to  have  inspired  them  with.  And  to  this  cause,  I conceive, 
was  owing  our  retreat.  Five  hundred  men  more,  that  might  easily  have  been 
there,  if  they  were  in  any  tolerable  order  and  spirits,  might  have  sent  the 
enemy  from  whence  they  came,  or  to  their  long  homes. 

I wish  it  was  in  my  power  to  give  you  a satisfactory  reason  “ why  our 
intrenchments  were  not  supported  with  fresh  recruits  from  Cambridge,  and 
why  that  important  pass  over  Charlestown  Neck  was  not  guarded  against 
annoyance  from  Mystic  River,  as  well  as  the  other  side  from  the  fire  of  the 
ships  and  floating  batteries,  and  our  retreat  secured,”  &c.  &c.  Possibly 
the  whole  attempt  was  rather  premature,  and  not  thoroughly  well  planned. 
If  we  might  again  attempt  it,  we  should,  undoubtedly,  have  contrived  and 


Chester’s  letter. 


391 


executed  much  better.  Perhaps  it  may  be  better,  however,  to  prepare  our- 
selves well  for  some  future  attempt,  than  to  lament  the  unfortunate  success 
of  the  last,  which  we  cannot  now  possibly  mend. 

As  to  my  own  concern  in  it,  with  that  of  my  company,  would  inform,  that 
one  subaltern,  one  sergeant,  and  thirty  privates,  were  draughted  out  over 
night  to  intrench.  They  tarried,  and  fought  till  the  retreat.  Just  after  din- 
ner, on  Saturday,  17th  ult.,  I was  walking  out  from  my  lodgings,  quite  calm 
and  composed,  and  all  at  once  the  drums  beat  to  arms,  and  bells  rang,  and  a 
great  noise  in  Cambridge.  Capt.  Putnam  came  by  on  full  gallop.  What  is 
the  matter!  says  I.  Have  you  not  heard!  No.  Why,  the  regulars  are 
landing  at  Charlestown,  says  he  ; and  father  says  you  must  all  meet,  and 
march  immediately  to  Bunker  Hill  to  oppose  the  enemy.  I waited  not,  but 
ran,  and  got  my  arms  and  ammunition,  and  hasted  to  my  company,  (who 
were  in  the  church  for  barracks,)  and  found  them  nearly  ready  to  march. 
We  soon  marched,  with  our  frocks  and  trowsers  on  over  our  other  clothes, 
(for  our  company  is  in  uniform  wholly  blue,  turned  up  with  red,)  for  we 
were  loath  to  expose  ourselves  by  our  dress,  and  down  we  marched.  I im- 
agined we  arrived  at  the  hill  near  the  close  of  the  battle.  When  we  arrived 
there  was  not  a company  with  us  in  any  kind  of  order,  although,  when  we 
first  set  out,  perhaps  three  regiments  were  by  our  side,  and  near  us  ; but  here 
they  were  scattered,  some  behind  rocks  and  hay-cocks,  and  thirty  men,  per- 
haps, behind  an  apple-tree,  and  frequently  twenty  men  round  a wounded  man, 
retreating,  when  not  more  than  three  or  four  could  touch  him  to  advantage. 
Others  were  retreating,  seemingly  without  any  excuse,  and  some  said  they 
had  left  the  fort  with  leave  of  the  officers,  because  they  had  been  all  night 
and  day  on  fatigue,  without  sleep,  victuals,  or  drink  ; and  some  said  they  had 
no  officers  to  head  them,  which,  indeed,  seemed  to  be  the  case.  At  last  I 
met  with  a considerable  company,  who  were  going  off  rank  and  file.  I called 
to  the  officer  that  led  them,  and  asked  why  he  retreated ! He  made  me  no 
answer.  I halted  my  men,  and  told  him  if  he  went  on  it  should  be  at  his 
peril.  He  still  seemed  regardless  of  me.  I then  ordered  my  men  to  make 
ready.  They  immediately  cocked,  and  declared  if  I ordered  they  would  fire. 
Upon  that  they  stopped  short,  tried  to  excuse  themselves  ; but  I could  not 
tarry  to  hear  him,  but  ordered  him  forward,  and  he  complied. 

We  were  then  very  soon  in  the  heat  of  action.  Before  we  reached  the 
summit  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  while  we  were  going  over  the  Neck,  we  were 
in  imminent  danger  from  the  cannon-shot,  which  buzzed  around  us  like  hail. 
The  musquetry  began  before  we  passed  the  Neck  ; and  when  we  were  on 
the  top  of  the  hill,  and  during  our  descent  to  the  foot  of  it  on  the  south,  the 
small  as  well  as  cannon  shot  were  incessantly  whistling  by  us.  We  joined 
our  army  on  the  right  of  the  centre,  just  by  a poor  stone  fence,  two  or  three 
feet  high,  and  very  thin,  so  that  the  bullets  came  through.  Here  we  lost  our 
regularity,  as  every  company  had  done  before  us,  and  fought  as  they  did, 
every  man  loading  and  firing  as  fast  as  he  could.  As  near  as  I could  guess, 
we  fought  standing  about  six  minutes,  my  officers  and  men  think  * * * * 


392 


APPENDIX. 


No.  5. — Extract  from  Letter,  dated  Cambridge,  June  25,  1775,  from 
Peter  Brown,  of  Westford,  to  his  Mother  in  Newport.1 

Friday,  16th  of  June,  we  were  ordered,  &c.  The  whole  that  was  called 
for  was  these  three  — Colonels  Prescott’s,  Fry’s,  and  Nickson’s  regiments. 
About  nine  o’clock  at  night  we  marched  down  to  Charlestown  Hill,  against 
Cops  Hill,  in  Boston,  where  we  intrenched,  and  made  a fort  of  about  ten  rod 
long  and  eight  wide,  with  a breastwork  of  about  eight  more.  We  worked 
there  undiscovered  until  about  five  in  the  morning,  before  we  saw  our  danger, 
being  against  eight  ships  of  the  line,  and  all  Boston  fortified  against  us. 

The  danger  we  were  in  made  us  think  there  was  treachery,  and  that  we 
were  brought  here  to  be  all  slain.  And  I must  and  will  venture  to  say  there 
was  treachery,  oversight,  or  presumption,  in  the  conduct  of  our  officers. 
And  about  half-after  five  in  the  morning,  we  not  having  one  half  of  the  fort 
done,  they  began  to  fire  (I  suppose  as  soon  as  they  had  orders)  pretty  briskly 
for  a few  minutes,  then  stopt,  then  again  to  the  number  of  twenty  or  more. 
They  killed  one  of  us,  then  ceased  until  about  eleven  o’clock,  when  they 
began  to  fire  as  brisk  as  ever,  which  caused  some  of  our  young  country 
people  to  desert,  apprehending  danger  in  a clearer  manner  than  the  rest,  who 
were  more  diligent  in  digging  and  fortifying  ourselves  against  them,  &c.  &c. 
They  fired  very  warm  from  Boston,  and  from  on  board,  till  about  two  o’clock, 
when  they  began  to  fire  from  the  ships  in  the  ferry-way,  and  from  the  ship 
that  lay  in  the  river,  against  to  slop  our  reinforcements,  which  they  did  in 
some  measure  ; one  cannon  cut  off  three  men  in  two  on  the  Neck.  Our 
officers  sent  time  after  time  after  the  cannon  from  Cambridge,  in  the  morning, 
and  could  get  but  four  ; the  captain  of  which  fired  but  a few  times,  and  then 
swung  his  hat  round  three  times  to  the  enemy,  then  ceased  to  fire,  it  being 
about  three  o’clock,  cessation  of  the  cannons’  warring.  Soon  after  we 
espied  forty  boats  or  barges  coming  over  full  of  regulars,  — it  is  supposed 
there  were  about  three  thousand  of  them,  — and  about  seven  hundred  of  us 
left,  not  deserted,  besides  five  hundred  reinforcement,  that  could  not  get 
nigh  to  do  us  any  good,  till  they  saw  that  we  must  all  be  cut  off,  or  some  of 
them,  so  they  advanced.  When  our  officers  saw  that  the  regulars  intended 
to  land,  they  ordered  the  artillery  to  go  out  of  the  fort  and  prevent  their  land- 
ing, if  possible  ; from  whence  the  artillery  captain  took  his  field-pieces,  and 
went  right  home  to  Cambridge  fast  as  he  could,  — for  which  he  is  now  con- 
fined, and  we  expect  he  will  be  shot  for  it.  The  enemy  landed  and  fronted 
before  us,  and  formed  themselves  into  an  oblong  square, 'so  as  to  surround  us, 
which  they  did  in  part.  After  they  were  well  formed  they  advanced  toward 
us,  in  order  to  swallow  us  up  ; they  found  a choaky  mouthful  of  us,  though 
we  could  do  nothing  with  our  small  arms  as  yet  for  distance,  and  had  but  two 
cannon  and  no  gunner.  And  they  from  Boston,  and  from  the  ships,  firing 
and  throwing  bombs,  keeping  us  down  till  they  got  almost  around  us.  But 
God,  in  mercy  to  us,  fought  our  battle  for  us  ; and  though  we  were  but  a 

1 Peter  Brown  was  in  the  battle  of  the  nineteenth  of  April  ; enlisted  under  Colonel 
Prescott,  and  was  clerk  of  a company.  This  is  taken  from  Stiles’  Ms.  Diary. 


gray’s  letter. 


393 


few,  and  so  was  suffered  to  be  defeated  by  the  enemy  ; yet  we  were  pre- 
served in  a most  wonderful  manner,  far  beyond  our  expectation,  and  to  our 
admiration,  — for  out  of  our  regiment  there  was  but  thirty-seven  killed,  four 
or  five  taken  captive,  and  forty-seven  wounded.  If  we  should  be  called  to 
action  again,  I hope  to  have  courage  and  strength  to  act  my  part  valiantly  in 
defence  of  our  liberty  and  country,  trusting  in  Him  who  hath  yet  kept  me, 
and  hath  covered  my  head  in  the  day  of  battle  ; and  though  we  have  left  four 
out  of  our  company,  and  some  taken  captives  by  the  cruel  enemies  of  Amer- 
ica, I was  not  suffered  to  be  touched,  although  I was  in  the  fort  when  the 
enemy  came  in,  and  jumped  over  the  walls,  and  ran  half  a mile,  where  balls 
flew  like  hail-stones,  and  cannon  roared  like  thunder. 

Signed,  Peter  Brown. 


No.  6. — Extract  from  a Letter  written  by  Samuel  Gray  to  Mr. 

Dyer,  dated  Roxbury,  July  12,  1775. 1 

To  give  you  a clear  and  distinct  account  of  a very  confused  transaction, — 
the  causes  and  reasons  of  the  proceedings  of  the  late  battle  of  Charlestown, 
and  of  our  defeat,  as  ’t  is  called,  — will  be  impossible  for  me,  who  am  not 
personally  knowing  to  every  fact  reported  about  the  transactions  of  that  and 
the  preceding  day.  As  far  as  I am  able  to  give  the  facts,  I will  do  it,  and 
choose  to  leave  conclusions  to  you.  Some  reports,  which  I have  from  good 
characters,  must  make  part  of  the  history. 

Friday  night,  after  the  16th  of  June,  a large  part  of  the  Continental  army 
intrenched  on  the  southerly  part  of  Charlestown  Hill,  on  the  height  toward 
Charles  River.  North  of  this  hill  lies  Bunker  Hill,  adjoining  East  or  Mystic 
River.  Between  these  two  is  a valley.  North  of  Bunker  Hill  is  a low,  flat, 
narrow  neck  of  land,  the  only  avenue  to  the  hill  and  town.  The  low  neck 
and  the  valley  (both  which  must  be  passed  in  advancing  to  or  retreating 
from  the  intrenchment)  are  exposed  to  a cross  fire  from  the  ships  and  float- 
ing batteries  on  each  side,  and  the  valley  to  the  fire  of  the  battery  on  Copps 
Hill,  in  Boston.  About  sunrise,  the  17th,  our  intrenchment  was  discovered, 
and  a heavy  fire  immediately  began  from  the  ships  and  batteries,  which  con- 
tinued with  very  little  cessation  till  about  one  o'clock,  when  a large  party  of 
the  ministerial  troops  landed  on  a point  of  land  S.  E.  from  the  intrenchment, 
about  4 o'clock.  The  savages  set  fire  to  the  town,  beginning  with  the  meet- 
ing-house. A heavy  fire  from  the  cannon  and  musketry  was  kept  up  on  both 
sides  till  about  five  o’clock,  when  our  men  retreated  : — thus  far  my  own  know- 
ledge. I am  informed  that,  in  a council  of  war,  it  was  determined  to  intrench 
on  Charlestown  Hill  and  on  Dorchester  Hill  the  same  night,  but  not  till  we 
were  so  supplied  with  powder,  &c.,  as  to  be  able  to  defend  the  posts  we 
might  take,  and  annoy  the  enemy  ; that  on  Friday  a resolution  was  suddenly 


l I am  indebted  for  this  letter  to  Henry  Stevens,  Esq. 


394 


APPENDIX. 


taken  to  intrench  the  night  following,  without  any  further  council  thereon  ; 
that  the  engineer  and  two  generals  went  on  to  the  hill  at  night  and  recon- 
noitered  the  ground  ; that  one  general  and  the  engineer  were  of  opinion  we 
ought  not  to  intrench  on  Charlestown  Hill  till  we  had  thrown  up  some  works 
on  the  north  and  south  ends  of  Bunker  Hill,  to  cover  our  men  in  their  retreat, 
if  that  should  happen,  but  on  the  pressing  importunity  of  the  other  general 
officer,  it  was  consented  to  begin  as  was  done.  The  Europeans  suffered 
greatly  from  the  fire  of  our  men  in  their  ascending  the  hill.  A party  of 
about  400,  under  the  command  of  Capt.  Knowlton,  of  Ashford,  lay  under 
cover  of  a fence  thrown  together,  and  reserved  theiy  fire  until  the  enemy 
came  within  twelve  or  fifteen  rods,  when  they  gave  them  a well-aimed  fire, 
and  killed  and  wounded  multitudes  of  them.  The  particular  account  of  their 
loss  cannot  be  known  with  certainty  ; but  we  generally  give  credit  to  the 
report,  confirmed  so  many  various  ways,  that  their  loss  is  about  1500  in 
killed  and  wounded,  — the  particulars  of  which  you  are  before  this  made 
acquainted  with.  Our  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  prisoners,  and  missing,  I think, 
cannot  exceed  200,  by  the  best  information  I am  able  to  get.  I think  our 
loss  can  never  be  ascertained  with  precision,  as  the  order,  regularity,  and  dis- 
cipline, of  the  troops  from  this  province,  is  so  deficient  that  no  return  can  be 
made  which  is  to  be  relied  upon.  However,  the  returns,  for  many  reasons, 
(which  you  may  easily  divine  when  I have  told  you  what  their  state  is,)  will 
exceed  rather  than  fall  short  of  the  real  loss.  The  officers  and  soldiers  [torn 
out  “ drafted?  ”]  under  command  of  Major  Durkee,  Captains  Knowlton,  Coit, 
Clark,  and  Chester,  and  all  the  continental  troops  ordered  up,  and  some  from 
this  province,  did  honor  to  themselves  and  the  cause  of  their  country,  and 
gave  the  lie  to  Colonel  Grant's  infamous  assertion  on  our  countrymen,  that 
they  have  no  one  quality  of  a soldier.  A little  experience  will,  I hope,  make 
us  possessed  of  all  those  qualifications  of  the  most  regular  troops,  which,  in 
this  country,  are  worth  our  pursuit  or  imitation.  The  reason  why  our  men 
on  fatigue  all  night  were  not  relieved,  or  attempted  to  be  relieved.  I cannot 
assign  ; had  they  been  supported  in  a proper  manner,  there  can't  remain  a 
question  but  that  the  enemy  must  have  been  totally  defeated.  This  battle  has 
been  of  infinite  service  to  us  ; made  us  more  vigilant,  watchful,  and  cautious. 
We  are  fortified  from  Prospect  Hill  to  Mystic  River,  and  on  the  other  hand 
to  Cambridge  River,  I hope  so  as  to  secure  us  in  case  of  an  attack  : our  lines 
are  very  extensive,  and  will  require  a large  force  to  defend  them  properly  on 
that  side.  On  this  side  we  have  a fort  upon  the  hill  westward  of  the  meet- 
ing-house. An  intrenchment  at  Dudly  House,  including  the  garden,  and 
extended  to  the  hill  E.  of  the  meeting-house.  A small  breastwork  across  the 
main  street,  and  another  on  Dorchester  road,  near  the  burying-ground.  One 
on  each  side  the  road,  through  the  lands  and  meadows  a little  south  of  the 
George  Tavern.  Across  the  road  are  trees,  the  top  toward  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton. sharpened  and  well  pointed,  to  prevent  the  progress  of  the  light  horse. 

A redoubt  near  Pierpont’s  or  Williams’  Mill,  and  another  at  Brookline,  the 
lower  end  of  Sewall's  Farm,  to  obstruct  their  landing,  and  another  breast- 


COLONEL  PRESCOTT  S ACCOUNT. 


395 


work  at  Dorchester.  Our  works  are  not  yet  completed,  but  I think  we  are 
able  to  repulse  them  if  they  are  not  more  than  three-fold  our  numbers  ; and 
then,  I believe,  our  people  will  not  quit  their  ground. 


No.  7.  — Letter  of  Colonel  William  Prescott,  addressed  to  John 

Adams,  at  that  time  a Delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress.1 

Camp  at  Cambridge,  August  25,  1775. 

Sir, 

I have  received  a line  from  my  brother,  which  informs  me  of  your  desire 
of  a particular  account  of  the  action  at  Charlestown.  It  is  not  in  my  power, 
at  present,  to  give  so  minute  an  account  as  I should  choose,  being  ordered  to 
decamp  and  march  to  another  station. 

On  the  16  June,  in  the  evening,  I received  orders  to  march  to  Breed’s  Hill 
in  Charlestown,  with  a party  of  about  one  thousand  men,  consisting  of  three 
hundred  of  my  own  regiment,  Colonel  Bridge  and  Lieut.  Brickett,  with  a 
detachment  of  theirs,  and  two  hundred  Connecticut  forces,  commanded  by 
Captain  Knowlton.  We  arrived  at  the  spot,  the  lines  were  drawn  by  the 
engineer,  and  we  began  the  intrenchment  about  twelve  o’clock  ; and  plying 
the  work  with  all  possible  expedition  till  just  before  sun-rising,  when  the 
enemy  began  a very  heavy  cannonading  and  bombardment.  In  the  interim, 
the  engineer  forsook  me.  Having  thrown  up  a small  redoubt,  found  it  nec- 
essary to  draw  a line  about  twenty  rods  in  length  from  the  fort  northerly, 
under  a very  warm  fire  from  the  enemy's  artillery.  About  this  time,  the 
above  field  officers,  being  indisposed,  could  render  me  but  little  service,  and 
the  most  of  the  men  under  their  command  deserted  the  party.  The  enemy 
continuing  an  incessant  fire  with  their  artillery,  about  two  o’clock  in  the 
afternoon,  on  the  seventeenth,  the  enemy  began  to  land  a north-easterly 
point  from  the  fort,  and  I ordered  the  train,  with  two  field-pieces,  to  go  and 
oppose  them,  and  the  Connecticut  forces  to  support  them ; but  the  train 
marched  a different  course,  and  I believe  those  sent  to  their  support  followed, 
I suppose  to  Bunker’s  Hill.  Another  party  of  the  enemy  landed  and  fired  the 
town.  There  was  a party  of  Hampshire,  in  conjunction  with  some  other 
forces,  lined  a fence  at  the  distance  of  three  score  rods  back  of  the  fort,  partly 
to  the  north.  About  an  hour  after  the  enemy  landed,  they  began  to  march 
to  the  attack  in  three  columns.  I commanded  my  Lieut. -col.  Robinson  and 
Major  Woods,  each  with  a detachment,  to  flank  the  enemy,  who,  I have  rea- 
son to  think,  behaved  with  prudence  and  courage.  I was  now  left  with  per* 

1 Hon.  Charles  Francis  Adams  kindly  loaned  me  a collection  of  letters  addressed 
to  John  Adams,  dated  in  various  towns  during  the  siege,  among  them  Prescott’s 
letter  and  the  extracts  in  this  Number  I did  not  receive  them  until  the  preceding 
pages  were  in  tvpe  — a few  of  which  were  altered  to  get  in  important  facts. 

Prescott  certainly  was  ordered  to  Bunker  Hill,  for  there  was  no  place  in  Charles- 
town then  called  “Breed’s  Hill’’  (see  p.  119).  He  inadvertently  used  the  name 
given  after  the  battic. 


396 


APPENDIX. 


haps  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  in  the  fort.  The  enemy  advanced  and  fired 
very  hotly  on  the  fort,  and  meeting  with  a warm  reception,  there  was  a very 
smart  firing  on  both  sides.  After  a considerable  time,  finding  our  ammuni- 
tion was  almost  spent,  I commanded  a cessation  till  the  enemy  advanced 
within  thirty  yards,  when  we  gave  them  such  a hot  fire  that  they  were  obliged 
to  retire  nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  before  they  could  rally  and  come 
again  to  the  attack.  Our  ammunition  being  nearly  exhausted,  could  keep 
up  only  a scattering  fire.  The  enemy  being  numerous,  surrounded  our  little 
fort,  began  to  mount  our  lines  and  enter  the  fort  with  their  bayonets.  We 
was  obliged  to  retreat  through  them,  while  they  kept  up  as  hot  a fire  as  it 
was  possible  for  them  to  make.  We  having  very  few  bayonets,  could  make 
no  resistance.  We  kept  the  fort  about  one  hour  and  twenty  minutes  after 
the  attack  with  small  arms.  This  is  nearly  the  state  of  facts,  though  imper- 
fect and  too  general,  which,  if  any  ways  satisfactory  to  you,  will  afford  pleas- 
ure to  your  most  obedient  humble  servant.  William  Prescott. 

To  the  Hon.  John  Adams,  Esq. 

William  Tudor  to  John  Adams,  26th  June,  1775. 

The  ministerial  troops  gained  the  hill,  but  were  victorious  losers.  A few 
more  such  victories,  and  they  are  undone.  I cannot  think  our  retreat  an  unfor- 
tunate one.  Such  is  the  situation  of  that  hill,  that  we  could  not  have  kept  it, 
exposed  to  the  mighty  fire  which  our  men  must  have  received  from  the  ships 
and  batteries  that  command  the  whole  eminence.  Eight  hundred  provincials 
bore  the  assault  of  two  thousand  regulars,  and  twice  repulsed  them  ; but  the 
heroes  were  not  supported,  and  could  only  retire.  Our  men  were  not  used 
to  cannon-balls,  and  they  came  so  thick  from  the  ships,  floating  batteries, 
&c.,  that  they  were  discouraged  advancing.  They  have  since  been  more 
used  to  them,  and  dare  encounter  them. 

General  William  Heath  to  John  Adams,  Oct.  23,  1775. 

A publication  in  one  of  the  Connecticut  papers,  some  time  since,  ascribed 
the  honor  of  the  noble  resistance  made  at  Bunker’s  Hill,  on  the  17th  of  June 
last,  to  a number  of  officers  by  name,  belonging  to  that  colony,  some  of  whom, 
as  I am  informed,  were  not  on  the  hill ; whilst  other  brave  officers  belonging 
to  our  colony,  such  as  Colonels  Prescott,  Brewer,  Gardner,  Parker,  &c., 
who  nobly  fought,  and  some  of  whom  fell,  are  not  even  mentioned.  But 
this  account  was  detested  by  the  brave  Putnam,  and  others  of  that  colony. 

General  Artemas  Ward  to  John  Adams,  Oct.  30,  1775. 

It  is  my  opinion  we  should  have  began  a month  ago  to  engage  men  for 
another  campaign.  If  the  present  army’s  time  should  be  out,  and  no  other 
secured,  I fear  the  enemy  will  take  advantage  thereof.  I wish  Gen.  Frye 
might  be  provided  for.  I think  him  a good  man  for  the  service,  and  am  very 
sorry  he  has  not  been  provided  for  by  the  Continental  Congress  before  this 
time.  Some  have  said  hard  things  of  the  officers  belonging  to  this  colony, 
and  despised  them : but  I think,  as  mean  as  they  have  represented  them  to 


ACCOUNT  IN  RIVINGTON’s  GAZETTE. 


397 


be,  there  has  been  no  one  action  with  the  enemy  which  has  not  been  con- 
ducted by  an  officer  of  this  colony,  except  that  at  Chelsea,  which  was  con- 
ducted by  General  Putnam. 


No.  8.  — Account  of  the  Battle  in  Rivington’s  Gazette,  Number  120. 

August  3,  1775. 

As  to  camp  news,  I was  there  for  the  first  time  last  Saturday.  Our  people 
appear  hearty,  and  very  happy.  The  great  numbers  who  crowd  to  view  it, 
and  see  their  friends,  and  the  parading  of  the  regiments  upon  the  commons, 
make  a grand  appearance.  The  famous  Prospect  TIill  is  just  by  the  stone 
house  on  the  left  hand,  as  you  go  to  Charlestown.  I believe  the  regulars  will 
hardly  venture  out,  for  they  must  lose  a vast  many  men  if  they  should  ; and 
they  cannot  afford  to  purchase  every  inch  of  ground,  as  they  did  at  Charles- 
town. The  number  of  the  regulars  lost  and  had  wounded  you  have  seen  in 
the  account  taken  from  the  orderly  sergeant,  which  agrees  pretty  nearly  with 
a variety  of  accounts  we  have  received  from  people  who  have  come  here  from 
Boston  in  fishing-boats.  They  must  have  suffered  greatly,  for  the  fire  con- 
tinued with  small  arms  sixty-one  minutes,  and  great  part  of  the  time  very 

close  fighting.  My  class-mate,  Col. , was  in  the  intrenchment,  and 

was  wounded  in  the  head  and  leg.  He  says  there  was  no  need  of  waiting 
for  a chance  to  fire,  for,  as  soon  as  you  had  loaded,  there  was  always  a mark 
at  hand,  and  as  near  as  you  pleased.  His  description  of  the  intrenchment, 
&c.,  was  this  : — 


Floating  Battery. 


Mystic  River. 


Troops  landed  half  a mile 
from  the  breastwork. 


A breastwork  about  twenty  rod. 


Outlet. 


Seven  or 
eight  rod 
square. 

Charlestown. 


Charles  River, 
opposite  the 
old  Battery. 


Ferry. 


u 

o 33 
P 


34 


398 


APPENDIX. 


The  square  or  fort  had  about  150  men  in  it.  The  breastwork,  about  S00. 
The  rail  fence  stuffed  with  straw,  400  or  500.  The  reason  why  the  square  was 
so  thinly  manned  on  the  side  toward  Boston  was,  because  the  fire  from  Copp’s 
Hill  poured  in  so  thick  that  there  was  no  living  in  it.  The  regulars,  when 
they  found  the  fire  slacken  for  want  of  ammunition,  pushed  over  the  walls, 
with  their  guns  in  their  left  hand,  and  their  swords  in  their  right,  for  it  was 
such  an  unfinished  piece  of  work  that  they  ran  over  it.  Part  of  them  had 
come  round  on  the  side  next  Charlestown,  so  as  to  fire  on  the  back  of  our 
people  when  they  began  to  leave  the  intrenchment,  and  it  was  then  we  lost 
our  men.  The  ships  and  floating  batteries  prevented  any  assistance  or  sup- 
port of  consequence  being  given  to  our  men.  The  fire  fromCopp’sHill  ceased 
when  that  with  small  arms  began  ; but  that  from  a ship  off  New  Boston 

killed  and  raked  our  men  quite  up  to  the  Sun  Tavern.  thinks  there 

was  more  than  3000  of  the  regulars  landed.  They  advanced  in  open  order, 
the  men  often  twelve  feet  apart  in  the  front,  but  very  close  after  one  another, 
in  extraordinary  deep  or  long  files.  As  fast  as  the  front  man  was  shot  down, 
the  next  stepped  forward  into  his  place,  but  our  men  dropped  them  so  fast 
they  were  a long  time  coming  up.  It  was  surprising  how  they  would  step 
over  their  dead  bodies,  as  though  they  had  been  logs  of  wood.  Their  offi- 
cers, it  is  said,  were  obliged  to  push  them  on  behind,  notwithstanding  which, 

they  once  ran  and  filled  some  of  the  boats,  the  fire  was  so  hot.  One  of 

captains  told  me  he  fired  about  35  times,  and  after  that  threw  stones.  — - - 
says  when  they  pushed  over  the  breastwork,  what  with  the  smoke  and  dust, 
it  was  so  dark  in  the  square  that  he  was  obliged  to  feel  about  for  the  outlet ; 
the  earth,  which  they  threw  up  for  a breastwork,  being  very  dry  and  loose 
for  they  had  only  one  of  these  short  nights  to  execute  it  in. 


No.  9.  — Criticism  on  the  Battle  printed  in  the  London  Chronicle, 
August  3,  1779. 1 

To  the  Printer  of  the  London  Chronicle  : 

If  the  English  general  had  had  his  choice  given  him  of  the  ground  upon 
which  he  should  find  his  enemy,  he  could  not  have  wished  to  place  the  rebels 
in  a situation  for  more  certain  ruin  than  that  in  which  they  had  placed  them- 
selves at  Bunker’s  Hill.  And  yet,  from  some  fatality  in  our  counsels,  or 
rather,  perhaps,  from  the  total  absence  of  all  timely  counsel,  what  ought  to 
have  been  destructive  to  them  proved  only  so  to  the  royal  army. 

Every  one  knows  that  the  ground  on  which  stood  Charlestown  and  Bun- 
ker’s Hill  was  a peninsula.  The  isthmus  which  joined  it  to  the  continent 
used  originally  to  be  covered  at  high  water  ; but,  for  the  convenience  of  the 
inhabitants,  had  a causeway  raised  upon  it,  which  answered  all  the  purposes 

1 Many  criticisms  on  the  battle  appeared  in  the  British  journals.  The  one  in  the  text 
forms  one  of  a scries  on  t;  ie  conduct  of  General  Howe.  It  was  subsequently  printed 
in  pamphlet  form. 


CRITICISM  ON  THE  BATTLE. 


399 


of  a wharf  for  landing  upon.  And  the  land  adjoining  was  firm,  good  ground, 
having  formerly  been  an  apple  orchard. 

Nothing  can  be  more  obvious,  especially  if  the  reader  will  look  upon  the 
plan,  than  that  the  army,  by  landing  at  the  neck  or  isthmus,  must  have 
entirely  cut  off  the  rebels’  retreat,  and  not  a map  of  them  could  have  escaped. 

The  water  in  the  Mystic  River  was  deep  enough  for  the  gun-boats  and 
smaller  vessels  to  lie  very  near  to  this  causeway,  to  cover  and  protect  the 
landing  of  our  own  army,  and  to  prevent  any  further  reinforcements  being 
sent  to  the  enemy,  as  well  as  to  secure  the  retreat  and  reembarkation  of  our 
own  army,  if  that  could  have  become  necessary. 

The  ambuscade  which  Hanked  our  troops  in  their  march  up  to  Bunker’s 
Hill,  and  did  so  much  mischief,  had  by  this  means  been  avoided. 

Instead  of  shutting  up  the  rebels,  by  landing  at  the  isthmus,  which  was 
the  place  the  most  commodious  for  the  descent,  and  for  beginning  the  attack, 
the  general  unhappily  chose  to  land  in  the  face  of  the  rebel  intrenchments, 
and  at  the  greatest  possible  distance  from  the  neck  or  isthmus,  and  thereby 
left  the  way  open  for  their  escape  ; and,  still  more  unhappily,  knowing  noth- 
ing of  the  ground,  attempted  to  march  the  troops  in  a part  where  they  had 
ten  or  twelve  rows  of  railing  to  clamber  over  ; the  lands  between  Charles- 
town and  the  beach  being,  for  the  convenience  of  the  inhabitants,  divided  into 
narrow  slips,  not  more  than  from  ten  to  thirty  rods  over. 

These  posts  and  rails  were  too  strong  for  the  column  to  push  down,  and 
the  march  was  so  retarded  by  the  getting  over  them,  that  the  next  morning 
they  were  found  studded  with  bullets,  not  a hand’s  breadth  from  each  other. 

All  this  was  well  known  to  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  ; but  they  thought 
that  military  men,  and  such  a great  English  general  as  Mr.  Howe,  must 
know  better  than  they.  And  all  this  might  have  been  known,  and  ought  to 
have  been  known,  to  the  English  commander. 

Had  the  rebels’  coming  into  this  peninsula  been  a thing  utterly  unexpected, 
and  never  before  thought  of,  the  suddenness  of  the  event  might  have  been  an 
apology  for  their  not  instantly  thinking  of  the  measures  most  proper  to  be 
taken  upon  such  an  occasion.  But,  far  from  unexpected,  this  was  an  event 
which  they  had  long  been  apprehensive  of,  — the  possibility  of  which  had 
been  in  contemplation  for  two  months  before.  The  action  at  Bunker’s  Hill 
was  on  the  17th  of  June  ; and  so  long  before  as  the  21st  of  April,  a message 
had  been  sent  to  the  selectmen  of  Charlestown,  that  if  they  suffered  the  rebels 
to  take  possession  of  their  town,  or  to  throw  up  any  works  to  annoy  the  ships, 
the  ships  would  fire  upon  them.  The  message  giving  them  this  warning 
doubtless  was  very  proper.  But  it  was  easy  to  foresee,  that  if  the  rebels 
chose  to  possess  themselves  of  any  part  of  the  peninsula,  the  inhabitants  of 
Charlestown  could  not  prevent  it.  In  all  these  eight  weeks,  therefore,  it 
might  have  been  hoped  that  the  general  and  admiral  should  have  concerted 
the  proper  measures  for  them  to  take,  in  case  the  enemy  should  come  thither. 
It  might  have  been  hoped  that  the  admiral  should  have  perfectly  informed 
himself  of  the  depth  of  water  in  the  Mystic  River,  and  how  near  at  the  sev- 
eral times  of  the  tide  the  vessels  could  come  to  the  causeway.  We  might 

34 


400 


APPENDIX. 


have  hoped  that  the  general  would  have  informed  himself  of  every  inch  of 
ground  in  so  small  a peninsula ; and  have  previously  concerted  what  he  ought 
to  do,  and  where  he  ought  to  land,  upon  every  appearance  of  an  enemy.  And 
yet  we  do  not  seem  to  have  given  ourselves  the  trouble  of  a single  thought 
about  viewing  the  ground,  or  of  considering  before-hand  what  would  be  the 
proper  measures  to  be  taken  in  case  the  enemy  should  appear  there.  Instead 
of  this,  the  morning  on  which  the  enemy  was  discovered,  at  three  o’clock,  a 
council  of  war  was  to  be  called,  which  might  as  well  have  been  held  a month 
before,  and  many  hours  more  given  to  the  rebels  for  carrying  on  their  works, 
and  finishing  their  redoubt. 

The  map  will  show  us  that  Charlestown  Neck  lies  at  the  utmost  passable 
distance  from  the  rebel  quarters  at  Cambridge  and  Boston  Neck  ; so  that  the 
troops  had  every  possible  advantage  in  landing  at  the  causeway,  and  not  a 
single  man  of  the  rebels  could  have  escaped. 

Is  it  necessary  for  a gentleman  to  be  a soldier  to  see  this  1 Will  not  every 
man’s  common  sense,  upon  viewing  the  map,  be  convinced  of  it? 

Whether,  after  the  rebels  were  fled,  General  Clinton’s  advice  to  pursue 
was  right  or  not,  may  be  made  a doubt.  But  if,  instead  of  having  sacrificed 
the  lives  of  a thousand  brave  men  by  the  want  of  all  previous  concert,  and 
never  having  surveyed  the  ground ; if,  instead  of  this  negligence  and  inat- 
tention, we  had  shut  up  the  whole  rebel  force  in  the  peninsula,  and  destroyed 
and  taken  that  whole  army,  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  we  might  then 
have  pursued  our  advantage  ; and  that  if  then  we  had  marched  to  Roxbury 
and  Cambridge,  the  troops  would  probably  have  not  found  a man  there  to 
oppose  them  ; at  least,  in  that  general  consternation,  they  might  very  easily 
have  been  dispersed  ; and  the  other  provinces  not  having  then  openly  joined 
them,  we  should  probably  have  heard  nothing  more  of  the  rebellion. 

It  was  said  at  the  time,  I have  heard,  that  we  were  unwilling  to  make  the 
rebels  desperate  ; but  I hope  no  military  man  would  offer  to  give  such  a 
reason.  Veteran  troops,  long  possessed  with  a very  high  sense  of  honor, 
like  the  old  Spanish  infantry  at  Rocjoy,  might  possibly  resolve  to  die  in  their 
ranks,  and  sell  their  lives  as  dearly  as  they  could,  though  I know  no  instance 
in  modern  war  of  this  Spanish  obstinacy.  But  for  regular  British  troops  to 
be  afraid  of  shutting  up  a rabble  of  irregular  new-raised  militia,  that  had 
never  fired  a gun,  and  had  no  honor  to  lose,  lest  they  should  fight  too  des- 
perately for  them,  argues  too  great  a degree  of  weakness  to  be  supposed  of 
any  man  fit  to  be  trusted  in  the  king’s  service.  Happy  had  it  been  for  Mr. 
Burgoyne  if  Mr.  Gates  had  reasoned  in  this  manner,  and  left  the  king’s 
troops  a way  open  for  their  escape,  for  fear  of  making  them  desperate.  And 
yet  Mr.  Gates,  when  he  lived  with  his  father  in  the  service  of  Charles  Duke 
of  Bolton,  was  never  thought  to  possess  an  understanding  superior  to  other 
men  ; and  the  letters  of  some  of  the  most  sensible  and  best  informed  men 
among  the  rebels  show,  that  they  thought  him  scarce  equal  to  the  command. 

' But  what  was  it  we  had  to  fear  by  this  notion  of  making  them  desperate  1 
The  rebels  could  not  but  see  the  execution  they  had  done  upon  the  royal  army 
in  their  march  ; and  yet  they  ran  away  the  instant  our  troops  were  got  up  to 


LIST  OF  REGIMENTS  IN  THE  BATTLE. 


401 


them  ; — was  this  their  point  of  honor  1 Had  they  found  themselves  cut  off 
from  all  possibility  of  retreat,  by  our  army’s  landing  at  the  isthmus,  in  all 
probability  they  would  have  instantly  thrown  down  their  arms  and  submitted. 
If  they  had  not,  they  must  then  have  come  out  of  their  intrenchments,  and 
fought  their  way  through  our  army  to  get  to  the  isthmus  ; that  is  to  say,  we 
chose  to  land,  and  march  up  to  their  intrenchments,  and  fight  under  every 
possible  disadvantage,  for  fear  that  by  landing  at  the  Neck  we  should  have 
obliged  them  to  come  out  of  their  intrenchments,  and  fight  us  upon  equal 
terms,  or  even  upon  what  disadvantages  the  general  should  please  to  lay  in 
their  way.  But  the  innumerable  errors  of  that  day,  if  they  had  been  known 
in  time,  might  have  sufficiently  convinced  us  how  little  was  to  be  expected 
from  an  army  so  commanded. 

T.  P. 


No.  10. — List  of 


the  Regiments  Portions  of  which  were  in  the 
Bunker  Hill  Battle. 


Prescott’s  regiment.1 


Captains. 

Henry  Farwell, 
Joshua  Parker, 
Samuel  Patch, 
Hugh  Maxwell, 
Asa  Lawrence, 
Oliver  Parker, 
John  Nutting, 
Samuel  Gilbert, 
Abijah  Wyman, 
Reuben  Dow, 

Benjamin  Yarnum, 
John  Davis, 
Benjamin  Ames, 
William  Perley, 
Nathaniel  Gage, 


Lieutenants. 

Levi  Whitney, 
Amaziah  Faucett, 
Zachary  Walker, 
Joseph  Stebbins, 
Joseph  Spaulding, 
Ephraim  Corey, 
Nathaniel  Lakin, 
Joseph  Gilbert, 
Joshua  Brown, 

John  Goss. 

frye’s  regiment. 
Samuel  Johnson, 
Nathaniel  Herrick, 
David  Chandler, 

John  Robinson, 
Thomas  Stickney, 


Ensigns.  Number . 

Benjamin  Bass,  69. 
Thomas  Rogers,  63. 
Joshua  Brown,  26. 

52. 

Thomas  Spaulding,  55. 
John  Williams,  26. 
John  Mosher,  61. 

Joseph  Baker,  51. 


Thomas  Cummings,  29. 


Cyrus  Marple,  63. 

Eliphalet  Bodwell,  56. 

Isaac  Abbott,  53. 

Benjamin  Perley,  57. 

Eliphalet  Hardy,  51. 


‘The  imperfect  character  of  the  returns  of  the  regiments  has  already  been  remarked 
upon.  See  Chapter  vn.  It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  even  all  the  companies  that  were 
in  the  battle,  much  less  the  officers.  The  letter  of  Col.  Prescott  makes  it  uncertain 
whether  the  whole  of  his  own  regiment  were  in  it,  as  only  three  hundred  of  it  went 
on  with  him  on  the  evening  of  June  16.  Some  of  the  officers,  in  the  returns  in  the 
text,  were  commissioned  immediately  after  the  battle.  This  list  is  made  up,  mostly, 
from  copies  of  original  returns  in  the  Massachusetts  archives. 

34* 


402 


APPENDIX, 


Captains. 

Lieutenants. 

Ensigns.  Number. 

James  Sawyer, 

Timothy  Johnson, 

Nathaniel  Eaton, 

63. 

William  H.  Ballard, 

Foster, 

40. 

John  Currier, 

Wells, 

Chase, 

60. 

Jonas  Richardson, 

Reed, 

Fox, 

45. 

Jonathan  Evans, 

John  Merrill, 

Reuben  Evans. 

bridge’s  regiment. 

Jonathan  Stickney, 

Elijah  Danforth, 

John  Lewis, 

66. 

Benjamin  Walker, 

John  Flint, 

Ebenezer  Fitch, 

78. 

John  Bachelor, 

Ebenezer  Damon, 

James  Bancroft, 

69. 

Ebenezer  Bancroft, 

Nathaniel  Holden, 

Samuel  Brown, 

50. 

Peter  Coburn, 

Josiah  Foster, 

Ebenezer  Farnum, 

51. 

Ebenezer  Harnden, 

William  Blanchard, 

Eleazor  Stickney, 

47. 

John  Ford, 

Isaac  Parker, 

Jonas  Parker, 

59. 

John  Rowe, 

Mark  Pool, 

Ebenezer  Cleaveland, 

40. 

Jacob  Tyler, 

Charles  Forbush. 

little’s  regiment. 

Jacob  Gerrish, 

Silas  Adams, 

Thomas  Brown, 

45. 

Ezra  Lunt, 

Paul  Lunt, 

Nath’l  Montgomery, 

45. 

Benjamin  Perkins, 

Joseph  Whittemore, 

William  Stickney, 

59. 

Nathaniel  Wade, 

Joseph  Hodgskins, 

Aaron  Parker, 

51. 

Nathaniel  Warner, 

John  Burnham, 

Daniel  Collins, 

47. 

John  Baker, 

Caleb  Lamson, 

Daniel  Draper, 

47. 

James  Collins, 

46. 

Gideon  Parker, 

Joseph  Everly, 

Moses  Trask, 

57. 

Abraham  Dodge, 

Ebenezer  Low, 

James  Lord, 

59. 

Doolittle’s  regiment. 

Joel  Fletcher, 

John  Wheeler, 

John  Proctor. 

Adam  Wheeler, 

Elijah  Stearns, 

Adam  Maynard. 

John  Holman, 

John  Bowker, 

David  Pair. 

John  Jones, 

Samuel  Thompson. 

Robert  Oliver, 

Thomas  Grover, 

Abraham  Pennel. 

Abel  Wilder, 

Jonas  Allen, 

Daniel  Pike. 

John  Leland, 

Samuel  Burbank. 

gerrish’s  regiment. 

Richard  Dodge, 

Robert  Dodge, 

Paul  Dodge. 

Barnabas  Dodge, 

Matthew  Fairfield, 

Joseph  Knight. 

Thomas  Cogswell, 

Moses  Danton, 

Amos  Cogswell. 

Timothy  Corey, 

Thomas  Cummings, 

Jonas  Johnson. 

Samuel  Sprague, 

Joseph  Cheever, 

William  Oliver. 

John  Baker,  Jr., 

Joseph  Pettingill, 

Mark  Creasy. 

Thomas  Mighill, 

Thomas  Pike. 

Isaac  Sherman, 

Caleb  Robinson. 

LIST  OF  REGIMENTS  IN  THE  BATTLE. 


403 


Captains. 

GARDNER  S REGIMENT. 

Lieutenants. 

Ensigns.  Number 

Thomas  Downing, 
Phineas  Cook, 

William  Maynard. 
Josiah  Warren, 

Aaron  Richardson. 

Nathan  Fuller, 

Nathan  Smith, 

John  George. 

Isaac  Hall, 

Caleb  Brooks, 

Samuel  Cutter. 

Josiah  Harris, 

Bartholomew  Trow, 

Thomas  Miller. 

Abner  Craft, 

Josiah  Swan, 

John  Child. 

Abijah  Child, 

Solomon  Bowman, 

Jedediah  Thayer. 

Benjamin  Lock, 

Ebenezer  Brattle, 

Stephen  Frost. 

Moses  Draper. 

Naylor  Hatch. 

Josiah  Fay. 

Seth  Washburn, 

ward’s  regiment. 

Joseph  Livermore, 

Loring  Lincoln. 

Job  Cushing, 

Ezra  Beaman, 

Asa  Rice. 

Daniel  Barnes, 

William  Morse, 

Paul  Brigham. 

James  Miller, 

Abel  Perry, 

Aaron  Abby. 

Luke  Drury, 

Asaph  Sherman, 

Jonas  Brown. 

Jonas  Hubbard, 

John  Smith, 

William  Gates. 

Samuel  Wood, 

Timothy  Brigham, 

Thomas  Seaver. 

Moses  Wheelock, 

Thomas  Bond, 

Obadiah  Mann. 

Isaac  Gray, 

brewer’s  regiment. 
Thomas  Willington, 

Wilson, 

59. 

Edward  Blake, 

Abraham  Tuckerman, 

John  Eames, 

55. 

John  Black, 

Benjamin  Gates, 

John  Patrick, 

59. 

Aaron  Haynes, 

Elisha  Brewer, 

53. 

Daniel  Whiting, 

Obadiah  Dewey, 

51. 

Benjamin  Bullard, 

Aaron  Gardner, 

45. 

Thaddeus  Russell, 

Nathaniel  Maynard, 

Nathaniel  Reeves, 

53. 

Joseph  Stebbins, 

Thomas  Drury, 

nixon’s  regiment. 
William  Maynard, 

Joseph  Nixon. 

22. 

Samuel  McCobb, 

Benjamin  Pattee, 

John  Riggs. 

Ebenezer  Winship, 

William  Warren, 

Richard  Buckminister. 

David  Moore, 

Micah  Goodenow, 

Jona.  Hill. 

Micajah  Gleason, 

James  Kimball, 

William  Ryan. 

Moses  McFarland, 

David  Bradley, 

Jacob  Quimby. 

Alisha  Brown, 

Daniel  Taylor, 

Silas  Mann. 

Reuben  Dickenson, 

Silas  Walker,  Edward  Richardson. 

John  Heald,  John  Hartwell. 

woodbridge’s  regiment.  00 

Zaccheus  Crocker,  Daniel  Shay, 

60 

Noadiah  Leonard, 

Josiah  Smith, 

Samuel  Gould, 

54. 

404 


APPENDIX. 


Captains. 

Stephen  Gearl, 

David  Cowden, 

John  Cowls, 

Ichabod  Dexter, 

John  King, 

Seth  Murray, 

00 

Samuel  Gridley, 
Samuel  R.  Trevett, 
John  Callender, 

Isaac  Baldwin, 

Elisha  Woodbury, 
Samuel  Richards, 
John  Moore, 

Joshua  Abbott, 
Gordon  Hutchins, 
Aaron  Kinsman, 
Henry  Dearborn, 
Daniel  Moore, 

George  Reid, 

John  Marcy, 

Benjamin  Mann, 
Josiah  Crosby, 
William  Walker, 
Philip  Thomas, 

Ezra  Towne, 

Jona.  Whitcomb, 
Jacob  Hinds, 

Levi  Spaulding, 
Hezekiah  Hutchins, 

Brig. -Gen.  I.  Putnam, 
Lt.-Col.  E.  Storrs, 
Maj.  John  Durkee, 
Maj.  Obadiah  Johnson, 
Thos.  Knowlton,  Jr., 
James  Clark, 

Ephraim  Manning, 
Joseph  Elliott, 
Ebenezer  Mosely, 
Israel  Putnam,  Jr., 

John  Chester, 

William  Coit, 


Lieutenants . 

Aaron  Rowley, 


Ensigns. 
Abner  Pease, 


Ithamer  Goodnough,  John  Mayo, 


Number. 

43. 

30. 

35. 

52. 

39. 

50 


gridley’s  regiment. 

Wm.  Smith,  R.  Woodward,  D.  Ingersol,  49. 
Jos.  O.  Swasey,  R.  Gardner,  Thomas  Bowden,  37 
Wm.  Perkins,  David  Allen,  Samuel  Treat,  47. 
stark's  regiment. 


John  Hale, 

Stephen  Hoyt. 

Thomas  Hardy, 

Jona.  Corlis. 

Moses  Little, 

Jesse  Carr. 

Jonas  McLaughlin, 

Nathaniel  Boyd. 

Samuel  Atkinson, 

Abiel  Chandler. 

Joseph  Soper, 

Daniel  Livermore. 

Ebenezer  Eastman, 

Samuel  Dearborn. 

Amos  Morrill, 

Michael  Mc’Clary. 

Ebenezer  Frye, 

John  Moore. 

Abraham  Reid, 

James  Anderson. 

reed’s  REGIMENT. 

Isaac  Farwell, 

James  Taggart, 

48. 

Benjamin  Brewer, 

Samuel  Pettingill, 

49. 

Daniel  Wilkins, 

Thomas  Maxwell, 

44. 

James  Brown, 

William  Roby, 

46. 

John  Harper, 

Ezekiel  Rand, 

46. 

Josiah  Brown, 

John  Harkness, 

52. 

Elijah  Clayes, 

Stephen  Carter, 

59. 

Isaac  Stone, 

George  Aldrich, 

54. 

Joseph  Bradford, 

Thomas  Buffe, 

44. 

Amos  Emerson, 

John  Marsh, 

44. 

PUTNAM  S REGIMENT. 

Jona.  Kingsley,  Thos.  Grosvenor, 
James  Dana,  Ebenezer  Gray, 
J.  Huntingdon,  Jacobus  Delbit, 
Ephraim  Lyon,  Wells  Clift, 
Reuben  Marcy,  John  Keyes, 
Daniel  Tilden,  Andrew  Fitch, 
Stephen  Lyon,  Asa  Morris, 
Benoni  Cutter,  Daniel  Waters, 
Steph.  Brown,  M.  Bingham, 

S.  Robbins,  Jr.,  Amos  Avery, 
spencer’s  REGIMENT. 
Barnabas  Dean,  Steph.  Goodrich, 
Jedediah  Hyde,  James  Day, 


Elijah  Loomis. 
Isaac  Farewell. 
Lemuel  Bingham. 
Isaac  Hyde,  Jr. 
Daniel  Allen,  Jr. 
Thomas  Bill. 
William  Irissell. 
Comfort  Day. 
Nath’l  Wales. 
Caleb  Stanley. 

Charles  Butler. 
Wm.  Adams,  Jr. 


RETURN  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMY. 


405 


SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. 


No.  1.  — Return  of  the  American  Army. 


General  Return  of  the  Army  of  the  United  Colonies,  March  2,  1776. 


Regiments.  Fit  for  Duty. 

Total. 

Regiments.  Fit  for 

Duty. 

Total. 

1. 

Riflemen, 

591 

750 

15. 

Col.  Patterson’s, 

288 

413 

2. 

Col.  Reed’s, 

321 

407 

16. 

Sargent’s, 

209 

428 

3. 

Learned’s, 

386 

539 

17. 

Huntington’s, 

356 

498 

4. 

Nixon’s, 

315 

447 

18. 

Phinney’s, 

285 

413 

5. 

Stark’s, 

312 

379 

19. 

Webb’s, 

399 

513 

6. 

Whitcomb’s, 

260 

359 

20. 

Arnold’s, 

325 

444 

7. 

Prescott's, 

313 

402 

21. 

Ward’s, 

396 

485 

8. 

Poor’s, 

354 

512 

22. 

Wyllys’, 

336 

495 

9. 

Yarnum’s, 

292 

377 

23. 

Bayley’s, 

427 

550 

10. 

Parsons’, 

426 

509 

24. 

Greaton’s, 

269 

359 

11. 

Hitchcock’s, 

295 

348 

25. 

Bond’s, 

393 

475 

12. 

Little’s, 

354 

476 

26. 

Baldwin’s, 

417 

498 

13. 

Reed's, 

399 

537 

27. 

Hutchinson’s, 

452 

624 

14. 

Glover’s, 

273 

Total  fit  for  duty,  9170.  Total  of  the  regular  army,  12,510. 


General  Return  of  the  Militia  of  Massachusetts,  March  2,  1776. 


Regiments. 

Col.  Waldron’s, 
French’s, 
Wolcott’s, 
Wadsworth’s. 
Whitney's, 


Fit  for  Duty.  Total. 

547  655 
555  695 

467  573 
448  548 
503  617 


Regiments. 

Col.  L.  Robinson’s, 
Carey’s, 
Smith’s, 

J.  Robinson’s, 
Douglass’, 


Fit  for  Duty.  Total. 

467  555 
654  749 
463  517 
429  499 
437  610 


Total  fit  for  duty,  4970.  Total  of  the  militia,  6018. 


Total  of  the  regular  army  and  militia  fit  for  duty,  14,140.  Total  of  the 
army,  18,528.  A return  of  the  regiment  of  artillery,  commanded  by  Col. 
Knox,  dated  March  3,  gives  635  men. 


406 


APPENDIX. 


No.  2. — Returns  of  the  Army  during  the  Siege. 


Table  exhibiting  a Summary  of  the  Returns  of  the  Army  under  the  Command 
of  General  Washington,  during  the  Siege  of  Boston .' 


Commissioned 
officers  and  staff. 

Non-commissioned 

officers. 

Rank  and  File. 

Artillery. 

Militia  of  Massa- 

chusetts. 

Present  fit  for 
duty. 

Sick  present. 

Sick  absent. 

On  furlough. 

On  command. 

13 

c 

H 

1775. 

July  19, 

1,119 

1,768 

13,743 

1,108 

490 

376 

1,053 

16,770 

585 

July  29, 

1,117 

1,823 

13,899 

1,330 

690 

287 

692 

16,898 

August  5, 

1,178 

1,910 

13,735 

1 ,943 

750 

255 

1,011 

17,694 

586 

: August  12, 

1 ,234 

2,023 

14,544 

2,131 

977 

187 

1,124 

18,963 

August  18, 

1,231 

2,007 

14,442 

2.218 

1,006 

220 

1,174 

19,060 

August  26, 

1,242 

2,018 

14,701 

2,179 

1,071 

225 

1,127 

19,303 

596 

Sept.  2, 

1,226 

2,028 

14,868 

2,221 

985 

262 

1,043 

19,379 

Sept.  9, 

1,303 

2,107 

14,766 

2,026 

988 

342 

1,410 

19,532 

| Sept.  23, 

1,225 

2,034 

14,330 

1,886 

931 

468 

1,750 

19,365 

590 

I Oct.  17, 

1,191 

1,988 

13,923 

1,476 

952 

746 

2,400 

19,497 

Nov.  18, 

1,128 

1,925 

12,74 1 

1,472 

790 

1,012 

3,063 

19.078 

579 

Nov.  25, 

1,068 

1,866 

12,065 

1,464 

805 

1,626 

2,990 

18,950 

Dec.  30, 

1,088 

1,736 

11,752 

1,206 

542 

1,013 

2,273 

16,786 

590 

3,231 

1776. 

Jan.  8, 

979 

1,150 

10,209 

705 

233 

1,044 

1,318 

13,509 

Jan.  21, 

861 

1,167 

9,424 

1,174 

194 

714 

1,171 

12,677 

Jan.  28, 

850 

1,194 

9,799 

1,422 

245 

420 

1,248 

13,134 

Feb.  4, 

896 

992 

8,863 

1,153 

270 

99 

1,233 

11,618 

Feb.  18, 

1,245 

1,452 

13,396 

1,687 

364 

49 

1,569 

17,065 

622 

Feb.  25. 

1,228 

1,515 

14,123 

2,056 

389 

63 

1,845 

18,276 

6,287 

March  2, 

1,217 

1,521 

14,140 

2,398 

367 

49 

1,574 

18,528 

635 

6,869 

March  9, 

1,254 

1,535 

14,232 

2,445 

330 

29 

1,374 

18,410 

640 

6,838 

No.  3.  — Inventory  of  the  Stores,  Ordnance,  and  Vessels,  left  in 
Boston  by  the  British. 

The  following  inventory  was  made  by  order  of  Thomas  Mifflin,  quarter- 
master-general of  the  continental  army,  March  18  and  19,  1776. 

A brigantine,  about  120  tons  burden,  loaded  with  oil  and  pearl. 

A schooner,  about  80  tons,  scuttled,  with  200  hogsheads  of  salt  on  board. 

150  hhds.  of  salt  in  a store.  100  bundles  of  iron  hoops. 

Long  Wharf.  — 157  pack  saddles.  123  water-casks.  A brigantine,  scut- 
tled, about  140  tons.  A sloop,  scuttled,  about  70  tons.  A schooner,  scut- 
tled, about  40  tons.  1000  chaldrons  of  sea  coals.  52  iron  grates.  General 

1 This  table  is  copied  from  Sparks’  Writings  of  Washington,  vol.  3,  p.  493. 


ARTICLES  LEFT  IN  BOSTON. 


407 


Gage’s  chariot  taken  out  of  the  dock,  broken.  A quantity  of  cordage  and 
old  cable,  broken.  Five  anchors. 

Green’s  Wharf.  — About  200  blankets.  Four  and  two  thirds  jars  (large) 
of  sweet  oil. 

Hatch's  Wharf. — Three  cannon,  double  charged  and  spiked. 

Hancock's  Wharf.  — A new  ship,  about  300  tons,  scuttled.  About  1000 
bushels  salt.  3000  blankets.  30  water-casks. 

Tudor's  Wharf.  — A ship,  about  350  tons,  scuttled. 

Dummet’s  Wharf.  — 5000  bushels  wheat  in  store.  A sloop,  about  60  tons, 
scuttled.  A fishing-boat. 

Webb's  Wharf.  — A sloop,  about  60  tons,  scuttled. 

Fuller's  Wharf.  — About  500  bushels  of  salt. 

Fitch's  Wharf.  — A schooner,  70  tons,  scuttled. 

B.  M.  General's  Office.  — About  1000  bushels  sea  coal,  and  one  clock; 
also  lumber.  About  150  hogsheads  of  lime  ; four  barrels  of  flour  ; 100  empty 
iron-bound  casks,  carried  to  Fort  Hill  by  Gen.  Putnam’s  order.  Ten  24 
pound  cannon  cartridges. 

Tileston's  Wharf.  — 300  hogsheads  of  salt.  Three  brigantines:  — one, 
150  tons ; one,  120  tons ; and  one,  130  tons.  The  brig  Washington,  com- 
manded by  Captain  Martindale,  with  all  her  guns,  in  the  dock.  One  and  a 
half  hogsheads  of  sugar.  A quantity  of  pickets,  fascines  and  gabions,  in 
store.  About  5000  feet  of  boards. 

Griffin’s  Wharf.  — A number  of  iron  grates. 

Hubbard's  Wharf.  — About  1500  rugs  and  blankets.  50  water-casks, 
iron  bound,  carried  to  Fort  Hill  by  Gen.  Putnam’s  order.  One  cask  of  deck 
nails.  About  200  cords  of  wood.  About  200  chaldrons  of  sea  coal. 

South  Battery,  or  Laboratory.  — 52  pieces  of  cannon,  trunnions  broken  off 
and  spiked.  600  feet  of  boards.  About  30  iron-bound  casks,  carried  to 
Fort  Hill  by  order  of  Gen.  Putnam.  A number  of  ball  and  empty  shells. 
A brigantine,  120  tons  ; a schooner,  60  tons. 

Wheelwright’s  Wharf.  — 14  anchors.  Three  and  a half  hogsheads  of 
brimstone.  300  hogsheads  of  sea  coal.  One  13  inch  mortar,  with  an  iron 
bed  ; a number  of  shells,  carcasses,  and  cannon-shot,  in  the  dock. 

Hall's  Wharf,  and  in  his  possession.  — 600  bushels  of  corn  and  oats  ; 100 
sacks  of  bran ; 8 hhds.  of  molasses ; 100  empty  iron-bound  casks.  Two 
schooners,  about  60  tons  each.  One  sloop,  about  40  tons.  Ten  horses, 
teams  and  harness. 

Hutchinson's  Wharf.  — A new  ship,  about  350  tons,  scuttled.  Two  brigs, 
about  120  tons  each,  scuttled.  Two  sloops,  about  60  tons  each,  scuttled. 

Winnisimet.  — A new  ship,  building,  thrown  off  the  stocks,  200  tons. 
About  100  bushels  salt.  Store  pulled  down. 

Peck’s  Wharf.  — About  100  hhds.  essence  of  spruce.  10  hhds.  of  beef. 
6 hhds.  of  molasses,  not  quite  full.  5 bbls.  of  molasses.  A sloop,  about  50 
tons,  two  thirds  full  of  molasses. 

At  Mr.  Lovell's. — General  Gage’s  coach,  a phaeton  and  harness  com- 
plete. 20  iron  pots  and  kettles. 


408 


APPENDIX. 


Joy’s  Yard.  — A parcel  of  lumber,  tools  and  joists. 

Hill’s  Bakehouse.  — 20  bbls.  of  flour. 

North  and  South  Mills.  — 10,000  bushels  of  wheat  and  flour,  not  bolted; 
1500  bushels  of  bran. 

King’s  Brewery. — 13  empty  bound  butts;  14  hhds.  spruce  beer;  two 
iron-tierced  trucks. 

Town  Granary.  — 1000  bushels  beans  ; 100  bushels  horse  beans. 

Vincent’s  Stable.  — 10  tons  hay. 

Love’s  Lumber-yard,  — 50,000  shingles;  35,000  feet  of  boards : 1000  clap- 
boards ; 20  hand-barrows. 

Henderson  Inches’  Store,  near  Beacon  Hill.  — About  6 tons  of  hay. 

Stable  at  the  Ropewalks.  — About  10  tons  of  hay  ; 110  horses. 

By  return  this  day, 

Boston , March  20,  1776.  John  G.  Frazer,  D.  Q.  M.  General. 

The  Commissary  of  Artillery,  Ezekiel  Cheever,  in  a return  dated  March 
22,  1776,  gives  an  account  of  the  ordnance  stores  left  by  the  British.  There 
were,  at  the 

North  Battery. — Seven  12  pounders,  two  9 pounders,  and  four  6 pound- 
ers— all  useless. 

OnCopp’sHill.  — Three  28  pounders,  one  8 inch  shell,  one  hundred  and 
seventy-seven  28  pound  shot,  273  wads,  2 hand-barrow  levers,  2 drag  ropes, 
half  a side  of  leather. 

At  West  Boston.  — Three  32  pounders,  39  shot,  154  wads,  one  13  inch 
mortar,  1 large  chain. 

On  Beacon  Hill.  — Two  12  pounders,  23  shot,  23  wads. 

Besides  these,  there  were  82  cannon  in  different  places,  ten  swivels  in  the 
Washington,  a lot  of  shot  and  shells,  and  cannon-wheels. 

The  assistant  Quartermaster-general,  John  G.  Frazer,  employed  two  com- 
panies, of  ten  men  each,  to  take  out  of  the  dock  and  harbor  articles  thrown 
over  by  the  British.  An  inventory,’  dated  May  10,  names  large  quantities 
of  anchors,  cannon,  gun-carriages,  shot,  shells  and  tools.  There  were  two 
13  inch  mortars,  three  hundred  and  ninety  24  pound  shot,  six  hundred  and 
forty-five  12  pound  shot,  eighty  6 pound  shot,  three  hundred  and  fifty-eight 
32  pound  shot,  four  hundred  and  two  18  pound  shot,  271  grape  shot,  and  162 
shells.  ' . • . 

The  same  officer  reported,  April  14,  1776,  the  names  of  forty-five  vessels 
remaining  in  the  harbor  after  the  British  evacuated  the  town. 

Dr.  John  Warren,  in  a deposition  read  to  the  Massachusetts  Council, 
April  9,  1776,  states  that  he  found  at  the  workhouse,  used  by  the  British  as 
a hospital,  particularly  in  one  room  used  as  a medicinal  store-room,  large 
quantities  of  medicine,  in  which  were  small  quantities  of  white  and  yellow 
arsenic  intermixed.  And  also  that  he  was  informed  by  Dr.  Samuel  Scott 
that  he  had  found  a large  quantity  of  arsenic. 


FORTS  AROUND  BOSTON. 


409 


No.  4.  — Account  of  the  Forts  erected  during  tee  Siege. 

The  works  erected  in  Boston  and  around  Boston,  during  the  siege,  have 
become  so  obliterated  by  time  and  improvement  as  to  render  it  almost  a hope- 
less work  to  endeavor  to  indicate  their  localities  by  existing  landmarks.  The 
following  article,  which  appeared  in  Silliman’s  Journal  in  1822,  shows  how 
difficult  it  was  to  trace  them,  even  at  that  time.  The  map  referred  to  in  the 
article  as  Marshall’s  is  merely  a copy  of  the  one  in  Gordon’s  History,  which 
was  undoubtedly  made  from  two  others  : Pelham’s  map  of  Boston  and  vicin- 
ity, for  the  country,  and  Page’s  plan  of  the  environs  and  harbor  of  Boston, 
for  the  islands  and  harbor. 

On  the  Forts  around  Boston,  which  were  erected  during  the  War  of  Indepen- 
dence. By  J.  Finch,  F.B.S.,  6pc. 

Every  fort  made  use  of  to  defend  the  heroes  of  the  Revolutionary  War  has 
acquired  a title  to  the  respect,  the  gratitude,  and  the  veneration  of  all  friends 
to  liberty,  in  every  part  of  the  world.  In  future  ages,  they  will  inquire 
where  the  fortifications  are,  which  were  thrown  up  around  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton, which  held  a British  army  besieged  during  eleven  months,  and  finally 
compelled  them  to  carry  their  arms  and  their  warfare  to  other  lands.  Im- 
pelled by  curiosity,  let  us  visit  these  lines,  which  will  be  so  celebrated  in 
history — where  the  standards  of  liberty  were  unfurled,  and  freedom  pro- 
claimed to  the  vast  continent  of  America  — where  the  first  intrenchments 
were  raised  against  the  forces  of  Britain  — and  from  which,  as  from  a barrier 
of  iron,  their  armies  recoiled.  There  cannot  be  any  nobler  monuments  than 
these  on  the  earth ; if  they  do  not  yet  boast 

“ La  Gloria  di  una  remotissima  antichita,” 

every  passing  day,  every  hour,  every  moment,  is  conferring  this  quality  upon 
them. 

Nearly  half  a century  has  elapsed  since  these  lines  were  erected,  and  it  is 
desirable  to  have  some  record  by  which  posterity  may  know  how  much  they 
have  suffered,  during  that  period,  by  the  war  of  the  elements,  and  by  the 
hands  of  men.  The  first  cause  of  destruction  has  been  trifling,  but  the  storms 
of  a thousand  years  would  not  have  achieved  the  injury  which  has  been  com- 
mitted by  the  industrious  farmers.  Wherever  these  works  were  an  impedi- 
ment to  cultivation,  they  have  been  levelled  to  the  ground,  and  fortresses 
which  were  directed  by  a Washington,  or  built  by  a Putnam,  or  a Greene, 
have  been  destroyed,  to  give  room  for  the  production  of  Indian  corn,  or  to 
afford  a level  pasture  for  cattle.  It  would  redound  to  the  high  honor  of  the 
State  of  Massachusetts,  if  some  plan  were  devised  by  which  the  forts  which 
still  remain  could  be  saved  from  the  oblivion  which  apparently  menaces  them. 

Annexed  to  Marshall’s  Life  of  Washington  is  a map  of  the  country  around 
Boston,  in  which  the  situation  of  the  various  forts  and  batteries  is  repre- 
sented, and  a stranger  will  find  it  a guide  to  many  of  the  positions  ; but  on 

35 


410 


APPENDIX. 


an  attentive  examination  he  will  perceive  that  the  map  is  rather  inaccurate 
in  some  of  the  details. 

1.  At  Breed's  Hill,  that  blood-stained  field,  the  redoubt  thrown  up  by  the 
Americans  is  nearly  effaced  ; scarcely  the  slightest  trace  of  it  remains  ; but 
the  intrenchment,  which  extended  from  the  redoubt  to  the  marsh,  is  still 
marked  by  a slight  elevation  of  the  ground.  The  redoubt  thrown  up  by  the 
British  on  the  summit  of  the  hill  may  be  easily  distinguished. 

2.  Bunker  Hill.  The  remains  of  the  British  fort  are  visible  ; the  works 
must  have  been  very  strong,  and  occupied  a large  extent  of  ground  ; they  are 
on  the  summit  and  slope  of  the  hill  looking  towards  the  peninsula. 

3.  Ploughed  Hill.  The  works  upon  this  hill  were  commenced  by  the 
Americans  on  the  night  of  August  26th,  1775,  and  received  more  fire  from 
the  British  than  any  of  the  other  forts  ; in  a few  days  more  than  three  hun- 
dred shells  were  fired  at  these  fortifications.  A small  part  of  the  rampart 
remains,  but  the  whole  hill  is  surrounded  by  the  mounds  and  fosse  of  the 
ancient  fort,  which  has  been  nearly  obliterated. 

4.  Cobble  or  Barrell's  Hill  was  fortified,  and  occupied  as  a strong  post,  in 
the  war  of  the  Revolution,  by  General  Putnam,  and,  in  consequence  of  its 
strength,  was  called  Putnam's  impregnable  fortress.  Every  fort  which  was 
defended  by  that  general  might  be  considered  as  impregnable,  if  daring  cour- 
age and  intrepidity  could  always  resist  superior  force  ; yet  this  title  seems  to 
have  been  more  exclusively  given  to  the  one  noticed  above.  It  was  com- 
menced on  the  night  of  November  22d  ; and  the  activity  of  its  fire  is  well 
known  to  those  who  have  studied  the  details  of  the  siege  of  Boston.  This 
fort  has  been  destroyed,  but  the  position  is  easily  identified.  In  Marshall’s 
map,  the  intrenchment,  which  is  placed  between  this  hill  and  the  creek, 
should  be  removed  to  the  southern  shore. 

5.  Lechmcre  Point  Redoubt,  one  hundred  yards  from  West  Boston  Bridge, 
displays  more  science  in  its  construction,  and  has  a wider  and  deeper  fosse, 
than  most  of  the  other  fortifications.  It  was  commenced  on  December  11th, 
1775,  and  it  was  several  days  before  it  was  completed,  during  which  time  it 
was  much  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  English  in  Boston.  Two  or  three  sol- 
diers of  the  revolutionary  army  were  killed  at  this  redoubt,  and  the  Prunus 
virginiana,  with  its  red  berries,  marks  the  spot  where  they  were  probably 
interred.  Upon  one  angle  of  the  fort,  where  the  cannon  were  pointed  with 
most  destructive  effect,  a church  is  now  erecting  ; and  when  I visited  the 
spot,  the  carpenters  were  busily  engaged  in  preparing  the  wood-work  in  one 
of  the  bastions.  The  glacis,  the  counterscarp,  the  embrasures,  the  covered 
way,  and  the  batteries,  are  fast  disappearing.  Diggers  of  gravel  on  one 
side,  and  builders  on  the  other,  were  busily  employed  in  completing  the 
destruction  of  the  strongest  battery  erected  by  the  army  of  America,  and  were 
thus  achieving,  without  opposition,  that  which  an  enemy  could  not  effect. 

A causeway  made  across  the  marsh,  the  covered  way  which  crosses  the 
brow  of  the  hill,  and  the  lines  which  flanked  Willis’  Creek,  are  still  perfect, 
and  may  be  traced  with  great  facility. 


FORTS  AROUND  BOSTON. 


411 


6.  Winter  Hill  Fort  appears  to  have  been  the  most  extensive,  and  the 
intrenchments  more  numerous  than  any  of  the  other  positions  of  the 
American  army.  The  fort  on  the  hill  is  almost  entirely  destroyed ; only  a 
small  part  of  the  rampart  still  remains  perfect. 

A redoubt  situated  upon  Ten  Hill  Farm,  which  commanded  the  navigation 
of  the  Mystic  River,  is  complete,  as  are  also  some  slight  intrenchments  near. 

A redoubt  situated  between  Winter  and  Prospect  Hill  has  been  completely 
carried  away,  and  a quarry  has  been  opened  on  the  spot.  In  the  general 
orders,  issued  at  Cambridge,  guards  were  directed  to  be  stationed  at  White 
House  Redoubt,  and  this,  I believe,  was  the  post  intended.  General  Lee  is 
said  to  have  had  his  head-quarters  in  a farm-house  immediately  in  the  rear 
of  this  redoubt. 

7.  Prospect  Hill  has  two  eminences,  both  of  which  were  strongly  fortified, 
and  connected  by  a rampart  and  fosse.  About  two  hundred  yards  are  quite 
entire  ; they  are  ornamented  with  the  Aster,  Solidago,  Rosa,  &c. ; and  those 
who  feel  any  curiosity  about  these  lines  will  be  much  gratified  by  the  view 
here  afforded.  The  forts  on  these  hills  were  destroyed  only  a few  years  ago, 
but  their  size  can  be  distinctly  seen.  On  the  southern  eminence  a part  of  the 
fort  is  still  entire,  and  the  south-west  face  of  the  hill  is  divided  into  several 
platforms,  of  which  I cannot  exactly  ascertain  the  use.  There  are  also  evi- 
dent marks  of  the  dwellings  of  the  soldiers.  The  extensive  view  from  this 
hill,  the  walk  on  the  ancient  ramparts,  and  the  sight  of  the  various  stations 
occupied  by  the  American  army,  will  render  this  hill,  at  a future  period,  a 
favorite  resort. 

8.  Forts  marked  No.  3,  on  Marshall's  map,  near  the  south-west  of  Prospect 
Hill,  have  some  of  their  bastions  entire,  but  the  surface  is  cultivated,  and 
part  of  the  outline  destroyed. 

9.  The  Cambridge  Lines,  situated  upon  Butler’s  Hill,  appear  to  have 
consisted  of  six  regular  forts,  connected  by  a strong  intrenchment.  The 
most  northerly  of  these  forts  is  perfect,  with  the  exception  of  one  of  its  angles 
destroyed  by  the  road ; it  appears  as  if  just  quitted  by  the  army  of  America  ; 
its  bastions  are  entire,  the  outline  is  perfect,  and  it  seems  a chef  d'oeuvre  of 
the  military  art.  The  state  of  preservation  in  which  it  is  found,  and  the 
motives  which  led  to  its  erection,  all  confer  a high  degree  of  interest  upon 
this  fortification.  May  it  continue  uninjured  for  a long  period  of  years,  with 
no  other  foe  but  the  assaults  of  time  1 

A square  fort  may  be  seen  near  the  southern  extremity  of  these  lines,  in 
fine  preservation  ; it  is  in  a field  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the  road  to 
Cambridge.  As  it  was  near  the  head-quarters  of  the  army,  it  must  have 
been  often  visited  by  General  Washington,  and  this  circumstance  alone  would 
render  it  an  object  of  interest ; but  the  proprietor  appears  to  have  wanted  no 
inducement  but  his  own  mind  to  preserve  this  monument  of  times  which  are 
gone.  The  eastern  rampart  is  lower  than  the  others,  and  the  gateway,  with 
its  bank  of  earth,  still  remains. 

The  other  forts  and  batteries  of  this  line  of  defence,  which  constituted  the 
firmest  bulwark  of  the  American  army,  are  all  levelled  with  the  ground, 


412 


APPENDIX. 


and  the  intrenchments  which  were  raised  and  defended  by  warriors  are  now 
employed  in  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  agriculture. 

10.  The  Second  Line  of  Defence  may  be  traced  on  the  College  Green  at 
Cambridge,  hut  its  proximity  to  the  public  halls  may  have  produced  some 
inconvenience,  and  it  has  been  carefully  destroyed. 

11.  A Semi-circular  Battery , with  three  embrasures,  on  the  northern  shore 
of  Charles  River,  near  its  entrance  into  the  bay,  is  in  a perfect  state  of  pres- 
ervation. It  is  rather  above  the  level  of  the  marsh,  and  those  who  would 
wish  to  see  it  should  pass  on  the  road  to  Cambridge,  until  they  arrive  at  a 
cross-road,  which  leads  to  the  bank  of  the  river ; by  following  the  course  of 
the  stream,  they  may  arrive  at  this  battery  without  crossing  the  marsh,  which 
is  its  northern  boundary  and  difficult  to  pass.  Marshall  places  two  batteries 
in  this  situation,  but  I could  find  only  the  one  noticed  above. 

12.  Brookline  Fort,  or,  as  it  is  called  in  the  annals  of  the  Revolution,  the 
Fort  on  Sewall's  Point,  w'as  very  extensive,  and  would  be  still  perfect,  were 
it  not  for  the  road,  which  divides  it  into  two  nearly  equal  parts,  with  this 
exception,  — the  ramparts,  and  an  irregular  bastion,  which  commanded  the 
entrance  of  Charles  River,  are  entire.  The  fort  was  nearly  quadrangular, 
and  the  fortifications  stronger  than  many  of  the  other  positions  of  the 
American  army. 

13.  A Battery,  on  the  southern  shore  of  Muddy  River,  with  three  embra- 
sures, is  only  slightly  injured.  The  ramparts  and  the  fosse  were  adorned, 
when  I saw  them,  with  the  beautiful  leaves  and  the  red  fruit  of  the  sumach, 
and  with  the  dark-red  foliage  of  the  oak. 

14.  A Redoubt,  placed  by  Marshall  to  the  westward  of  this  position,  could 
not  be  discovered,  nor  three  others,  placed  on  the  map  between  Stony  Brook 
and  the  forts  at  Roxbury  : perhaps  the  researches  were  not  sufficiently 
accurate. 

Two  hundred  yards  north  of  the  lower  fort  at  Roxbury,  near  the  spot  on 
which  the  meeting-house  now  stands,  was  an  intrenchment,  which,  I am 
informed  by  Gen.  Sumner,  was  levelled  many  years  ago. 

15.  Forts  at  Roxbury.  If  it  is  possible  that  any  person  should  feel  indiffer- 
ent about  the  fortresses  which  achieved  the  independence  of  the  eastern  states 
of  America,  a visit  to  these  forts  will  immediately  recall  to  his  mind  all 
those  associations  which  are  so  intimately  combined  with  that  proud  period 
,of  American  history.  The  lower  fort  at  Roxbury  appears  to  have  been  the 
Earliest  erected,  and  by  its  elevation  commanded  the  avenue  to  Boston  over 
the  peninsula,  and  prevented  the  advance  of  the  English  troops  in  that 
direction.  It  is  of  the  most  irregular  form  ; the  interior  occupies  about  two 
acres  of  ground,  and  as  the  hill  is  bare  of  soil,  the  places  may  still  be  seen 
whence  the  earth  was  taken  to  form  the  ramparts.  This  fortification  has  not 
been  at  all  injured,  and  the  embrasures  may  still  be  noticed  where  the  cannon 
were  placed  which  fired  upon  the  advanced  lines  of  the  enemy. 

On  a higher  eminence  of  the  same  hill  is  situated  a quadrangular  fort, 
built  on  the  summit  of  the  rock  ; and  being  perhaps  their  first  attempt  at  reg- 
ular fortification,  it  was  considered  by  the  militia  of  unparalleled  strength, 


FORTS  AROUND  BOSTON.  ' 413 

and  excited  great  confidence  in  that  wing  of  the  army  stationed  at  Rox- 
bury. 

*##*#**#*#### 

16.  The  Roxhury  Lines,  about  three  quarters  of  a mile  in  advance  of  the 
forts,  and  two  hundred  yards  north  of  the  town,  are  still  to  be  seen  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  peninsula,  and  may  be  distinguished  by  any  person  going 
by  the  nearest  road  to  Dorchester,  over  Lamb’s  Dam. 

17.  At  this  period  it  may  be  proper  to  mention  the  British  fortifications. 
The  lines  situated  upon  the  neck  are  almost  as  perfect  at  the  present  day  as 
when  first  erected,  with  the  exception  of  that* part  destroyed  by  the  road. 
They  may  be  seen  to  great  advantage  on  the  western  side  of  the  isthmus, 
about  a quarter  of  a mile  south  of  the  green  stores.  There  appear  to  have 
been  two  lines  of  intrenchments  carried  quite  across  the  peninsula,  and  the 
fosse,  which  was  filled  at  high  water,  converted  Boston  into  an  island.  The 
mounds,  ramparts  and  wide  ditches,  which  remain,  attest  the  strength  of  the 
original  works.  The  small  battery  on  the  common,  erected  by  the  British, 
may  perhaps  remain  for  a long  period  of  years,  as  a memorial  of  ancient 
times. 

18.  The  Dorchester  Lines.  Of  these,  some  very  slight  traces  may  be 
distinguished. 

19.  Forts  on  Dorchester  Heights.  We  now  hasten  to  the  last  forts,  the 
erection  of  which  terminated  the  contest  in  this  portion  of  the  eastern  states 
of  America. 

####**#**#### 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  intrenchments  thrown  up  by  the  army  of  the 
Revolution,  on  the  Heights  of  Dorchester,  are  almost  entirely  obliterated  by 
the  erection  of  two  new  forts  in  the  late  war.  But  some  traces  of  the  ancient 
works  may  be  seen  on  both  hills ; the  old  forts  were  constructed  with  more 
skill,  and  display  more  science,  than  the  recent  works,  the  ramparts  of  which 
are  even  now  falling  down  ; and  we  would  gladly  see  them  destroyed,  if 
from  their  ruins  the  ancient  works  could  reappear. 

20.  A noble  octagonal  fort  and  two  batteries,  which  may  be  seen  in  perfect 
preservation  upon  the  promontory,  were  erected  after  the  departure  of  the 
English  from  Boston,  and  do  not  require  a place  in  the  present  essay.  The 
fort  is  situated  at  the  point ; one  battery  is  in  the  rear  of  the  House  of  Industry, 
whose  inmates  will  probably  soon  destroy  it,  and  the  other  upon  a rising 
ground  immediately  below  the  Heights  of  Dorchester. 

21.  At  Nook  Hill,  near  South  Boston  Bridge,  may  be  seen  the  last  breast- 
work which  was  thrown  up  by  the  forces  of  America,  during  this  arduous 
contest.  Its  appearance,  on  the  morning  of  March  17,  1776,  induced  the 
departure  of  the  British  troops  from  Boston  in  a few  hours,  and  thus  placed 
the  seal  to  the  independence  of  the  New  England  States.  But  those  who 
would  wish  to  see  this  intrenchment  must  visit  it  soon.  The  enemy  have 
attacked  it  on  three  sides,  and  are  proceeding  by  sap  and  by  mine  ; part  of 
the  fosse  is  already  destroyed,  and  the  rampart,  nods  to  its  fall. 

If  these  fortresses  should  be  regarded  with  indifference,  let  us  consider 

35* 


414 


APPENDIX. 


that  the  siege  of  Boston  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  features  in  the  war 
of  the  Revolution.  The  forces  of  England  were,  in  the  commencement  of 
the  contest,  besieged,  and  the  plans  for  the  independence  of  America  were 
matured,  under  the  shelter  of  these  ramparts. 

In  a military  point  of  view  it  presents  conspicuous  features  : an  island,  or 
rather  a peninsula,  besieged  from  the  continent  ; accomplished  generals 
and  brave  and  disciplined  troops  on  one  side,  and  undisciplined  but  numerous 
forces  on  the  other.  At  the  same  time,  the  army  of  England  did  all  that 
men  in  such  a situation  could  attempt.  If  they  had  obtained  possession  of 
any  part  of  the  lines,  by  the  sacrifice  of  an  immense  number  of  lives,  still 
no  advantage  could  have  been  gained  by  advancing  into  a country  where 
every  man  was  a foe,  every  stone  wall  a rampart,  and  every  hill  a fortress. 
When  we  examine  the  extent  of  the  lines,  (more  than  twelve  miles,)  the 
numerous  forts  covering  every  hill,  redoubts  and  batteries  erected  upon  every 
rising  ground,  ramparts  and  intrenchments  defending  every  valley,  we  are 
surprised  at  the  immensity  of  the  works  constructed,  and  the  labor  required 
to  complete  them.  Nothing  but  the  enthusiasm  of  liberty  could  have  enabled 
the  men  of  America  to  construct  such  works.  In  history  they  are  equalled 
only  by  the  lines  and  forts  raised  by  Julius  Caesar  to  surround  the  army  of 
Pompey,  of  which  the  description  in  Lucan’s  Pharsalia  will  justly  apply  to 
the  lines  before  Boston  : 

Franguntur  montes,  planumque  per  ardua  Caesar 

Ducit  opus  ; pandit  fossas,  turritaque  summis 

Disponit  castella  jugis,  inagno  que  recessu 

Amplexus  fines  ; saltus  nemorosaque  tesqua 

Et  silvas,  vestaque  feras  indagine  claudit.  Lib.  VI.  38 — 43. 

Or  the  relation  of  the  same  siege  in  Caesar  De  Bello  Civili,  Lib.  3,  may 
be  considered  as  more  applicable. 

Should  the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  at  some  future  day,  take  a pleas- 
ure in  preserving  the  forts  which  were  erected  by  their  ancestors,  defended 
Iby  their  valor,  and  which  they  would  have  laid  down  their  lives  to  maintain, 
the  hills  on  which  they  are  situated  should  be  adorned  with  trees,  shrubs, 
and  the  finest  flowers.  The  laurel,  planted  on  the  spot  where  Warren  fell, 
would  be  an  emblem  of  unfading  honor  ; the  white  birch  and  pine  might 
adorn  Prospect  Hill ; at  Roxbury,  the  cedar  and  the  oak  should  still  retain 
their  eminence ; and  upon  the  Heights  of  Dorchester,  we  would  plant  the 
laurel,  and  the  finest  trees  which  adorn  the  forest,  because  there  was  achieved 
a glorious  victory,  without  the  sacrifice  of  life. 

Many  centuries  hence,  if  despotism  without,  or  anarchy  within,  should 
cause  the  republican  institutions  of  America  to  fade,  then  these  fortresses 
ought  to  be  destroyed,  because  they  would  be  a constant  reproach  to  the 
people ; but  until  that  period,  they  should  be  preserved  as  the  noblest  monu- 
ments of  liberty. 


CHESTER  AND  WEBB’S  LETTER. 


415 


Copt  of  a Portion  of  a Letter  written  by  Captain  Chester  and 
Lieutenant  Samuel  B.  Webb,  and  addressed  to  Joseph  Webb, 
who  was  Brother  to  Lieutenant  Webb  and  Brother-in-law 
to  Captain  Chester.1 

Cambridge,  June  19 th,  1775, 

Mondag  morn.,  9 o’clock. 

My  dear  Brother,  — The  horrors  and  devastations  of  war  now  begin  to 
appear  with  us  in  earnest.  The  generals  of  the  late  engagement  and  present 
manouvers  you  will  doubtless  hear  before  this  can  reach  you.  However,  as 
you  may  be  in  some  doubt,  I shall  endeavor  to  give  you  some  particulars, 
which  I hope  will  not  be  disagreeable,  tho’  it  may  be  repeating.  Know 
then  that  last  Pryday  afternoon  orders  were  issued  for  about  1800  of  the 
province  men  and  200  of  Connecticut  men,  to  parade  themselves  at  6 o’clock, 
with  one  day’s  provisions,  blankets,  &c.,  and  then  receive  their  order 
(nearly  the  same  order  in  Roxbury  Camp  also).  Near  9 o’clock  they 
marched  (with  intrenching  tools  in  carts  by  their  side)  over  Winter’s  Hill 2 
in  Charlestown,  and  passed  the  intrenehments  the  regulars  began  when  they 
retreated  from  Concord,  and  went  to  intrenching  on  Bunker’s  Hill,3  which  is 
nearer  the  water,  castle,  and  shipping.  Here  they  worked  most  notably, 
and  had  a very  fine  fortification,  which  the  enemy  never  knew  ’till  morning. 
They  then  began  a most  heavy  fire,  from  the  Copp’s  Hill,  near  Dr.  Cutler’s 
church,  and  from  all  the  ships  that  could  play,  which  continued  till  near 
night.  About  1 o’clock,  p.m.  we  that  were  at  Cambridge  heard  that  the  regu- 
lars were  landing  from  their  floating  batteries,  and  the  alarm  was  sounded, 
and  we  ordered  to  march  directly  down  to  the  fort  at  Charlestown.  Before 
our  company  could  get  there,  the  battle  had  begun  in  earnest,  and  cannon 
and  musket  balls  were  flying  about  our  ears  like  hail,  and  a hotter  fire  you 
can  have  no  idea  off.  Our  men  were  in  fine  spirits.  Your  brother  and  I 
led  them,  and  they  kept  their  order  very  finely,  two  and  two. 

My  dear  brother,  you’ll  see  by  this  the  amazing  hurry  we  are  in.  Capt. 
Chester  is  called  of,  and  begs  me  to  go  on  with  this  letter,  which  I'll  endeavor 
to  do ; tho’,  if  it  appears  incorrect  and  unconnected,  you  must  make  proper 
allowance. 

After  the  alarm,  on  our  march  down,  we  met  many  of  our  worthy  friends, 
wounded,  sweltering  in  their  blood,  carried  on  the  shoulders  by  their  fellow- 
soldiers.  Judge  you  what  must  be  our  feelings  at  this  shocking  spectacle  ; 
the  orders  were,  press  on,  press  on,  our  brethren  are  suffering,  and  will  be 
cut  off.  We  pushed  on,,  and  came  into  the  field  of  battle,  thro’  the  cannon- 
ading of  the  ships,  — bombs,  chain-shot,  ring-shot,  and  double-headed  shot, 
flew  as  thick  as  hailstones,  but  thank  Heaven  few  of  our  men  suffered  by 
them ; but  when  we  mounted  the  summit,  where  the  engagement  was,  — 
Good  God,  how  the  balls  flew,  — I freely  acknowledge  I never  had  such  a 

1 See  page  389.  2 This  was  Bunker  Hill.  3 This  was  what  is  now  called 

Breed’s  Hill. 


416 


APPENDIX. 


tremor  come  over  me  before.  We  descended  the  hill,  into  the  field  of  battle, 
and  began  our  fire  very  briskly  ; the  regulars  fell  in  great  plenty,  but  to  do 
them  justice,  they  keep  a grand  front,  and  stood  their  ground  nobly.  Twice 
before  this  time  they  gave  way,  but  not  long  before  we  saw  numbers  mount- 
ing the  walls  of  our  fort,  — on  which  our  men  in  the  fort  were  ordered  to  fire, 
and  make  a swift  retreat.  We  covered  their  retreat  till  they  came  up  with 
us,  by  a brisk  fire  from  our  small-arms.  The  dead  and  wounded  lay  on 
every  side  of  me ; their  groans  were  piercing,  indeed,  tho’  long  before  this 
time,  I believe,  the  fear  of  death  had  quitted  almost  every  breast.  They 
now  had  possession  of  our  fort  and  four  field-pieces,  and  by  much  the  advan- 
tage of  the  ground. 

[The  copyist  remarks  : The  half-sheet  of  “ foolscap  ” containing  the  above 
ends  abruptly,  as  you  see ; a half-sheet  of  heavy  laid  paper,  like  a leaf  from 
an  account-book,  contains  the  remainder  of  the  letter,  and  is  signed  by  both 
Samuel  B.  Webb  and  John  Chester,  — 4 o’clock,  p.m.,  — from  which  the  fol- 
lowing sentences  are  extracted  : — ] 

Lieut.  Webb  says  : for  God’s  sake,  to  urge  Gen.  Lee  and  Col.  Washington 
to  join,  head-officers  is  what  we  stand  greatly  in  need  of ; we  have  no  acting 
head  here  but  Putnam,  — he  acts  nobly  in  every  thing  * * * * by  the 
by,  in  the  Saturday’s  battle,  our  gunner  to  the  field-pieces  quitted  his 
post,  &c.,  &c.,  and  is  now  under  confinement  for  it,  and  to  be  tryed  by  a 
general  court  martial ; so  that  we  fought  against  eight  or  ten  capital  ships’ 
fire,  — the  fire  from  Cop’s  Hill,  in  Boston,  of  24-pounders,  and  the  regulars’ 
field-pieces,  — together  with  shells  ; when  on  our  side  nothing  but  small-arms 
was  fired,  except  four  guns  fired  by  Gen.  Putnam  after  the  gunner  quitted 
the  field-pieces. 

Chester  writes : Our  men  that  were  draughted  out  to  entrench  last 
Fryday  night  have  lost  blankets,  guns,  coats,  a few  shirts,  knapsacks, 
&c.,  &c. ; we  want  supplies,  but  know  not  how  to  get  them.  * * * * 
You’ll  see  by  the  handwriting  which  I wrote,  and  which  Lieut.  Webb 
wrote  * * * * 

Note.  — I regret  that  I cannot  recall  the  name  of  the  gentleman  who  kindly 
showed  me  the  original,  and  gave  me  the  copy  of  this  important  letter. 


INDEX 


Abbot,  John,  masonic  services  by,  344. 
Abercrombie,  Colonel,  death  of,  195, 

Adams,  John,  notices  of,  21.  Cited,  24.  On 
clubs,  29.  Extracts  from  diary  of,  30. 
Cited,  33,  35,  36.  On  B.  H.  battle,  173. 
Alluded  to,  214,  286,  318,  330.  Letters  to, 
395. 

Adams,  Abigail,  letters  of  cited,  38,  109,  171, 
207,  222,  267,  305. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  30,  395. 

Adams,  Samuel,  notices  of,  21,  32.  His  ora- 
tory, 33.  Letter  of,  35.  Anecdotes  of.  60, 
71.  On  Prescott’s  valor  at  B.  Hill,  166. 
Adams,  Josiah,  address  of,  69.  366. 

Adams,  Captain,  sails  in  the  Warren,  260. 
Addison,  Captain,  killed  in  B.  H.  battle,  196. 
Agnew,  Colonel,  commands  on  B.  Hill,  280. 
Allen,  James,  poem  of  on  B.  H.  battle,  377. 
Allston,  Washington,  343,  345. 

American  Camp,  descriptions  of,  221,  274. 
Amory,  Thomas,  message  by  from  Boston,  303. 
Amory,  Jonathan,  ditto,  304. 

Analectic  Magazine,  account  of  B.  H.  battle 
in,  378. 

Annual  Register,  cited,  126,  204,  283. 
Appleton,  Nathaniel,  notice  of,  22. 

Army,  American,  description  of,  101.  Position 
of,  117.  Returns  of,  118.  Reinforced.  209. 
Adopted  by  Congress,  214.  State  of.  217. 
Arrangement  of,  219.  Returns  of,  220. 
In  favor  of  independence,  263.  Weakness 
of,  284.  Reinforced  by  militia,  290.  Bar- 
racks of,  291.  Takes  possession  of  Bos- 
ton, 311.  Marches  for  New  York,  312. 
Returns  of  during  the  siege,  405,  406. 
Armed  Vessels,  debates  on  fitting  out,  110, 
256.  Authorized,  260.  Flag  of,  261.  Suc- 
cess of,  269,  288,  308. 

Austin,  Benjamin,  notice  of,  23. 

Austin,  Samuel,  304,  317. 

Austin.  William,  oration  of,  339,  377. 

Baldwin,  Isaac,  at  Noddle’s  Island.  110. 
Baldwin,  Loammi,  66,  73,  74,  178,  232,  343. 
Baldwin,  Captain,  service  of  as  engineer,  212 
Bangs,  Edward,  diary  of  cited,  329. 

Bancroft,  Ebenezer,  cited,  158.  Wounded,  177. 
Bancroft,  George,  162. 

Barber,  Nathaniel,  notice  of,  23. 

Barnes,  Edward,  at  B.  H.  battle,  181,  1S2. 
Barracks,  location  of  and  troops  in.  291. 

Barre.  Colonel,  strictures  of,  200,  276,  321. 
Barrett,  Nathan,  66,  67,  63.  Deposition  of,  367. 
Bartlett.  Josiah,  orations  of,  338,  377. 

Beacon  Hill.  18,  282.  British  works  on.  329. 
Belknap,  Dr.,  letters  of  cited,  254,  257,  263. 
Bell.  Samuel,  anecdote  of,  49. 

Bemicre,  Ensign,  51,  71.  His  narrative,  366. 
Beverly,  skirmish  at,  253. 

Bigelow,  Jacob,  343. 

Bigelow,  Timothy,  181. 


Bingham,  Lieut.,  in  B.  H.  battle,  189. 

Bishops,  effect  of  the  controversy  about,  24. 

Blanchard,  Luther,  wounded  at  Concord,  69. 

Blockade  in  Boston,  play  of,  287,  288. 

Bond,  William,  179,  263. 

Boston,  Hutchinson’s  letter  on,  3.  Arrival  of 
British  troops  at,  7.  Removal  of  ammu- 
nition from,  15.  Fortification  of,  15,  16. 
Description  of,  17 — 40.  Tory  view  of,  40. 
Votes  of,  49.  Military  of,  49.  Removal 
from,  55,  95.  Agreement  of  with  Gage, 
93.  Violation  of  agreement,  96.  Distress 
in,  207.  Destruction  of  proposed,  210. 
Sickness  in,  235.  Tyranny  in,  236.  Peo- 
ple liberated  from,  237.  Tories  of,  238. 
Prisoners  in,  240.  Fortification  of,  252. 
Attack  on  proposed,  257.  Tories  of  en- 
list, 279.  Suffering  in,  280.  Plundering 
in,  281.  Deplorable  state  of,  282.  Con- 
gress authorize  the  destruction  of,  285. 
Council  of  war  on,  286.  Alarm  in,  287. 
Bombardment  of  resolved  upon,  291.  Ar- 
rival of  vessels  at,  293.  Amusements  in, 
295.  Cannonade  of,  297.  Anxiety  for, 
303.  Statement  of  selectmen  of,  303. 
Cannonade  of,  305.  Plunder  in,  307. 
Evacuation  of,  311.  Address  of  selectmen 
of,  316.  Description  of,  327 — 330.  Reflec- 
tions on  the  siege  of,  332 — 335. 

Boston  Neck,  fortified,  15.  Skirmishes  at,  213, 
216,  224.  Lines  at,  252,  413. 

Boston  Port  Bill,  passage  of,  5.  Execution  of, 
6,  7.  Mission  of,  8.  Severity  of,  37. 

Bowdoio,  James,  notices  of.  22,  28.  At  town 
meeting,  94. 

Bowman.  Thaddeus,  service  at  Lexington,  61. 

Boyd,  William,  181. 

Bradford.  Alden.  history  of  B.  H.  battle  by,  380. 

Brattle-street  Church  used  for  barracks,  328. 

Breed,  Ebenezer,  349. 

Breed’s  Hill,  119.  Why  occupied,  123.  Works 
on.  135,  197,  330,  410.  First  monument 
on,  338.  Description  of,  339. 

Brewer,  Jonathan,  in  B.  H.  battle,  182,  396. 

Bricket,  James,  service  of,  175,  176,  194,  395. 

Bridge,  John,  176. 

Bridge,  Ebenezer,  at  B.  Hill,  175, 26S,  395. 

British  Army,  concentrates  in  Boston,  7. 
Spirit  of,  43.  Strength  of,  46.  Insults  of, 
49.  Detachment  of,  51.  March  of  to 
Lexington,  61.  State  of,  114.  Attack  of 
at  Breed’s  Hill,  138.  Sickness  of,  235. 
Prepares  for  winter,  251.  Suffering  of, 
280.  Relief  of,  293.  Critical  situation  of, 
301.  Removal  of  from  Boston,  309.  Num- 
ber of,  311. 

Brooks,  John,  notices  of,  72,  176,  177,  341. 

Brookline  Fort.  412. 

Broughton,  Nicholas,  260  272. 

Brown,  Peter,  letter  of  cited,  133,  373,  392. 

Brown,  Abijah,  183. 


418 


INDEX. 


Brown,  William,  253. 

Brown,  John,  killed  at  Lexington,  64. 

Brown,  Captain,  visit  of  to  Concord,  51. 

Brown,  Edward,  bravery  of  in  B.  H.  battle, 
189. 

Brown,  Lieut.,  wounded  at  Bunker  Hill,  175. 

Brown,  Reuben,  service  of  at  Concord,  66. 

Brush,  Crean,  217.  Memorial  of,  294.  Com- 
mission to,  306.  Plundering  by,  307. 

Bruce,  Major,  interview  with,  228. 

Buckminster,  William,  bravery  and  character 
of,  182. 

Buckingham,  Joseph  T. , 347,  348,  349,351,353. 

Bunker  Hill,  works  on  recommended,  115. 
Resolve  to  occupy,  116.  Description  of, 
119.  Detachment  ordered  to,  121.  Why 
not  fortified.  123.  Works  commenced  on, 
129.  British  fortify,  203.  Works  on,  251. 
Parade  on,  252.  Alarm  at,  287.  Fortifi- 
cations on,  331,  410. 

Bunker  Hill  Battle,  description  of,  133 — 153. 
Character  of,  155.  Johnstone’s  eulogy  on, 
155.  Wilkinson’s  remarks  on,  157.  Com- 
mand in,  159  -166.  American  regi- 
ments engaged  in,  175 — 192,401.  Losses 
in,  193.  British  comments  on,  196.  Crit- 
icism on,  199.  Webster’s  descriptions  of. 
204.  Prisoners  taken  at,  240.  Anniver- 
saries of,  337.  Review  of  the  accounts  of, 
372,  381.  Account  of  by  the  Committee  of 
Safety,  381.  By  General  Gage,  336.  By 
John  Chester,  339.  By  Peter  Brown,  392. 
By  Samuel  Gray,  393.  By  William  Pres- 
cott, 395.  In  Rivington’s  Gazette,  397. 
In  London  Chronicle,  398. 

Bunker  Hill  Monument,  history  of,  337.  Or- 
igin of,  340.  Progress  of,  341.  Sub- 
scriptions solicited  for,  342.  Form  of 
adopted,  343.  Laying  the  corner-stone  of, 
343,  345.  Completion  of,  351.  Cost  of, 
N 353.  Economy  of  the  construction  of, 
355.  Description  of,  356. 

Burbeck,  William,  184. 

Burke,  Edmund,  cited  on  the  British  army, 
276,  321. 

Burgoyne,  John,  52.  Anecdote  of,  114.  On 
B.  H.  battle,  200.  On  burning  of  Charles- 
town, 203.  Correspondence  with  Lee,  223. 
Notice  of,  280,  281.  Death  of,  334.  Let- 
ter of,  373. 

Buttrick,  John,  65.  At  North  Bridge,  68,  69. 

Caldwell,  John,  186. 

Callender,  John,  136,  137,  138.  Trial  of,  184, 
185. 

Cambridge,  alarm  in,  132.  Works  in,  106, 
211,  411. 

Cary,  Major,  good  conduct  of,  287,  238. 

Carnes,  Edward,  Jr.,  351. 

Carter,  Lieut.,  letters  of  cited,  212,  252,  254, 
263,  283. 

Caucuses,  Boston,  account  of,  29. 

Cavendish,  Lord,  on  evacuation  of  Boston,  321. 

Chadwick,  Mr.,  engineer  service  of,  106. 

Chandler,  Abiel,  186. 

Chapman,  Lucinda,  350. 

Charlestown,  removal  of  powder  from,  13. 
Of  cannon  from,  15.  Its  eulogy  of  Bos- 
ton, 40.  Events  in  on  19th  of  April,  78, 
79.  Threat  to,  79,  80.  Distress  of,  97. 
Ship  ordered  to  fire  on,  98.  March  of 
American  army  to,  107.  Exchange  of 
prisoners  in,  111.  Description  of,  118. 
Burning  of,  143,  201.  State  of,  208. 
Skirmishes  at,  229,  230.  Destruction  of 
houses  in,  281.  Expedition  to,  287.  De- 
scription of,  330. 

Charlestown  Artillery,  celebration  by,  338,  339. 


Charles  River  Bridge,  opening  of,  337. 

Chester,  John,  100,  112.  Cited,  132,  141,  143. 
At  Bunker  Hill,  147.  188,  189.  Letter  of, 
374.  339, 132,  415. 

Child,  David  Lee,  his  review  of  Swett’s  His- 
tory, 379. 

Church,  Benjamin,  notices  of,  22,  225.  Cor- 
respondence of,  258.  Trial  of,  259,  360. 

Clark,  Joras,  his  narrative  cited,  57,  80,  365. 

Clark,  CaDtain,  letter  of  cited,  188.  Bravery 
of,  189. 

Clark,  John,  cited  on  B.  H.  battle,  137,  374. 

Clinton,  Henry.  52,  114.  In  B.  H.  battle,  148, 
149,  152,  199,  251,  280.  Sails  from  Boston, 
292.  Death  of,  334. 

Clubs,  Boston,  account  of,  29.  J.  Adams  on,  30. 

Clymer,  George,  letter  of  cited,  21. 

Cobble  Hill,  119.  Fortified,  263.  Works  on,  410. 

Coburn,  Captain,  narrow  escape  of,  177. 

Cockran,  William,  deposition  of,  335. 

Coffin,  Charles,  work  of  on  B.  H.  battle,  380 

Coit,  Captain,  notices  of,  100,  188,  139. 

Coit,  Captain,  sails  in  the  Harrison,  160. 

Committees  of  Correspondence  disapproved,  10. 

Committee  of  Correspondence,  Boston,  its  ser- 
vice, 28.  Names  of,  29.  Tory  view  of, 
32.  Letter  of,  52. 

Committee  of  Safety,  Mass.,  41.  Circulars  of, 
91.  Letter  of  to  Boston.  94.  Names  of, 
99.  Letter  of  to  Connecticut,  104.  Re- 
port of,  115.  Proceedings  of,  129.  Mem- 
bers of,  225.  Its  account  of  B.  H.  battle, 
381. 

Committee  of  Supplies,  41.  Purchases  stores, 
42.  Names  of,  55. 

Concord,  stores  at,  42.  Visit  to,  51.  Expe- 
dition to,  55,  56.  Description  of,  64. 
Alarm  in,  65.  British  troops  enter,  66. 
Destruction  at,  67.  Skirmish  at,  69.  Map 
of.  70.  Minute-men  gather  at,  72.  British 
retreat  from,  73.  Monument  in,  82. 

Congress,  Continental,  adopts  the  army,  214. 
Declaration  of,  226.  Committee  of,  256. 
Vote  of,  on  Boston,  285.  Letter  of,  318. 
Medal  of,  319. 

Connecticut,  raises  an  army,  100.  Flag  of, 
103.  Embassy  of,  104.  Troops  of,  188,  273. 

Conway,  Gen.,  speech  of  on  the  evacuation, 
322. 

Cooper,  William,  notice  of,  23,  52. 

Cooper,  Doctor  Samuel,  notice  of,  24,  239,  301. 

Cooke,  Governor,  of  the  committee  of  confer- 
ence, 253,  256. 

Copp’s  Hill,  18,  125,  131.  British  works  on, 
329. 

Coverly.  Nathaniel,  notice  of  history  of,  376. 

Crane,  Major,  bravery  of,  224,  231. 

Crocker,  Criel,  349. 

Cudworth,  Nathaniel,  attacks  the  British,  73. 
Service  of,  182. 

Cushing,  Thomas,  character  of,  22.  Letter 
of,  53. 

Cushing,  Mrs.,  letter  of  cited,  36. 

Cushing,  Captain,  service  of  in  B.  H.  battle, 
181. 

Cushing,  Nathan,  member  of  Committee  of 
Safety,  99,  225. 

Danvers,  minute-men  of,  42,  77.  Monument 
in,  83. 

Dartmouth,  Lord,  instructions  of,  5,  9, 45.  His 
view  of  Lexington  battle,  88.  Letter  of, 
250.  On  the  army,  277.  Orders  of,  292. 
His  views  of  the  patriots,  302. 

Darracott,  George,  member  of  building  com- 
mittee, 349,  351. 

Darracott,  Sarah,  350. 

Davis,  Isaac,  notice  of,  68.  Killed,  69. 


INDEX. 


419 


Davis,  Isaac  P.,  341. 

Dawes,  William,  sent  to  alarm  the  country,  58, 
59,  60. 

Dearborn.  Henry,  134,  187.  Cited  on  the  re- 
doubt, 199.  On  B.  H.  battle,  378.  His 
vindication,  379. 

Dearborn.  H.  A.  S.,  341. 

Derby,  John,  his  voyage  to  England,  85,  87. 

Dexter,  Franklin,  341. 

Devens,  Richard,  relation  of,  57.  Service  of. 
58,  99.  Cited,  201,  225. 

Ditson.  Thomas,  Jr. . insult  to  by  the  British,  50. 

Divines,  Boston,  politics  of.  24.  Sermons  of,  25. 

Donation  Committee,  duties  of,  28.  Names, 
29,  37. 

Doolittle,  Amos,  engravings  of,  365. 

Doolittle,  Colonel,  106. 

Dow.  Reuben,  company  of  in  B.  H.  battle,  186. 

Dowdle,  Captain,  on  Charlestown  Neck,  229. 

Downer.  Eliphalet,  combat  of.  77. 

Dorchester  Heights,  on  fortification  of,  116, 
291.  Occupation  of,  29S.  Proposed  at- 
tack on,  299.  Gordon  cited  on,  300.  On 
, the  neglect  of.  325.  Forts  on,  414. 

Dorchester  Neck.  British  expedition  to,  239. 

Drake.  S.  G.,  213. 

Draper’s  Gazette,  31.  Extracts  from,  239,  2S0. 

Dutton,  Warren,  341. 

Durkee,  John,  in  B.  H.  battle,  147,  188,  189. 

Dwight,  Timothy,  cited  on  the  Concord  expe- 
dition, 90. 

Edes.  Peter,  imprisoned  in  Boston,  236. 

Ellis,  George  E..  122,  166.  Oration  of,  381. 

Emerson,  William.  65.  Cited,  66,  69.  De- 
scription by,  221.  Account  by,  365. 

Episcopacy,  jealousy  of  in  the  colonies,  24. 

Essex  Gazette  cited.  226,  236,  239. 

Eustis.  William,  service  of  at  B.  H.  battle.  194. 

Everett.  Edward,  cited,  64,  77,  89,  340.  Efforts 
of,  342.  Speech  of,  348.  Orations  of,  366. 

Everett,  Alexander  H.,  account  of  B.  H.  battle 
by,  380. 

Faneuil  Hall.  27,  33,  94,  232,  288,  323. 

Farwell,  Capt.,  wounded  in  B.  H.  battle.  175. 

Faucett,  Lieut.,  in  B.  H.  battle,  175,  347. 

Febiger,  Christian,  in  B.  H.  battle,  147,  178, 
179. 

Fellows.  John,  his  publication  on  Putnam,  381. 

Flag.  American,  early  devices  on.  103.  In  B. 
H.  battle.  192.  Device  on,  226.  On  float- 
ing batteries,  261.  The  pine-tree,  262. 
The  union.  283.  The  Massachusetts,  284. 

Folsom.  Nathaniel.  99,  211,  223. 

Fort  Hill.  18.  British  works  on,  329,  330. 

Ford.  John,  in  B.  H.  battle.  176,  177. 

Foster.  Rev.  Mr.,  in  Lexington  battle,  72,  73. 

Foster.  Isaac,  97. 

Foster.  Gideon,  address  of.  83. 

Foster.  Capt..  1 18.  At  B.  H.  battle,  152,  134. 

Fox.  Joseph.  176. 

Franklin.  Benjamin,  arrival  of  in  camp.  256. 

Freneau.  Philip,  his  Voyage  to  Boston,  374. 

Frye.  James,  175.  Regiment  of,  106,  233. 

Frye,  Isaac,  187. 

Gage,  Thomas,  character  of  5.  Landing  of, 
6.  Forbids  public  meetings,  13.  On  Bos- 
ton mechanics,  26.  On  town  meetings, 
33.  On  union,  40.  41.  Policy  of,  46.  Of- 
ficers of,  51,  56.  Sends  troops  to  Concord, 
55.  Agreement  of  with  Boston.  93.  Bad 
faith  of.  96.  Proclamation  of,  113.  114. 
Anecdote  of,  126.  Calls  council  of  war. 
127.  Orders  of,  130.  Military  criticism 
on,  199.  Thanks  of,  200.  Threat  of,  201. 
Proclamation  of.  208.  Letter  of.  234.  Im- 
promptu on,  236.  Treatment  of  prisoners  [ 


by,  240.  Views  of,  246.  Resolves  to  win- 
ter in  Boston,  247.  Recall  of,  247.  Ad- 
dressed to,  243.  Sails  for  England,  249.  Re- 
putation of.  250.  Description  of  the  army 
by,  277.  His  account  of  Lexineton  battle. 
365.  Of  B.  H.  battle,  373,  336.' 

Gardner,  Henry,  chosen  treasurer  of  Mass..  41 

Gardner.  Thomas,  146.  Wounded,  151,  179. 
Death  and  character  of,  180. 

Garden,  Major,  cited  relative  to  Major  Small, 
172. 

Gates,  Horatio,  214,  257,  300. 

Germaine.  Lord,  speech  of.  322.  Letter  of.  324. 

Gerrish.  Samuel,  in  B.  H.  battle,  143,  178.  179. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  224,  261.  On  efforts  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, 265.  On  the  evacuation  of  Bos- 
ton, 320. 

Gilman,  Israel,  187. 

Gill,  John,  imprisoned  by  Gage,  236. 

Glover,  Colonel,  orders  to  protect  stores,  270. 

Gordon,  William,  cited,  52,  53,  160,  162,  201, 
270,  307.  Account  of  Lexington  battle, 
365.  His  history,  376. 

Gorham,  Benjamin,  341. 

Gorham.  Colonel,  enlists  loyalists,  239,  279. 

Grape  Island,  skirmish  at,  108. 

Graves,  Admiral,  47,  111,  240.  292. 

Gray,  Samuel,  letter  of.  212,  374  , 393. 

Greaton,  Major,  expeditions  of.  110,  225. 

Great  Barrington,  the  courts  opposed  in,  10. 

Green,  William,  wounded  in  B.  H.  battle,  175. 

Greene,  Nathaniel,  arrives  in  camp,  100,  210, 
214.  Notice  of  Franklin,  256.  Recom- 
mends independence,  263,  284.  Letter  of, 
266.  Ib.,  274.  On  the  army,  276,  285. 

Greene,  Charles  G.,  348. 

Greene,  Ezra,  187. 

Greenleaf,  Benjamin,  225. 

Grosvenor,  Lieut.,  cited,  124.  In  B.  H.  battle, 
189. 

Gridley,  Richard,  98,  103,  115,  123,  124,  183. 
His  services,  184,  212. 

Gridley,  Scarborough,  notices  of,  146, 183,  184, 
185. 

Griffin,  Samuel,  aid-de-camp  to  Lee,  216. 

Hadley,  Samuel,  killed  at  Lexington,  64. 

Hale,  Nathan,  187. 

Hale,  Sarah  J. , 350. 

Hancock,  John,  notice  of,  57.  Anecdote  of,  60, 
225.  Letter  of  on  destroying  Boston,  285. 

Hammond,  Nathaniel,  349. 

Hardy,  Daniel,  175. 

Harrison.  Col.,  256.  In  favor  of  burning  Bos- 
ton, 257. 

Harris,  Lord,  cited,  156.  Letter  of,  220. 

Harris,  Josiah.  in  B.  H.  battle,  146,  181. 

Harris.  S.  D..  341,  343. 

Harrington,  Caleb,  killed  at  Lexington,  64. 

Harrington.  Jonathan,  death  of,  64. 

Hart,  John,  194. 

Hart,  James,  181. 

Hartley,  Mr.,  on  evacuation  of  Boston,  321. 

Hastings,  Walter.  194. 

Hastings,  Benjamin,  in  B.  H.  battle,  183. 

Hayward.  James,  his  heroism  and  death.  74. 

Heath.  William,  42.  76,  91,  129.  138,  161,  162, 
214.  268,  271,  377.  Letter  of,  396. 

Henly.  Major,  good  conduct  of,  287,  288. 

Henshaw.  William.  103.  Report  of,  115. 

Hewes.  Shubael,  282. 

Hill.  Henry,  notice  of,  23. 

Hodge.  Robert,  notice  of  history  of,  376. 

Holmes.  Almiran.  hoisting  apparatus  of,  358. 

Holton,  Samuel,  225. 

Hopkins,  Stephen,  318. 

Hopkins,  Admiral,  sailing  of  fleet  under,  283. 

[ Hosmer,  Abner,  killed  at  Concord,  69. 


420 


INDEX. 


Howe,  William.  52.  Arrives  in  Boston,  114. 
Lands  at  Charlestown,  131.  Speech  of, 
137.  Notices  of,  139,  141,  145,  149,  157. 
Bravery  of,  199.  On  Bunker  Hill,  208. 
Note  of,  241.  Takes  the  command,  249. 
Character  of,  249.  Recommends  evacua- 
tion, 250.  Popularity  of,  251.  Proclama- 
tions of,  252.  Instructions  to,  277.  Views 
of,  273.  Enlists  Boston  loyalists,  279. 
Proclamation  of,  279.  Severe  order  of,  282. 
Views  of,  293,  294,  293.  Resolves  upon 
an  attack,  299.  Critical  situation  of.  301. 
Resolves  to  evacuate  Boston,  301.  Diffi- 
culties of,  302.  Threatens  Boston,  303. 
Evacuates  Boston,  309.  Criticism  on,  325. 
Hubley,  history  of,  377. 

Humphries,  David,  on  B.  H.  battle,  163,  376. 
Huntington,  Jedediah,  letters  of,  92,  233,  254. 
Hutchinson,  Foster,  253. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas,  cited,  3,  10,  363. 

Inches,  Henderson,  notice  of,  23. 
Independence  proposed,  263,  284  , 335. 

Indians,  enlistment  and  warfare  of,  212,  213. 

Jackson,  Michael,  179.  Encounter  of,  181. 
Jeffries,  David,  notice  of,  23. 

Jenkins,  Joseph,  349. 

Johonnot,  Peter,  message  from  Boston  by,  304. 
Johnstone,  Governor,  cited  on  B.  H.  battle,  155. 
Johnson,  Obadiah,  188. 

Kettel,  John,  diary  of,  213.  Extract  from,  232. 
Keyes,  Lieut.,  in  B.  H.  battle.  189. 

King,  Daniel  P.,  address  of,  366. 

King  Solomon’s  Lodge,  monument  erected  by, 
338.  Compliment  to,  343. 

Kittredge,  Thomas,  at  B.  H.  battle,  175,  194. 
Knowlton,  Thomas,  122.  At  B.  H.  battle,  134, 
136,  151.  189.  Enterprise  of,  287.  Com- 
mended, 238. 

Knowles.  Seth,  341. 

Knox.  Henry,  in  B.  H.  battle,  49,  146,  212. 
Transports  artillery  from  Crown  Point,  295. 

Ladies’  Fair,  account  of,  350. 

Lafayette,  triumphal  tour  of,  342,  344. 

Lamb’s  Dam.  works  at,  242,  254,  29S,  413. 
Langdon,  President,  prayer  of,  122,  226. 
Langdon,  John,  letter  of  cited,  203. 

Lawrence,  Amos,  346.  Proposition  of,  347. 

Donation  of,  349,  353. 

Lawrence,  Samuel,  in  B.  H.  battle,  347. 

Leach,  John,  imprisoned  by  Gage,  236. 
Learned.  Ebenezer,  92,  304.  Enters  Boston.  310. 
Lechmere’s  Point,  skirmish  at,  267.  Works 
at,  269,  270.  Cannonade  of,  271.  Works 
at,  239,  410. 

Lee,  Henry,  cited  on  B.  H.  battle,  157,  161, 377. 
Lee,  Wm.,  good  conduct  of  in  B.  H.  battle,  1S8. 
Lee,  Charles,  36.  Cited,  160.  162.  Address  to, 
215.  Correspondence  of,  223.  Note  of. 
228.  Views  of,  258.  Ordered  to  New 
York,  292.  Cited  on  B.  H.  battle,  375. 
Leighton,  Charles,  349,  351. 

Leslie,  Colonel,  expedition  of  to  Salem.  47. 
Lexington,  description  of,  59.  Skirmish  at, 
61.  Evidence  of  return  fire  at,  63.  Skir- 
mish in,  74.  Houses  burnt  in,  76.  Killed 
and  wounded  at.  80.  Loss  of,  81.  Anni- 
versary celebrations  of,  82. 

Lexington  Battle,  character  of,  83.  Effect  of 
in  the  colonies,  84.  Narrative  of,  85. 
Effect  of,  86.  British  comments  on,  89. 
Depositions  relating  to,  367.  Authorities 
of,  365. 

Liberty  Tree,  27.  Destruction  of,  237,  328. 
Light-house,  burning  of,  227,  230. 

Lindsey,  Captain,  fires  bn  the  British,  232. 


Linzee,  Capt.,  (of  the  Falcon,)  126.  Sword  of. 
163. 

Little.  Moses,  136.  In  B.  H.  battle,  177. 

London  Chronicle,  article  from,  398. 

Long  Island,  prisoners  taken  at,  225. 

Lothrop.  Isaac,  notice  of  letter  of.  373. 

Loring,  Joshua,  moderator  of  meeting,  240. 

Loring,  Joshua,  Jr.,  appointed  sole  auctioneer, 
247. 

Lovell,  James,  notice  of,  22.  Imprisonment 
of,  236. 

Lowell,  John,  his  defence  of  Putnam,  379. 

Lunenburg,  account  of  the  militia  of,  43. 

Lunt,  Captain,  in  B.  H.  battle,  136,  177. 

Lyman,  Theodore,  Jr.,  341. 

Lynch,  Thomas,  arrives  at  Cambridge,  256. 

Manly,  John,  261,  269,  272,  289,  308. 

Mansfield,  John,  in  B.  H.  battle,  183. 

Martin,  John,  cited  on  B H.  battle,'  159,  162. 
Notice  of,  202,  373. 

Marshall,  Thomas,  304,  317. 

Marshfield,  British  expedition  to,  46. 

Martindale.  Captain,  260,  261.  Captured,  269. 

Mason,  David,  184, 

Massachusetts,  politics  of,  4.  Acts  altering 
charter  of,  8.  Prosperity  of,  20.  Policy 
of  the  patriots  of,  45.  Firmness  of,  53. 
Votes  of  relative  to  an  army,  98.  Patriotic 
efforts  of,  264,  273.  Massachusettensis 
cited,  31,  33. 

Massachusetts  Charitable  Mechanic  Associa- 
tion, proposition  to,  347.  Vote  of,  348. 
Money  collected  by,  349. 

Mason.  Jonathan,  notice  of,  23. 

Maxwell,  Capt.,  wounded  in  B.  H.  battle,  175. 

McClary.  Andrew,  186.  His  character,  187. 

McFingal,  poem  of  cited,  33.  48,  56. 

McClintock,  Samuel,  in  B.  H.  battle,  1S6,  187. 

Mecklenburg  Declaration  of  Independence,  84. 

Mechanics,  Boston,  service  and  patriotism 
of,  25. 

Merriam,  Cfesar,  opposition  of  to  Gage,  240. 

Middlesex  County,  its  convention,  12.  The 
people  of,  13. 

Minute-men,  discipline  of,  42.  Gathering  of, 
67,  71.  Service  of,  83. 

Miller,  William  T.,  letters  of  cited,  213,  229. 

Mifflin,  Thomas,  216.  267,  300. 

Monroe,  Robert,  killed  at  Lexington,  64. 

Molineaux,  William,  character  and  death  of,  23. 

Moore.  Willard,  death  and  character  of,  145,178. 

Morton,  Perez,  eulogy  of  on  Warren,  337. 

Moulton,  Martha.  67.  Petition  of.  369. 

Mowatt,  Capt.,  fleet  under,  sails  from  Boston 
253. 

Moylan,  Colonel,  letters  of  cited,  262,  270,  271, 
295. 

Mumford.  Adjutant,  killed,  234. 

Murray,  James,  notice  of  the  history  of,  375. 

Muzzy,  Isaac,  killed  at  Lexington,  64. 

Nancy,  store-ship,  capture  of,  269.  Articles 
in,  270. 

Newell,  Timothy,  23,  304,  317,  328. 

Newell.  Thomas,  extracts  from  diary  of,  363. 

New  England,  politics  of,  1.  Efforts  of,  264. 
Jealousy  of,  266. 

New  Hampshire,  raises  an  army,  99.  Patriot- 
ism of,  273. 

Newspapers,  Boston,  character  and  service  of, 
31. 

Nixon.  John,  good  conduct  of,  182,  183. 

Nook’s  Hill,  importance  of,  305.  Occupied, 309. 

North,  Lord,  cited  on  B.  H.  battle,  191.  On 
evacuation  of  Boston,  321. 

North  Bridge,  notice  of,  65.  Retreat  over,  67. 
Skirmish  at,  69. 


INDEX. 


421 


North  Church,  demolition  of,  282.  32S. 
Noddle’s  Island,  engagement  at,  109. 

O’Brien,  Jeremiah,  captures  the  Margaretta, 
III. 

Old  South  Church.  27,  33.  Desecration  of,  328. 
Oliver,  Peter.  253. 

Orne,  Azor,  55.  57,  61,  99,  225. 

Osgood,  David.  136. 

Osgood,  Samuel,  aid  to  General  Ward.  216. 
Otis,  James,  character  of,  21.AtB.  Hill,  174. 
Otis,  Colonel,  at  committee  of  conference,  256. 

Page,  Lieut.,  notice  of,  196.  Plan  of,  375. 
Palmer.  Joseph,  99,  117,  225. 

Parris,  Alexander,  345, 

Parker.  Jonas,  heroic  death  of,  63. 

Parker,  John,  59,  61,  62,  73. 

Parker,  Moses,  death  and  character  of,  176. 
Parsons,  Samuel  Holden,  100,  209. 

Patterson.  Colonel,  132,  263. 

Payson.  Dr.,  at  Lexington  battle.  75. 

Peabody,  Stephen,  137.  Int  repidity  of,  1S8. 
Penny  Ferry,  house  burnt  at,  232. 

Percy,  Lord.  7.  Anecdote  of,  53.  Reinforces 
Colonel  Smith,  75.  His  retreat,  76.  Re- 
mark of  on  minute-men.  84.  Notice  of, 
89  299  334. 

Perkins.  Capt.,  in  B.  H.  battle,  136,  177. 
Perkins;  T.  H.,  340,  341,  3-13,  347. 

Phillips,  Wiiliam,  notice  of,  22. 

Phinney,  Elias,  history  of  cited,  59,  366. 
Pickering.  Timothy,  at  Lexington  battle,  73. 
Pitcairn,  Major,  detached  to  Concord,  61. 
Relation  by,  62.  Death  and  character  of, 
195. 

Pigeon,  John,  ordered  to  establish  a watch,  51. 
Pigot,  General,  139,  140,  149,  199. 

Pitts,  John,  notice  of,  22.  Cited  on  B.  H.  bat- 
tle, 160.  162.  317.  Letter  of.  374. 
Ploughed  Hill,  fortification  of,  233.  Bombard- 
ment of,  242.  Works  on,  410. 

Pollard,  Asa,  killed  at  Breed’s  Hill,  126. 
Pomeroy,  Seth,  103,  133,  136,  152.  Service  of 
in  B.  H.  batt  le,  173,  214. 

Poor,  Thomas,  175. 

Poor,  Enoch,  99.  Arrives  at  Medford,  209, 211. 
Porter,  Asahel,  killed  at  Lexington,  64. 

Powell,  William,  notice  of,  23. 

Prescott,  William,  commander  of  a guard.  92. 
Notice  of,  103.  Orders  to,  122.  Anecdote 
of.  123.  Anxiety  of,  125.  Anecdotes  of, 
126.  Remarks  of,  127.  At  Bunker  Hill. 
140,  141,  142,  147,  149.  His  retreat,  150. 
At  Cambridge,  153.  His  command,  166. 
His  character,  167.  Notice  of,  158,  159, 
223.  His  account  of  B.  H.  battle,  395. 
Prescott,  William,  (Judge,)  his  account  of  B. 
H.  battle,  121.  Cited,  123,  125,  142,  145, 
150,  153.  On  the  question  of  command. 
162,  349,  353,  380. 

Prescott,  Samuel,  alarm  in  Concord  by,  60. 
Prescott,  Lieut.,  killed  in  B.  H.  battle,  175. 
Prescott,  Catharine  L.,  350. 

Prescott,  James,  91. 

Prince,  Dr.,  anecdote  of,  79. 

Prospect  Hill,  115.  Fortifications  of,  210,  217, 
221.  Barracks  on,  291.  Bombarded,  297. 
Works  on,  411. 

Provincial  Congress,  convened,  41.  Firmness 
of,  54.  Resblve  of,  95.  Assembles  at  Con- 
cord, 93.  Letter  of,  106.  Vote  of  against 
Gage,  107.  Address  of  to  Washington,  214. 
Putnam,  Israel,  36.  Arrives  in  camp,  92. 
Notice  of,  103,  107.  At  Noddle’s  Island, 
109.  At  exchange  of  prisoners,  112.  Views 
of,  116.  On  Breed’s  Hill,  123,  12S,  129, 
130,  132.  At  B.  H.  battle,  133,  134,  136, 
138,  140,  142,  143,  146,  152.  Evidence 


relative  to,  163.  Letter  of.  165.  Move- 
ments of  in  B.  H.  battle.  169.  Fortifies 
Prospect  Hill,  210.  214.  Standard  sent  to, 
226.  t ortities  Cobble  Hill,  268  Christens 
the  “Congress,”  270.  Fortifies  Lech- 
mere’s  Point.  271,  237.  His  command,  300. 
Takes  possession  of  Boston,  310. 

Putnam,  Daniel,  cited.  143,210.  Letter  of,  379. 
Putnam,  Rufus,  212,298. 

Putnam,  Jesse,  341. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  Jr.,  notice  of,  22,  35. 

Reed,  James,  notices  of,  99.  134.  136,  1S7. 
Reed.  Joseph,  cited,  169,  216.  228.  231. 239,  256. 
Revere,  Paul,  notice  of,  23.  On  clubs,  29. 
Alarms  the  country.  53,  60.  Narrative  of. 
366. 

Rhode  Island  raises  an  army,  100. 

Rivinglon’s  New  York  Gazette,  extract  from, 
47.  Account  of  B.  H.  battle  in,  397. 
Ripley,  Ezra,  history  of.  366. 

Robertson,  General,  application  to,  95,  303. 
Robinson,  Lemuel,  93,  110. 

Robinson,  John,  68,  138.  175. 

Rockingham,  Marquis  of.  speech  of.  323. 
Rogers,  Jacob,  extract  from  the  petition  of,  371. 
Rowe,  John,  notice  of,  23. 

Roxbury,  cannonade  of,  13S.  Fortification  of, 
211.  Description  of,  254.  Works  at,  413. 
Royal  Fencible  Americans,  239. 

Ruggles,  Timothy,  46,  95,  97,  127,  279. 

Russell.  James,  Gage’s  letter  to,  79,  338. 
Russell,  N.  P.,  services  as  treasurer,  341,  353. 
Russell,  Jason,  killed  at  West  Cambridge,  76. 

Salem,  meeting  at  forbidden,  12.  British 
troops  at,  47. 

Savage.  James  S.,  351,  353,  354. 

Sawbridge,  Mr.,  on  B.  H.  battle,  191, 

Schuyler,  Philip,  214,  287. 

Scollay,  John,  notice  of,  23,  304,  317. 
Scammans,  James,  146,  160, 1S3,  375. 
Selectmen,  Boston,  27.  Names  of,  28.  Mes- 
sage of,  303.  Address  of,  316. 

Selman,  Captain,  sails  in  the  F ranklin,  260, 272. 
Sargent,  Paul  Dudley,  92,  11S,  168,  220. 

Sever,  William,  256. 

Sharpe.  Gibbens,  notice  of,  23. 

Shattuck,  Lemuel,  history  of  cited,  65,  366. 
Shaw’s  Journal  cited,  289. 

Sherwiri,  Capt.,  killed  in  B.  H.  battle,  196. 
Sliuldham,  Admiral,  292,  299. 

Small,  John,  anecdotes  of,  79,  14S,  172. 

Smith,  Gershom,  in  B.  H.  battle,  189. 

Smith, Wm. , 66.  Offers  to  attack  the  British,  68. 
Smith,  Colonel,  march  of  to  Concord,  60. 
Soley,  John,  address  of,  338.  358. 

Songs,  Revolutionary,  39,  105,  243. 

Sparks,  Jared,  121.  Cited,  240,  293. 

Spencer,  Joseph,  100,  214. 

Spendlove.  Major,  killed  at  B.  H.  battle,  195. 
Spooner,  Waller,  256. 

Stacy,  William,  183. 

Stamp  Office,  destruction  of  celebrated,  233. 
Stark,  John,  ordered  to  Chelsea,  92,  99.  No- 
tice of,  103.  At  Bunker  Hill.  134, 136, 151, 
186,  372. 

Starr,  William,  236. 

Stedman,  history  of  cited,  76,  145,  377. 

Steele,  Robert,  drummer  in  B.  H.  battle,  178. 
Stewart,  Gilbert,  343. 

Stiles,  Ezra,  diary  of  cited,  54,  62,  164,  373. 
Story,  Joseph,  341,  348. 

Stone,  W.  W.,  349. 

Storrs,  Experience,  1S8. 

Sullivan,  John,  214,  228.  Fortifies  Ploughed 
Hill.  234,  253,  257.  Letter  of,  273. 


422 


INDEX. 


Sullivan,  William,  S41. 

Sullivan,  Richard,  341. 

Swett,  Samuel,  121.  Cited,  153,  181,  190,341, 
343.  His  history,  379. 

Tay,  William,  petition  of  on  19th  of  April,  363. 

Thatcher,  Peter,  cited,  159,  162.  Oration  of, 
301.  His  account  of  B.  H.  battle,  373, 385. 

Thatcher,  James,  cited,  160,  162,  222,  330. 

Thompson,  Benj.,  Count  Rumford,  185,  324. 

Thompson,  Colonel,  at  Lechmere’s  Point,  267. 

Thompson,  David,  killed  in  Lexington  battle, 
74. 

Thompson,  William,  in  Lexington  battle,  72. 

Thomas,  John,  42.  Notice  of, 92, 93.  Manoeuvre 
of,  107,  214.  Occupies  Dorchester  Heights, 
297. 

Thomas,  Isaiah,  32.  Pamphlet  of,  365. 

Thornton,  J.  Wingate,  329. 

Thorndike,  John  P.,  349,  351. 

Ticknor,  George,  340,  343. 

Tories,  32.  Views  of,  33,  53.  Volunteer  ser- 
vice of,  203.  Surprise  of,  301.  Number 
of,  31 T.  Conduct  of,  95,  96.  Seizure  of 
recommended,  253. 

Town  Meetings,  Boston,  26.  Gage  on,  26. 

Townsend,  David,  service  of  in  B.  H.  battle, 194. 

Trevett,  S.  R.,  at  B.  H.  battle,  118, 152, 184, 1S6. 

Trumbull,  Col.,  cited,  172.  Engraving  of,  377. 

Trumbull,  Governor,  245,  253,  375. 

Touro,  Judah,  donation  of,  349,  353. 

Tudor,  William,  cited,  161,  162.  His  state- 
ment, 37S.  Letter  of,  396. 

Tudor,  William,  cited,  19.  Notice  of,  340,  341. 

Tupper,  Major,  224.  Expeditions  of,  230,  242. 

Urquhart,  James,  town  major,  237. 

Vose,  Major,  expedition  of  to  Nantasket,  226. 

Voyage  to  Boston,  poem  of  cited,  233. 

Wade,  Captain,  in  B.  H.  battle,  136,  177. 

Wainwood,  Mr.,  253. 

Walker,  Benjamin,  in  B.  H.  battle,  133,  177. 

Wales,  Nathl.,  on  conference  committee,  256. 

Wales,  Abby  L.,  350. 

Ward,  Ariemas,  41.  Takes  command  of  the 
army,  91,  93.  Notice  of,  103,  116,  117. 
Views  of.  123.  Order.*  of,  146.  Regiment 
of,  131.  Thanks  of,  190.  Reinforced,  209, 
214.310.  Letter  of,  396. 

Ward,  Henry,  253. 

Ward,  Jonathan,  in  B.  H.  battle,  151,  1S1. 

Warner.  Captain,  in  B.  H.  battle,  136,  177. 

Warren,  James,  236. 

Warren,  Susan  P.,  350. 

Warren.  John,  cited.  62.  On  Boston,  327.  On 
fortifications,  329.  On  Charlestown.  330. 

Warren.  John  C.,  62,  340,  341,  345,  346. 

Warren,  Joseph.  17.  Notice  of,  21.  On  com- 
mencing hostilities,  40.  On  Provincial 
Congress,  42,  50.  Letters  of.  51,  53,  55. 
At  Lexington  battle,  76,  77.  Eulogy  on, 
77.  Service  of,  92.  Letter  of,  105.  At 
Noddle's  Island.  109,  133,  136.  Killed.  151. 
Command  attributed  to,  163.  Service  of, 


170.  Monument  to,  337,  340.  Eulogium 
on  cited,  77,  144,  172. 

Washington,  George,  on  British  retreat,  73. 
On  B.  H.  battle,  158.  Commander-in- 
chief,  214.  Reply  of,  215.  His  descrip- 
tion of  the  lines,  216.  Calls  council 
of  war,  218.  Appearance  of,  222.  Ef- 
forts of,  223.  Anxiety  of,  231.  Remon- 
strance of.  240.  Note  of.  242.  Applica- 
tions to  for  detachments,  245.  Views  of 
1775,  255.  Orders  Dr.  Church  arrested. 
258.  Trials  of,  266.  Position  of,  269. 
Views  of  the  British  designs.  270.  Of  the 
Connecticut  troops,  273.  Of  the  state  of 
the  army,  274, 235.  Authorized  to  assault 
Boston,  285.  Recommends  an  assault, 
2S6.  Views  of  an  assault,  290.  Of  his 
situation,  292.  Resolve  of  to  occupy  Dor- 
chester Heights,  296.  Visit  of  to  them. 
299.  Negotiation  with  Howe,  304.  Occu- 
pies Nook’s  Hill,  309.  Leaves  for  New 
York,  312.  Address  to,  316.  Reply  of, 
317.  Thanks  of  Congress  to,  31S.  Medal 
in  honor  oi  319.  Conduct  of  approved, 
326. 

Washburn,  Captain,  in  B.  H.  battle,  151,  181. 

Waters,  Josiah,  212. 

Watson,  Abraham,  55,  99,  225. 

Webb,  Samuel,  letter  of  on  B.  H.  battle  cited, 
189. 132,  415. 

Webster,  Daniel,  cited,  157.  His  character  of 
B.  H.  battle,  204,  340.  Address  of,  345. 
Cited,  352,  353,  358.  Article  of,  379,  330, 
331. 

Welles,  Benjamin,  341. 

Wells,  Charles,  349,  351. 

Welsh,  Thomas,  notices  of,  76,  78,  194. 

Wendell,  Oliver,  notice  of,  22,  317. 

West,  Samuel,  deciphers  Church’s  letter.  258. 

West  Cambridge,  skirmishes  at,  76,  77.  Mon-‘ 
ument  in,  83. 

Whipple,  Abraham,  commands  a cruiser,  260. 

Whipple,  Christopher,  ditto,  260. 

Whitcomb,  Asa,  91,  1S3. 

While,  Benjamin,  99,  117,  225. 

Whitney,  Jonathan,  92,  349. 

Whitney,  Josiah,  cited,  163.  Sermon  of,  376. 

Whittemore,  Samuel,  in  Lexington  battle,  77. 

Wilkes,  John,  extracts  from  the  speech  of,  326. 

Wilkinson,  General,  cijted  on  B.  H.  battle,  157. 
On  the  American  works,  332,  378. 

Willard,  Solomon,  patriotic  services  of  in 
building  B.  H.  Monument,  353,  346,  349 
354. 

Williams,  William,  letter  of  on  B.  H.  battle. 
373. 

Williams,  Obadiah,  186. 

Wilson,  Jonathan,  killed  in  Lexington  battle. 
74. 

Winter  Hill,  fortified,  211,  217,  228,  411. 

Woburn,  militia  of  in  Lexington  battle,  73. 

Woodbridge,  Benjamin  R.,  133,  267. 

Wood,  Major,  141,  175.  Good  conduct  of,  395. 

Worcester,  David.  214. 

Wyman,  Isaac,  186. 

Wyman,  Nathaniel,  killed  at  Lexington,  74. 


Date  Due 

